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Galing Pook Foundation manages the annual Galing Pook awards, a pioneering program that recognizes innovation and excellence in local governance. Started in October 21, 1993 with the joint initiative of the Department of the Interior and Local Government - Local Government Academy and the Ford Foundation, it was officiated by the Asian Institute of

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Local Incentive Mechanisms: BUILDING ON COMMUNITY VALUES AND TRADITIONSCopyright © Galing Pook Foundation, SNV and UNDP 2010

ISBN 978-971-0567-11-9

Author: Prof. Leonor Magtolis BrionesUP National College of Public Administration and GovernanceCo-Convenor, Social Watch Philippines

Research team: Nicole de Castro, Emelyn Redillas Nacao and Ligaya Castor Publication review team: Dr. Eddie G. Dorotan, Lorenzo G. Ubalde and Adrian H. AdoveArt direction: Lorenzo G. UbaldePrinting: Proprint Design Corner

This paper was prepared in June 2009 for the Local Capacity Incentive Mechanisms for Good Governance Project of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Netherlands Development Organization (SNV) and Galing Pook Foundation. The views expressed here do not necessarily represent the views of UNDP, SNV and the Galing Pook Foundation or any of their affiliate organizations.

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LOCAL INCENTIVE MECHANISMS

AND TRADITIONSBy Prof. Leonor Magtolis Briones

BUILDING ON COMMUNITY VALUES

I. INTRODUCTION .....................................................................................................1

II. METHODOLOGY .....................................................................................................2

III. TWO LGUs: SO DIFFERENT YET SO ALIKE ......................................................5

IV. MAKING COMMUNITY VALUES AND TRADITIONS WORK IN NEGROS ORIENTAL ........................................8

V. “I EARN MORE THAN A MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEE DOES” ...........................12

VI. WHICH INCENTIVES WORK BEST IN NEGROS ORIENTAL? ......................15

VII. THE FAMILY AS FOCUS OF LOCAL CAPACITY INCENTIVE MECHANISMS FOR ACHIEVING THE MDGs IN PASAY CITY ..................21

VIII. CONCLUSIONS ......................................................................................................28

IX. RECOMMENDATIONS AND FINAL REMARKS .............................................30

BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................................................................................................34

LIST OF INTERVIEWEES ..............................................................................................35

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I. INTRODUCTION

This is a report on a research study conducted to support the project of Galing Pook Foundation on Local Capacity Incentive Mechanisms (LoCIM) for Good Governance. The project “aims to seek out and recognize innovative approaches to the institutionalization of incentive mechanisms in internal governance systems (at either the individual, organizational or policy/enabling environment levels) that enable local governments to perform their functions and meet objectives efficiently and effectively.”1

Thus, the project “focuses its inquiry on exemplary practices that illustrate how innovative leadership and/or engagement with various stakeholder groups can build appropriate local capacity incentive mechanisms holistically across local government institutions and enhance the overall environment for professionalism and performance in public service delivery.”2

The objectives of the project are:

1. To identify and recognize local governments that demonstrate innovative incentive schemes and mechanisms which foster an enabling environment for local governments to achieve development objectives more efficiently and effectively. This will be accomplished through a Special Citation on LoCIM for Good Governance under the Galing Pook Awards.

2. To generate knowledge, promote cross-fertilization of ideas and learning by organizing a venue for LGU practitioners and other stakeholders to dialogue and share knowledge on innovative capacity development incentive approaches that can improve governance at the local level; and

3. To examine and analyze the LoCIM exemplary practice by unpacking the link between various types and forms of monetary and non-monetary incentives and local level capacity development that promote positive change and good performance.

While the research study implements the three objectives, focus is on the third which involves the examination and analysis of LoCIM exemplary practices.

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II. METHODOLOGY

Two local government units—one province and one city—were chosen for in-depth study. These are the province of Negros Oriental in the Visayas and the city of Pasay in Metro Manila. The two LGUs are very different from each other and yet, alike in many ways. Negros Oriental is considered a poor province in terms of income. It is largely dependent on agriculture. On the other hand, Pasay City is considered the third smallest city in the National Capital Region (NCR) and faces the same problems as other highly urbanized cities. It is characterized by high population density and has to struggle with poverty, unemployment and the prevalence of out of school youth.

Negros Oriental is known for its inspired and inspiring leadership and committed program managers. The same is true for Pasay City. The latter has shown that a “slum-infested” city can move towards the attainment of MDG goals with excellent leadership and innovative programs. It is a good model for small cities confronted with urban-related problems.

The two LGUs cannot be considered as among the largest and richest local government units. However they have shown exemplary achievements in local development and have been repeatedly recognized and awarded by different award-giving institutions for exemplary practices, innovative projects and success in achieving MDG goals.

Thus, both Negros Oriental and Pasay City can serve as effective icons for other local government units. The two have shown that an LGU does not have to be very prominent to attain development goals.

The research approach. As required by the Foundation the research study involved three activities:

1. Desk study which essentially involves a review of available literature on the subject of local capacity incentive mechanisms in general and the collection of documents and data on the exemplary accomplishments of the two LGUs.

2. Interviews with key informants, including project staff, local officials, primary beneficiaries and civil society representatives. More than twenty people were interviewed. Much of the

information in this paper were drawn from intensive interviews with individuals who were knowledgeable about the two local government units and their development activities.

3. Field visits to the two LGUs. Three field visits were made to Negros Oriental, each of which entailed two days. Aside from intensive interviews with the Governor and his staff, and the Provincial Agriculturist and his staff, field visits were made to a Barangay Agricultural Development Center (BADC), a school for Gulayan at Palaisdaan Alay sa Kabataan (GPAK) and the provincial development center, the Government Agricultural Development Center (GADCENT). A visit was also made to the “Tabo sa PAO.”

Three field visits were also made to Pasay City. The first was made to interview project staff and LGU officials, the second, to visit the project sites and the third, to interview the mayor.

As with the interviews, these field visits were crucial to the research. These confirmed the information given by the informants. The visits provided more insight into the factors responsible for the success of the projects, insights that would have been harder to discern from the documents or the interviews only.

The framework of analysis

As stated previously, the units of analysis are two local government units, Negros Oriental and Pasay City and their local capacity incentive mechanisms as they impact on each other and

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contribute to the attainment of development goals, particularly the MDGs.

Incentives: Material and Non-Material. The role of incentives in motivating, enhancing and improving performance in organizations is generally recognized. Literature on organizational behavior—whether public or private organizations—recognize the relationship between incentives and the motivation to attain, if not exceed, organizational goals.

Early experiments in human behavior such as the well-documented Hawthorne Experiments conducted by Elton Mayo from 1927 to 1932 showed that employees respond to material as well as non-material incentives. Material incentives obviously involve awards in monetary form and in kind, such as promotions, salary increases, cash rewards and the like. On the other hand, non-material considerations such as competitive spirit, public recognition and praise, group belongingness and cohesiveness, and even publicity are considered equal, if not even more powerful drivers. 3

In the field of public administration, the importance of both material and non-material incentives is recognized. The fields of sociology, anthropology and psychology have contributed largely to understanding organizational culture and behavior and their impact on incentives and motivation. It is generally recognized that in Philippine public administration, culture and traditional values continue to influence public performance even with the advent of technological advances and modern theories of administration. 4

The above is true not only in national government but in local government as well. When the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and Galing Pook Foundation launched its Special Citation on Local Capacity Innovations for the MDGs, ten (10) LGUs were identified and given special approbation. They were recognized for their efforts to localize the MDGs. Recipients of the

citation showed the link between strong LGU performance and capacity development.

One output of the event was the case study, “Local Capacity Innovations in the Philippines: Non-monetary Incentives as Drivers of Performance” by Niloy Banerjee and Ashley Palmer. 5

The following research study explicitly recognizes incentives. It likewise examines two forms of incentives: monetary and non-monetary. For purposes of this paper, the author uses the terms material and non-material awards. The former includes not only financial but also rewards in kind such as small infrastructure, equipment, animals and tools. Non-material rewards are largely intangibles which cannot be measured in financial terms.

Levels of Incentives in LGU projects

In the research study, five levels of incentives were examined: international level, national government level, LGU level, level of project participants or beneficiaries, and incentives at the level of the community.

1. Incentives at the international level – International incentives are perceived to be largely material, e.g. technical assistance, financial grants, etc. International recognition is also considered an incentive even if material gain is not involved.

2. Incentives at the national government level – These incentives are awarded to LGUs by the national government—be it from the Office of the President or from national government departments such as the Department of the Interior and Local Government or the various service departments, e.g. Department of Education, or Department of Health.

3. Incentives at the LGU level – These are incentives which motivate LGU officials and employees, and project officers and staff. Project staff deal

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directly with the communities—the barangays and the villagers. A government community organizer claims that it takes at least six months to mobilize and prepare a community for a development project. Obviously, the incentive to succeed has to go beyond financial and material considerations.

4. Incentives at the level of the project participants or beneficiaries. These are material and non-material incentives which encourage community members to participate in LGU projects. Material incentives would include increased cash income, acquisition of assets, while non-material incentives would include enhanced knowledge and skills in farming and fishing, community pride and esprit d’corps, public recognition and the like.

5. Incentives at the level of the community include those for the business sector, academic community, and civil society. For private business, supporting community projects expands their market potential and enhances local development.

Participation in community projects enhances an academic institution’s reputation. Such projects also serve as good testing grounds for theories and new technology even as these also enhance possibilities for increased enrolment. However, in the case of academic institutions such as Silliman University in Negros Oriental and faith-based organizations in Pasay City, non-material incentives are powerful drivers. These are genuine commitment to community service and a strong culture of cooperation and mutual help.

Civil society organizations recognize the advantage of entering into partnerships with government institutions including LGUs, aware that their advocacies and favorite issues stand a better chance of success if implemented in partnership with government.

The environment: community values and traditions. Projects are implemented by local governments in an environment which can either be hostile or supportive. The environment would include political, social and economic institutions. The research study considers community values and traditions are crucial in creating a supportive environment which can help assure the success of a development project.

CHART 1. LEVELS OF INCENTIVES FOR LOCAL DEVELOPMENT

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III. TWO LGUs: SO DIFFERENT YET SO ALIKE

At first glanceThe first-time visitor who goes to Negros Oriental and Pasay City will immediately be struck

with their stark physical differences.

From the provincial road, one sees the classically beautiful provincial capitol which was built during the Commonwealth period and lovingly maintained by the succession of governors who administered the province. To reach it, one has to cross a vast green lawn flanked by ancient acacia trees. The immediate impression is of serenity. It is only when one enters the building that one realizes that it is full of people doing business with the government.

The provincial capitol is not only a place for dealing with the provincial government. It is also a large park where people promenade and congregate for special events.

On the other hand, the Pasay City Hall is a modern building bustling with people on the go. There is little pause in the traffic as vehicles and commuters fill the busy streets surrounding the City Hall. All available space is filled. The visitor is assaulted by a cacophony of sounds coming from vehicles, vendors, policemen blowing their whistles, and people following up papers or transacting business with the city government.

The two building structures give a picture of how different the two LGUs are from each other. Negros Oriental is largely dependent

on agriculture and is characterized by low levels of income, while Pasay City is a highly-urbanized, densely-populated city coping with overcrowded tenements, pollution, high levels of unemployment and challenges in education and health. Pasay City Hall bustles with activity.

ProfilesIn terms of income, Negros Oriental is

considered a first-class province with its 19 municipalities, 6 cities and 557 barangays. With over 1.2 million residents, the province has the second largest population in Region VII. It also ranked in 2006 as the province with the 9th biggest number of poor families, numbering 110,724.

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The province has an area of 540,230 hectares, over half (56%) of which is open cultivated and agricultural. Its main exports are sugar and copra. Rice, corn and vegetables are grown largely for consumption.

On the other hand, Pasay City has a land area of 19 square kilometers, of which 9½ hectares, or about half, is occupied by three international airports and a domestic airport. The city’s population of 403,064 is cramped in 5-½-square-kilometers of residential space, reflecting an astonishing population density of 22,843 persons per square kilometer.

SimilaritiesNegros Oriental and Pasay City both have

high levels of poverty—rural poverty for Negros Oriental, and urban poverty for Pasay City.

For Pasay City, 92 out of 201 barangays are classified as depressed. The city’s poverty is directly related to a very high unemployment rate of 19.8%. There is also high prevalence of out-of-school youth: 22.1% of children 6-12 years are not attending elementary school, while 29.7% of those aged 13-16 years are not attending high school.

While Pasay is highly urbanized and most of Negros Oriental can only be described as bucolic, both share common features. Both LGUs have received numerous awards for their exemplary efforts in developing their respective communities and have evolved innovative methods of reducing poverty and attaining MDG targets.

Negros Oriental has won the following awards from Galing Pook Foundation:

- Outstanding Award (2009) for Bayawan City’s Ecosan Project

- Special Citation on Local Capacity Incentive Mechanism (LoCIM) for Good Governance for 2008

- Outstanding Local Governance Program (2007) for Bindoy Social

Health Insurance Indigency Program- Special Citation on Local Capacity

Innovations for the Millennium Development Goals (2006)

- Award for Continuing Excellence (2005)

- Outstanding Program (2004) for Barangay Agricultural Development Center

- Outstanding Program (2003) for Inter-LGU-NGO Partnership in Healthcare Delivery

Other award-giving bodies have recognized outstanding accomplishments in Negros Oriental. Among others, former Governor (now Congressman) Arnaiz received an award as Outstanding Governor, Local Government Leadership Awards for 2006.

Pasay City has received awards from the Galing Pook Foundation as well:

- Special Citation on Local Capacity Innovations for the MDGs for the use of the Community-Based Monitoring System (CBMS), 2006

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- Outstanding Program (2002) for Bayanihan Banking Program (BBP)

In 2003, Pasay City received the Urban Governance Initiative Award from the United Nations Development Programme, and the People Power Award by the Ninoy Aquino Foundation. Pasay City was also recognized in the 2008 National Conference and Literacy Awards. All of the city’s 13 health centers are today accredited as Sentrong Sigla by the Department of Health.

Pasay City is frequently cited in national and international conferences for its successful utilization of the Community-Based Monitoring

System in its poverty reduction programs.

Negros Oriental and Pasay City are known for inspiring leadership. Their executives are considered among the leading LGU officials in the country.

Furthermore, programs and projects reflect shared community values and traditions. These were utilized by both LGUs to motivate and inspire participation and support for these programs and projects.

It is not surprising that in both LGUs, non-material incentives are considered as the driving force in attaining development objectives.

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IV. MAKING COMMUNITY VALUES AND TRADITIONS

WORK IN NEGROS ORIENTAL

Negros Oriental received in 2009 a Special Citation on Local Capacity Incentive Mechanisms for Good Governance for its project: Improving Market Access for Farmers’ Produce: Tabo sa PAO.

Now, there is nothing unusual about a market. After all, one can find them anywhere and everywhere. However the Tabo sa PAO is different and innovative.

First, it is a market (tabo) exclusively for small farmers and vegetable growers who are increasingly being edged out by big agribusiness enterprises and the middlemen. At first the market sold only grains and nuts, vegetables and fruits, later expanding to include fresh fish and other fish products.

Second, sellers in the market are members of two kinds of community organizations: the Barangay (village) Agricultural Development Centers (BADC) and the Gulayan Palaisdaan Alay sa Kabataan (GPAK). The BADCs were organized by the provincial government with farmers growing rice and corn, vegetables and fruits as members. Fishpond-owners and small fishermen are also BADC members. GPAKs, on the other hand, are school-based. Schools are encouraged to plant fruits and vegetables and maintain fish ponds in order to provide nutritious meals for their pupils.

At the provincial level, Governor Emilio Macias organized an integrated model farm called the Government Agricultural Development Center (GADCENT) in Dangula, Siaton. The center has ponds for tilapia and shrimps, plots, a piggery, and grazing grounds for cattle. Farm activities are interconnected and integrated. Farm plots provide vegetable produce as well as materials for organic fertilizer. GADCENT is undertaking experiments on organic feed for tilapia. New technologies are passed on to the BADCs and GPAKs.

Third, the produce sold in this market are all organically-grown to highlight the province’s commitment to organic agriculture.

Fourth, participants in the tabo did not merely pop out of nowhere. They went through capacity-building programs initiated by the Provincial Agriculturist’s Office.

Fifth, the project is not a stand-alone initiative of the province. It is linked to earlier projects started by the governor during his earlier term, pursued by his successor, Governor

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George Arnaiz, and resumed when Governor Macias won for another term.

Sixth, the project is infused with community values and traditions which ensure its success as well as sustainability.

Tradition of community cooperationNegros Oriental is among the many

provinces in the country which have retained traditional values of cooperation and self-help. In Tagalog, the term used is bayanihan; in the Visayan areas the practice is called alayon, a frequently-used word which means “please help.”

When a community member has to fulfill chores that need the help of others, he or she seeks assistance from other community members, which usually provide free labor.

What is expected from the beneficiary? The beneficiary is expected to provide food for the community volunteers, and more important, it is understood that when another community member also needs help, those who have been helped earlier will also render their services for free.

Reciprocity is an important feature of bayanihan or alayon. Without it, the practice becomes charity and encourages dependency. It is one of the elements which binds community members together through difficult, as well as good times.

Community cooperation is practiced frequently by religious groups, civic associations, and of course village associations and even neighborhood groups. This tradition is not unique to the Philippines. It is common throughout the world. Most Asian countries have their own version of bayanihan or alayon.

Kurambos is a related concept which is also part of the culture in Negros Oriental. In this case, each participant or group of participants shares in the cost of a project. For example, if a building needs to be constructed, one group

can donate the lot and another the building materials or some money, and still another group would offer free labor or food. Thus, a project that cannot be completed by a single group can be achieved if several groups share costs and other requirements.

Earlier community projectsGov. Macias believes that his success in

organizing communities during his first term as governor served as the foundation for subsequent successes by his successor as well as his own accomplishments during his new term as governor.6

Although Macias and Arnaiz belong to different political parties, they supported each other’s programs. Thus, provincial projects had the benefit of continuity and uninterrupted development, with new projects being based on the approaches and strategies of earlier ones.

Community Primary Hospital. The province of Negros Oriental first gained prominence when it developed the concept of the community primary hospital. This was pioneered in 1988 by Gov. Macias, who is a physician by profession. The project grew during his three terms as governor, a period when the Galing Pook and similar awards were not yet in existence. Gov. Macias says he conceptualized the project as a response to repeated demands by citizens for a primary hospital.

This project had all the elements needed for success: it was in response to a felt need; it was a partnership among provincial, municipal, and barangay governments, the private sector and the community. Enough time was allowed as preparatory period and the entire barangay was mobilized. A formal organizational structure was set up. Each group gave contributions for the hospital.

The Barangay Council of Barrio Kolambugan in Bayawan City made the

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request for the hospital and offered a lot for the site. Gov. Macias invited the Extension Service Program of Silliman University as partner. The doctors were given only transportation and food allowances; accommodation was provided by the community.

Hospital operations were based on the concept of kurambos, or sharing of burdens. Patients’ families brought food and raised vegetables to feed the patients. Herbal gardens were cultivated. The provincial government paid the doctors’ allowances while the municipal government paid the midwife’s. Barangay health workers’ allowances came from the barangay budget.

Instead of financial equity, barangay residents contributed their labor, or “sweat equity.”

When asked how he convinced doctors to come and serve in the barrios, Gov. Macias said he invited young doctors who were between jobs. He said he did not need specialists, only doctors who could provide basic medical care.

Eventually, the primary care hospitals were replicated in other parts of the province. As earlier stated, there were no Galing Pook Awards at the time the concept was implemented in

1988. The project later won for the province its first Galing Pook award. Other projects and more awards followed.

Community High Schools. The same cultural practices and value systems were used in constructing the community high schools in Negros Oriental. Gov. Macias did not wait for the national government to provide funding for the construction of school buildings. Using the same practices of alayon, kurambos and “sweat equity,” members of communities who wanted schools contributed materials and helped build the classrooms. Financial costs were shared by the municipalities and the provinces.

The project responded to the demand for schools in the mountain communities of Negros Oriental.

Community-Based Resource Management. Another successful project based on similar principles is community-based resource management, a concept initiated by Dr. Angel Alcala, Professor Emeritus for Biology of Silliman University and a Ramon Magsaysay Awardee.

The project involved the construction of artificial reefs with bamboo and used tires as building materials. Each project partner gave a contribution to the project. Dr. Alcala

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contributed the concept and design while the biggest bus company in the province donated used tires. On the other hand, the province organized the fisherfolk and started livelihood projects. The ENRD or Environment and Natural Resources Division was a major partner.

Like the Community Based Hospital, the project involved the active participation of Silliman University and its leading scientists. This project was also interesting in that a national government agency, the DENR, was among the partners.

The project resulted in increased catch and income-generating activities for the fisherfolk.

Inter-LGU-NGO Partnership in Health Care Delivery. This project sought to resolve the problem of financing health care. Health resources are grossly inadequate but the demand for them is high. Thus district hospitals were organized into local health zones covering several towns. Partnerships were developed by municipal, city and provincial governments with NGOs.

Barangay Agricultural Development Center (BADC). Gov. Arnaiz started this project after he succeeded Gov. Macias. The project was likewise a response to a felt need in the province’s farming communities: they had no place of their own and had to borrow other facilities for their activities.

In addition to other strategies adopted in other projects, the BADC had a special additional objective. The project was directed towards those farmers who had joined underground peasant movements, a response to their need for land, livelihood and better incomes. Thus, the slogan “from arms to farms“ became popular.

Farmers who joined the BADC cooperatives underwent intensive capacity building. They

had leadership training and skills training on improved farming methods, and were given seeds and fertilizers. Food production increased tremendously.

There were seven BADCs initially, later increasing to 107. The province, municipality, and barangay governments and civic organizations contributed to the building of the structures.

Because of their successes, the BADCs eventually earned budget support from the provincial government. The project merited a Galing Pook Award.

Gulayan at Palaisdaan Alay sa Kabataan (GPAK). The success of the BADCs inspired then Gov. Arnaiz to take the concept to the schools, this time with the added goal of raising vegetables to be used for the school children’s feeding program. School children were taught to plant crops and produce organic fertilizer, as well as raise fish in fishponds, in order to ensure balanced meals.

As a result of the feeding programs, the children’s performance in aptitude tests showed marked improvement, their weight also improved, and the school earned additional revenue.

From farms to markets; from farmers to entrepreneurs. The original intent of the BADC and GPAK projects was to empower communities and schools and increase production of food crops and fish for the members’ families. As the BADCs and GPAKs started to produce more than they needed, the concept of the marketplace or tabo emerged.

Thus, farmers and schools moved from the farm to the marketplace. From farmers, they became entrepreneurs and sellers as well.

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V. “I EARN MORE THAN A MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEE DOES”

During field visits to the BADC, GPAK and GADCENT, the researchers had the opportunity to discuss with the members their experiences regarding the different community projects in the province.

The tabo and the farmerFreddie Uy and his wife have been in the BADC for two years. They bring their surplus produce

to the tabo. Like many landless rural poor who move from place to place seeking land to till, Freddie went to seek his fortune in Mindanao but eventually returned to Negros Oriental, empty-handed.

At first, he grew vegetables and other crops for his family’s consumption. As BADC member he learned new farming techniques and was soon producing surplus, which he sold to the tabo. When asked why he did not sell his produce in the regular markets, he answered that wholesalers pay very low prices and do not pay on time.

“In the paunay or tabo, we farmers do the selling. We command our prices and don’t have to go through a middleman,” says Freddie. BADC members have learned how to be good entrepreneurs and vendors. Freddie and his wife sell in the tabo twice a week. They barter part of their produce for fish, also sold in the tabo by breeders of tilapia in their cooperatives or in the coastal municipalities. The latter also belong to cooperatives.

Freddie says he now earns PhP24,000 a month from farming, more than the salary of a division chief in the municipal hall. When queried if he is willing to stop being a farmer and work in the municipal or provincial government, Freddie laughed and said he is better off as a farmer.

Freddie now employs three farm assistants and rents more than two hectares of land. He started with only half a hectare. Indeed, if one could be one’s own boss, who would want to be a minor functionary in the government?

Teresita Morgia is another BADC member from another barangay. She says it is difficult to deal with vendors in the regular market. “Everything in the tabo is in cash; there are no middlemen. Cash is important to us,” she smiles knowingly.

Prosperity for farmers participating in tabo7

The Office of the Provincial Agriculturist conducted a survey among 157 farmers participating in the tabo using a before-and-after approach. Respondents were asked about their economic status before and after joining the tabo.

Repair and improvement of dilapidated houses for 73.2% of respondents. Acquisition of transport vehicles, e.g. tricycles, motorbikes, bicycles, multicabs and second-hand jeepneys, through cash or installment basis for 28% of respondents. These are just two of the visible indicators of prosperity among BADC members and participants in the tabo.

The Provincial Agriculturist’s Office has been carefully monitoring outcomes of the projects it has initiated. Aside from home improvements and transport vehicles, 70.7% of respondents reported that they have acquired home appliances such as refrigerators, washing machines, TV sets, rice cookers, video players,

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radios, wall clocks and blenders. As expected, many of the respondents now have cell phones.

Prosperity is not only evidenced by appliances. Sixty-six percent of respondents have also purchased livestock including cows, carabaos, goats, and pigs, and poultry including chickens and ducks.

Most important of all, tabo members have been able to send their children to school. Studies have consistently shown that high dropout rates are common in farming communities. Yet tabo members reported being able to send their children to high school or college, some even completing a college education.

Sustaining the taboTo ensure sustainability of the tabo, the

PAO undertook four initiatives. First, farmer-producers were provided continuous technical assistance. Second, members were encouraged to conduct buy-and-sell activities in their homes during non-tabo days. Third, to ensure availability of fresh fish, tilapia ponds were regularly maintained.

Fourth, “Tabo sa PAO” was given a legal mandate through Ordinance No. 25 Series of 2008, approved on December 4, 2008, as “….Built-in for Food Security and Food Production through organic mechanism, farmer, livelihood and employment enterprise for the farmers/fisherfolk association and agri-entrepreneurs in the province and providing mechanisms therefore…”

What the BADC does for its members

Angelina Macatunay who is secretary of the BADC in Barangay Caticugan in Siaton, Negros Oriental describes the varied activities in her development center. There are 48 families in the center. She says that members

have learned many new things. “We use organic fertilizer to plant rice and corn. We learned how to breed tilapia and produce our own fertilizer. We participated in the cattle dispersal program. We are helped by technicians from the government.”

“As a result,” continues Angelina, “we are enjoying very good harvest from our rice and corn fields. We also expect to harvest more tilapia from our fish ponds.”

“Compared to our situation before BADC, we are earning more, we know more, and we have more than enough food,” Angelina reports.

Competitive spirit in GPAK schoolsWhen the research team visited the

Ambrosio M. Ramirez Elementary School in Alangilan, Sta. Catalina, Negros Oriental, they saw a school with well-painted buildings and beautiful pathways bordered with lush flowers and ornamental plants. Just behind the school buildings were gardens with healthy vegetables surrounded by flowering plants with brilliant orange flowers. The team learned later that these flowers served as natural insecticides since they repelled insects.

Nearby were tilapia ponds tended by the children. Another shed served as repository for materials for organic fertilizer.

The school looked pretty as a postcard with the flower gardens in front, vegetable plots at the back also fenced with flowers, lawns landscaped with ornamental plants and ponds filled with fish. It was every principal’s dream of how a school should look like. To think that this school is real and does exist—peopled by busy pupils, bustling teachers and cheerful supervisors—and is located in a barangay belonging to a poor province.

This school has been a consistent winner in the Annual GPAK contest for outstanding

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schools since 2002. Thus far, the school has built 6 new classrooms with its accumulated prizes totaling P250,000.

The very same concepts of alayon or bayanihan (also called dagyaw) worked with the GPAKs. Parents, community members, and the barangay council worked closely with the pupils, teachers and school officials in setting up the vegetable gardens, developing the fish ponds, and producing organic fertilizer. They also participated in the beautification of the entire school.

The objective of the GPAK program is to encourage schools to grow vegetables and breed fish that would then be used in the feeding programs for the pupils. Expected outputs were primarily food products. Excess products were sold and income from the sale used for school projects. When competition was introduced, the schools beautified their surroundings as well.

Rica Advincula, OIC Adviser for the Grade III class, explained that her school was inspired

and driven by the prizes it had won. They know that with each competition they won, they can use the prizes to build another classroom or beautify a building.

Now, the school joins other contests as well, like the annual Belen-Making Contest, hoping to earn more money for the school’s needs.

Another GPAK outcome was that, due to the school feeding programs, dropout rates have decreased, malnutrition has been reduced, and the schoolchildren are showing improved health.

Thus, a simple project to raise vegetables and breed fish for a school feeding program has resulted in more beautiful surroundings, and new school buildings and equipment. More important, a competitive spirit has been developed among schools, but one that is driven not by individual self-interest but by a desire to win honors and resources for the benefit of their schools and communities.

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VI. WHICH INCENTIVES WORK BEST IN NEGROS ORIENTAL?

In Negros Oriental, the kind of incentives that prevail, whether material or non-material, depends on the level of organization involved, whether international, national, the LGU, participants and beneficiaries, or an entire community.

Incentives at the Internationaland National Level

International donors are generally active among local government units, usually in the provision of technical assistance, financial grants, capital equipment and the like.

At the same time, the national government provides significant financial resources to local government units through the Internal Revenue Allotment (IRA), or other forms of direct assistance from the Office of the President such as the Calamity Fund, Contingent Fund, and various allocations to local government units.

The Office of the President gave additional allocations to local government units in 2009 from various programs: the Premium Subsidy for Indigents under the National Health Insurance Program, the Kalayaan Barangay Program Fund, the Kilos Asenso Support Fund, the Municipal Development Fund, Special Financial Assistance to Local Government Units and Financial Subsidy to Local Government Units.

Interestingly, the projects in Negros Oriental and Pasay City that are subjects of this current study received no foreign aid in whatever form, nor any special funds from the national government.

The projects started with little or no support, getting local budget support only after they had achieved some success. This is a characteristic that distinguishes them from other award-winning projects which enjoyed national or international support.

Negros Oriental did receive a non-material incentive from the international community, when it won the LoCIM award, which is

supported by the United Nations Development Programme.

As for recognition from the national government, these projects have so far not been singled out for any recognition.

Incentives at the Level of the LGU, Project Team and Staff

There is no doubt that the local government, especially its project team and staff, played a crucial role in the success of the Tabo sa PAO and other projects in Negros Oriental. What incentives drove the local government to go above and beyond the usual bureaucratic routine?

Dominance of non-material incentives

It is well-known that salaries of government employees are generally lower than those of their counterparts in the private sector. This is particularly true for local government employees who may receive salary rates lower even than in the national levels.

People in government are also assumed to be motivated more by economic or material gain, so that, receiving only low salaries, government employees are usually assumed to “augment” their earnings by seeking honoraria from projects or special assignments.

It is therefore interesting that in the case of Negros Oriental, the incentives that appear to predominate are non-material rather than material.

Satisfaction in responding to a felt need. When asked for reasons why his office organized BADCs, Provincial Agriculturist Gregorio Paltinca answered, “Farmers are our clientele. It gave my office some satisfaction

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that we could respond to some of their felt needs. If barangays have health centers and teachers have schools, why don’t farmers have a place of their own where they can meet?”

BADCs started as farmers’ meeting places, where they could hold human resource development and leadership training seminars. Livestock production was introduced. Members received good training in vegetable production. When farmers started producing surplus from their crops, a new need emerged—the tabo or market—and the Provincial Agriculturist again responded to it.

Paltinca states that BADCs were organized because of the demand. Barangay captains often offered to shoulder the building materials if only to ensure that a center was established in their localities.

Positive experience in organizing and introducing change. Being a change agent is a source of satisfaction and fulfillment. The project staff saw how lives were improved by organizing communities, building capacities, mentoring and demonstrating better production techniques.

Change brings about prosperity. Paltinca proudly points to visible signs of prosperity among members in terms of increased incomes and acquisition of assets. Agriculturist Grace Dizon also cites acquisition of transport vehicles, appliances, farm animals and other assets dear to a farmer’s heart.

Opportunity to serve under inspiring leadership. Studies have shown that traditional Filipino culture responds positively to strong, inspiring leadership. This is true for example in the case of the presidencies of Quezon, Roxas and Magsaysay. At the local level, successful local governments are associated with strong local executives.

In Negros Oriental, both former Gov. Arnaiz who developed the BADCs, GPAKs and MDG localization and Gov. Macias II are perceived

by their constituents to be charismatic and inspiring leaders. They have both served as governor and congressman of the province.

Josephine Columna, Assistant Provincial Administrator, emphasizes that the LoCIM award won by the province is linked to earlier projects started by Macias during his first term as governor.

The mountain barangays of the province served as the governor’s political base. He spent very little time at the provincial capitol, spending more time with farmers up in the mountains. According to Columna, people were inspired to work harder because of his presence.

Gov. Macias applied his diagnostic skills as a physician in studying and seeking solutions to the province’s development problems. He says that tests were conducted in GADCENT for the development of organic fertilizer, organic-based feeds for fish and better farming techniques.

Asked if he received support from the Department of Agriculture, Macias answered, “The Department of Agriculture is pushing governors to buy commercial fertilizers even as it is pushing for the use of organic fertilizers. No, the province has not received a single centavo from the Department of Agriculture.”

He says, ”Farms need to be integrated. People get excited. They want to know if the new concepts work.”

Macias concludes, “I have always loved agriculture. Food is basic. Failure is not an option. I like competing. I want to try something new all the time and take the road less traveled by. People are interested in our projects because I give them the support they need.”

Macias is currently working out a health insurance scheme for the province, dubbing it PHINO (Provincial Health Insurance Negros Oriental).

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Does he give personal incentives? Macias emphasizes that there are no personal rewards. Promotions are based on seniority.

The provincial agriculturist describes the term of Gov. Arnaiz thus: “When he became the father of the Province of Negros Oriental, projects were brought to the hinterlands…” This statement reflects traditional values which refer to leaders like the governor as father.

When Arnaiz first required agriculturists to spend at least three days in a week in the mountains organizing peasants, the agriculturists resented the order. They also had to spend their own money for fare and food. But they eventually learned to appreciate working with the peasants and love the organizations they had set up.

Paltinca says that the drive and energy of then Gov. Arnaiz also inspired the agriculturists to excel in their work.

Pride in being nationally-recognized for their work. Provincial leaders and staff are very proud of the awards their projects have won. They are very proud of their province as well. Project staff cannot forget the thrill of going all the way to Manila and the presidential palace to receive awards. To them, recognition of their hard efforts is more important than material awards.

Grace Dizon says, “Because of the tabo we were able to go to Malacañang!”

Success appears to breed more success. Recognition inspires even higher achievements. This is true for many of the multi-awarded winners and awardees of national competitions.

Fostering the competitive spirit. The first project by the province of Negros Oriental that won an award was started when awards were still unheard of. The province’s political leaders and project staff say that when they decide to launch any project, it is always in response to a

felt need and not driven by a desire to compete or win in a competition.

However when a project is successful and wins an award, participants are encouraged to join other competitions. The GPAK schools exemplify this phenomenon.

When the GPAK project won national recognition, the provincial government decided to conduct contests among GPAK schools to sustain interest and enthusiasm for the project. As described earlier, winning schools used their prizes to fund more projects. They also joined other contests to raise their chances of winning more prizes. Nonetheless, these prizes always went to the school and not the individuals who worked hard to win the victory. Obviously, the participants were not motivated by personal gain.

Municipalities in Negros Oriental tend to compete with each other in implementing various provincial projects. Paltinca says that the current competition is for building beautiful and aesthetic BADC structures.

Material incentives are largely for groups and not individuals

Material incentives are largely incidental in the Negros Oriental projects, being more a consequence of the projects, rather than deliberate goals. Furthermore, such incentives were directed towards groups, e.g. organizations like schools, cooperatives and barangays. Individual incentives, aside from regular promotions based on seniority, are rare if not absent.

Provincial Agriculturist Paltinca was startled and even slightly embarrassed when asked about personal material incentives. He seemed surprised even to be asked if he should be rewarded for doing his duty and for implementing his superior’s instructions. Paltinca emphasized that his technicians even had to pay for their fares when they went up the mountains to visit farmers.

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“There is no additional remuneration; it’s part of the job,” Grace Dizon says flatly.

Material incentives for BADCs. BADCs originally had no clear funding. Thus only light materials such as bamboo were used to build the seven original centers. Eventually, then Gov. Arnaiz gave PhP1 million for the construction of concrete centers. This fund was supplemented by building materials such as lumber from the barangays, gravel from the municipalities, construction materials from the province and labor from the beneficiaries. There are now 107 BADCs built from concrete materials.

The program is now institutionalized, with an allocation from the province at PhP2 million a year. Fifteen to twenty centers are built every year.

In the words of Paltinca: “It is better to start with little or no financial assistance; those with big budgets just become ningas cogon,” referring to brush fires, which burn and spread quickly, and die just as fast.

Material incentives for GPAKs. In addition to generous prizes for contests among GPAK schools, the province provides seeds and technical assistance in the production of organic fertilizers. The schools also participate in other contests conducted at the municipal and provincial levels.

Incentives at the Level of Beneficiaries and Project Participants

As noted earlier, incentives that predominate at the level of the LGU executives, project staff and employees are mostly non-material. However, at the level of the beneficiaries and project participants, material incentives are predominant. This is particularly true for BADCs which participate in the tabo. Nonetheless, non-material incentives also remain as powerful drivers for high achievement.

Non-material incentives

New knowledge and skills. Without making any distinction on the kind of incentive, researchers asked Angelina Macatunay what incentive benefits she gets from BADCs. Without hesitation, she answered: “We saw the coming of progress. We learned many things—cattle raising, farming, fish breeding and fertilizer production.” The opportunity to acquire new knowledge and skills ranked an obvious first in desirable incentives. The same view was repeated by other interviewees.

Enhanced self-respect. Peasants, fisherfolk and other people from the province are generally seen as shy and easily rattled when facing city people, who on the other hand are seen as sophisticated and highly-educated. This is not so in the case of participants in the various projects visited by the research team. Interviewees exuded confidence and pride in their accomplishments. They answered questions spontaneously and with enthusiasm.

Whether they were teachers, rice farmers, vegetable gardeners or fish breeders, or technicians, interviewees evinced high self-respect as well as knowledgeability.

Pride in their organizations. The pride that farmers in the Caticugan, Siaton BADC showed in their center was very evident in the way they talked with visitors and showed them around. They pointed to rice fields fertilized with organic material, fish ponds nearly ready for harvesting, and the livestock. The Secretary proudly reported that members faithfully attended meetings and seminars.

The tabo sellers made the proud claim that they themselves raised the vegetables, fruits and plants they were selling. They expressed satisfaction that they did not have to go through wholesalers and buyers who would get their produce on credit.

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Edward Traybilla, Supervisor-Coordinator of PAO, and Ramiro Catim, supervisor of the field technicians listened as Rica Advincula, a Grade III teacher from the Ambrosio M. Ramirez Elementary school, smilingly rattled off the prizes won by her GPAK school, and showed off charts showing pupils’ weight gain and decrease in absenteeism, as a consequence of its feeding program.

As earlier noted, the vegetables and fish raised in the GPAK schools are used in the feeding programs.

Institutions set up by government entities are usually the butt of all kinds of criticism, thus it was quite refreshing to hear people who claim pride in their organization and are in harmonious working relations with project staff.

Winning other awards; joining other organizations. BADCs as organizations and as individual members have won other awards, in addition to Galing Pook and LoCIM. They have also joined other farmers’ organizations such as the 4-H clubs.

Active participation in other organizations and in various competitions is an indicator that members now have time for self-improvement. This can be due to better production techniques, as well as more self-confidence.

Participation in socio-civic and cultural activities. While members’ production and technical skills have improved, their social skills have also been enhanced. BADCs hold a Farm Family Congress, where they display their produce as well as other talents in balak or poetry contests, singing competitions, and rondalla contests.

They also participate actively in the post Founders Day celebration of Silliman University which is dedicated to them. They are given free medical consultations, laboratory tests and blood typing. Entire families participate in contests showcasing local culture.

Material incentives for the beneficiaries

A comparison of the recipients of incentives shows that beneficiaries and participants tend to receive high levels of benefits from successful projects. The preceding chapter on testimonies by participants and data generated by the Provincial Agriculturist’s Office confirms this.

Increased Income. Mention has been made of increased income that beneficiaries and participants received through the BADCs and the tabo. Such income is carefully recorded by the respective organizations so that outputs and outcomes can be monitored.

Having greater income has enabled beneficiaries to send their children to school, even to college. This is significant because children from poor families rarely finish high school, and much less reach college.

GPAK schools also generate income whenever they produce more vegetables and fish than needed by the children for their supplemental feeding programs. Like the vegetable gardeners, they also sell their surplus produce and utilize the income for school projects.

Acquisition of assets and property. Poor families which have participated in BADCs and tabo have acquired new assets. They have been able to buy transport vehicles, appliances, equipment and livestock. They have also repaired and improved their homes.

GPAK schools which have been winning in contests have built classrooms and purchased school equipment from their prizes.

Scholarships to other countries. Provincial Agriculturist Paltinca reports that farmers eager to learn more about farming techniques have won scholarships to Japan. These augment training which they obtain in the BADCs as well as in local institutions of learning.

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Incentives at the Level of the Community

At the level of the community, which is composed of the business sector, educational institutions, civil society organizations, religious institutions and other community members, the incentives that predominate are non-material.

Non-material incentives

Opportunity for service. As stated during the first part of the paper, the province of Negros Oriental has a long tradition of community service and self-help. It is not surprising therefore that different groups in the community see the different projects initiated by the provincial, city and municipal government as opportunities for service.

Partnership in community development has been practised even before they became fashionable concepts and theories.

Civic organizations like Rotary Clubs, civil society groups like Social Watch, faith-based organizations, academic institutions like Silliman University and individual community members are always on the lookout for opportunities to be of service.

The community primary hospitals, community high schools, community based resource management, inter-LGU partnerships in health care delivery, BADCs, GPAKs and Tabo sa PAO have opened doors for satisfying and successful partnerships with community groups.

Pride in improvements in the community and recognition at the national level. The people of Negros Oriental are very proud of their province. Each award won and each successful project enhances such community pride.

Positive publicity. Business organizations are usually invited to give prizes and awards for outstanding performance. Such publicity is favorable since the image of a business entity helping and rewarding successful communities sends out positive messages.

Material incentives

Increase in coverage and reach of markets. Prosperous communities are good for business. New markets are opened and existing ones are expanded. By helping communities to prosper and increase individual incomes, private businesses also prosper.

Increase in constituents and expansion of projects. For civil society organizations, participation in successful projects expands their constituency and sphere of advocacy. It also leads to support for other development projects.

Incentive Mechanisms and the Insurgency Problem

One issue which deserves separate treatment is related to insurgency. The two provinces of Negros Oriental and Occidental have problems with rebels who have gone underground due to problems of poverty, land tenure and justice.

When the BADCs were first organized, barangays under rebel influence were included. At present, former rebels who decided to return to civilian life have become active members. Many of them are now suppliers of yellow corn and peanuts for the tabo.

Gov. Arnaiz developed the slogan of “From Arms to Farms.” He proved that if peasants have land to till and a market for their produce, they will become useful and productive citizens.

According to Oliver Lemence, Administrative Officer of the Provincial Agriculturist’s Office and former Information Officer of the province, the projects in Negros Oriental are all about people empowerment. Even before the BADCs drew in the insurgents, the community hospitals and high schools achieved the same objective.

Lemence says, “Bayawan used to be an insurgent area but with these projects, things have changed.”

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VII. THE FAMILY AS FOCUS OF LOCAL CAPACITY INCENTIVE MECHANISMS FOR ACHIEVING THE MDGs IN PASAY CITY

The city government of Pasay is confident that it will meet its 2015 targets for the Millennium Development Goals. But the global financial crisis and the return of overseas Filipino workers is expected to add pressure on government services and on job creation. The city’s unemployment rate was pegged at 19.8% in 2005, with a big number of out-of-school youth — 22.1% of children aged 6-12 are not attending elementary school and 29.7% of those aged 13-16 are not attending high school.8 In addition, it is the out-of-school youth who are very vulnerable to HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmittable diseases.

Despite these challenges, Pasay City has made significant strides towards achieving its MDG targets. In 2006, the city was one of ten awardees of the Special Citation on Local Capacity Innovations for the Millennium Development Goals by the Galing Pook Foundation for its utilization of the Community-Based Monitoring System (CBMS) in pursuing the MDGs. Another program, the Bayanihan Banking Program (BBP), was awarded by the Galing Pook Foundation in 2002. It received two more awards in 2003 — the Urban Governance Initiative Award by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and People Power Award by the Ninoy Aquino Foundation.

Pasay City has won awards for other programs as well. In the 2008 National Conference and Literacy Awards, Pasay City, the only finalist from the National Capital Region, ranked second under the category for highly urbanized cities.9 The city had a literacy rate of 98.58% in 2007. Also, in the first year of the Department of Health’s Sentrong Sigla Program in 1999, six Pasay City health centers were among the 45 awarded nationwide. This is the biggest number of awards received by any city or municipality for outstanding health facilities.10 Currently, all 13 health centers in the city are Sentrong Sigla accredited.

Pasay City was one of the 12 pilot cities in the MDG localization program. As part of this program, Pasay City established local benchmarks based on MDG targets. Programs, projects and activities as well as the city budget were aligned to facilitate the achievement of the MDGs. The CBMS was adopted by Pasay City to be the local government’s poverty monitoring system to gauge the living condition of every family in every barangay. The CBMS collects information at the household level, analyzes these and disseminates the MDG-based indicators of each area. The CBMS was utilized to determine the extent of compliance with

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the MDGs and to diagnose the prevailing social and economic problems that may vary across barangays. It is a concrete investment made by the city government to improve the quality of its service delivery.

While CBMS provides the diagnosis, the Fact-based Intervention Exchange (FBI-Ex) provides the prescription by matching the communities’ needs with solution providers. With CBMS, programs by both the city government and the barangay become demand-oriented or based on solid facts on the ground. Intervention has been focused on the poorest and most vulnerable barangays. FBI-Ex involves dialogues with business establishments ranging from small and medium ones to major corporations. The needs of these business establishments are identified, including the skills their workers must have. Massive job fairs are conducted for those seeking jobs while those who do not have the required skills were equipped through training. A matching of demanded skills with livelihood training programs is conducted. This process has forged a partnership between the local government and the business community.

A unique approach of Pasay City has been the localization of the MDGs to the family. The MDGs have been translated into eight concrete family goals. This approach makes the MDGs measurable and comprehensible to Pasay City families. The Family MDG Pledge of Commitment was signed by the City Mayor and 80,000 families across the 201 barangays in October 2005.11

People who were interviewed for this study include four local government officials and a UNESCAP project consultant. The interviews revealed that incentives for city employees to improve performance and for stakeholders to participate are largely non-monetary. While incentive mechanisms usually take the form of performance bonuses and other monetary-based rewards, and formal recognition

through citations or awards, motivation in the case of the Pasay City experience is based more on leadership, the intrinsic rewards of good performance, the positive results of government programs and the common desire to provide a better quality of life for the people of Pasay. Monetary incentives barely figure in the equation.

The interviews were validated by field visits.

The incentives discussed here are based on those that have been articulated by city officials in interviews and those published in studies and reports. Others are based on an observation of programs and an analysis of the process of project implementation. This case study looks at incentives in three levels—local government executive and employees level, project participants and beneficiaries level, and that of civil society organizations, private sector and the community level. These shed light on the various kinds of incentives, material and non-material, direct and indirect, that have contributed to Pasay City’s award-winning status.

At the Level of the Local Government Executives and Employees

Non-material Incentives. Non-material incentives are largely what motivate local government executives and employees. These incentives are in the form of leadership, commitment and pride in their local government unit.

Leadership has been vital in motivating staff to boost performance and meet targets. CBMS is tedious work; it requires time, patience and discipline. Involving non-government organizations and community members also requires time and human resources to be spent in training and consultation. With limited material and human resources, Pasay City needed strong and consistent leadership from the city mayor and the department heads

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to fulfill the CBMS and subsequently provide appropriate intervention.

Mayor Wenceslao Trinidad, a local government official with 20 years experience, is a Hall of Fame awardee of the Consumers Union of the Philippines (CUP) as Most Outstanding Mayor and Public Servant having won the award for five consecutive years.12 The Regional Trial Court Judges of Pasay City also cited him as a local chief executive par excellence.

According to City Administrator Atty. Bernabe-Carbajal, Mayor Trinidad’s leadership inspires city hall employees to perform better. His leadership style gives department heads a sense of ownership by instilling a work atmosphere that encourages employees to voice out their opinions, formulate their own programs and participate in the planning process. This has nurtured the innovativeness of the departments to develop award-winning programs such as the CBMS and the BBP. Mayor Trinidad believes that the challenge of the job itself is a motivating factor for city department heads. He attributes his success to the people

around him. When receiving awards, the Mayor recognizes the leadership and team spirit of the department heads and staff that made the projects successful. Being recognized is just a bonus for the city government and not the main motivating factor.

To uplift morale of employees and instill professionalism among city hall employees, the mayor refrains from being involved in the personnel selection committee and insists that selection and promotion be based on education, skills and performance. This has encouraged employees to pursue further studies to improve their credentials.

Engr. Rolando Londonio, head of the City Cooperative Development Office since its inception in 1998, was previously the head of the first cooperative in Pasay that practiced BBP. The City Cooperative Development Office, under his leadership, has committed itself towards localizing the MDGs through the BBP groups by transforming them into Bayanihan Lights Centers. Engr. Merlita Lagmay, as department head of the city’s planning office, has headed the implementation of the CBMS since its pilot test in 2004. She herself visits barangays to monitor CBMS implementation. The program has benefited from her commitment in sustaining it and from her office’s resourcefulness in providing needed personnel and equipment to fulfill the required tasks. Both Engr. Londonio and Engr. Lagmay have become resource persons for other local government units who wish to replicate their programs as well as for national conferences and seminars. It is under their leaderships that Pasay City was awarded for both the BBP in 2002 and CBMS in 2006 by the Galing Pook Foundation.

The DOH Sentrong Sigla awards received by the 6 health centers in 1999 are largely accredited to the leadership of then health department head Dr. Elvira Lagrosa. Dr. Lagrosa personally visited the city’s 11 health centers

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and together with the health office staff, worked to ensure compliance with health regulation and provide necessary capacity-building.

The case of Engr. Lagmay of the City Planning and Development Office is a particularly good example of professionalism and leadership when political bickering threatens to disrupt the city government’s performance of its day-to-day responsibilities. In 2007, Mayor Trinidad was suspended by the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG)—allegedly a political move by the administration against the opposition. According to Engr. Lagmay, department heads who did not resign in protest over the suspension were ostracized in the city government upon the Mayor’s subsequent resumption of his post. Despite months of having no direct communication with the Mayor, Engr. Lagmay among other department heads persisted in their respective posts and continued with their responsibilities. The rift between the Mayor and the City Planning Head caused considerable delay in the implementation of the 2nd round of the CBMS. But with persistent and professional leadership, working relations have been restored and the implementation of CBMS is ongoing.

The pride and passion of city officials in their LGU has sustained their commitment to public service. They are motivated by the positive change Pasay City has undertaken and the role they played in making that change possible.

Material Incentives. Material incentives hardly play a role in the motivation of city officials. In the case of CBMS, a minimum monetary compensation proved to be necessary to sustain the involvement of encoders and enumerators. In the first round of the CBMS in 2005, the city government depended on volunteers from faith-based organizations and student interns to perform as enumerators. However, this proved to be unsustainable. Engr. Lagmay notes that out of

the initial 40 people that were trained, only 7 stayed for the duration of the program as the task of surveying households proved to be difficult. Enumerators are now paid PhP30 per household survey while encoders are paid PhP6 per survey. Because of the bulk of surveys to be processed, the staff of the City Planning and Development Office and the City Cooperative Development Office, who also do encoding, are paid for their overtime work.

City officials also receive various forms of training. The mayor is highly supportive of capacity-building activities and is quick to approve projects related to training. According to his city administrator, the mayor strongly believes in investing in the capacity of his personnel, especially those who are young and have the potential to be future leaders of the city. Training for rank-and-file employees includes seminars on ethics, consumer satisfaction, leadership and management, cutting red tape and gender sensitivity. Speakers and trainers for these are usually from the Civil Service Commission and academic institutions particularly the University of the Philippines, Ateneo de Manila University and De La Salle University. A four-day planning workshop facilitated by the Ateneo School of Government was recently conducted. While employees are usually not financed for their further studies, the city government is lenient in allowing them to leave early from work to attend class. The proximity of the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Pasay to the City Hall also makes it easier for them to pursue their studies. While these may be encouraging factors for city officials, it is difficult to identify these as directly motivating them to improve performance.

For barangay officials, incentives stem from the program’s actual benefits. Barangays have largely been active participants in the CBMS. The city government trains barangays officials in formulating Barangay Development Plans (BDP) according to the CBMS results with the MDGs as guiding framework. Results from the

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encoded data are presented to the barangay for verification and discussion of possible solutions. Through this process, barangays are trained to interpret and analyze CBMS results and provide additional information that may not have been reflected in the CBMS. In addition, the city government fully financed the CBMS costs for the first two rounds. It has invested in building barangay capacity so they can perform and finance enumeration by the third round of the CBMS.

The Barangay Family Strengthening Seminar and Workshop is conducted by the city government to help barangays focus their programs on the family by developing a training module that would guide them in facilitating family strengthening meetings in their respective barangays.

Barangays are motivated to participate because of the benefits they get from the training and the availability of timely and detailed information that can guide the drafting of local development plans. The City Planning and Development Office keeps a record of all CBMS results segregated by barangay, which allows the data to be available even for incoming barangay officials.

New mechanisms are being planned by the city government for institutionalizing its incentives. The City Planning and Development Office is developing a program where barangay officials who are able to successfully implement their Barangay Development Plans would be given a Certificate on Public Administration by the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Pasay.

At the Level of the Project Participants and Beneficiaries

The city government uses the BBP groups or the microfinance groups as the basic unit for bringing MDG-related projects to the people. There are approximately 7,000 microfinance clients in Pasay City. The BBP aims to empower local communities, especially the poor, in

becoming agents of change. The poor are no longer mere recipients of government aid but they become active stakeholders who can provide for themselves and their families. Women are often attracted to become a BBP member because of the benefits, such as gaining access to bayanihan savings, livelihood training programs, and scholarship grants for children in elementary and adults in technical vocation courses.

Through these BBP groups, MDGs were promoted as well as monitored in weekly meetings of women clients. The family-based MDG approach capitalizes on the family as the “advocate, promoter, and implementor of MDGs in the community.”13 Because the MDGs resonate with the day-to-day condition of families, it encourages them to take responsibility for achieving the MDGs at their level, and to positively influence their fellow community members. These BBP groups were transformed into Bayanihan Lights Centers (BLC), which diagnose their own conditions, identify concerns, threats and problems, and then bring these to the barangay and city governments for access to relevant services. With the family-based MDG indicators, BLCs monitor the condition of their children with the child progress report cards.

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Material Incentives. Pasay City invests heavily in capacity-building programs for its residents. The Technical Education and Skills Development Consortia (TESDC) was created to equip and prepare residents for employment by matching ill-equipped job seekers with demand-oriented training providers.14 As part of the city’s interventions in job generation and capacity building, it conducted a major training program, the Professional Animation Training.

Pasay City is second in ranking only to Quezon City in per capita employment. A job fair is held every Wednesday at city hall, with at least 15 employers offering direct-hiring opportunities, including overseas placements. Microfinance loans of up to PhP8,000 each are offered through the BBP. The city government encourages entrepreneurship by providing 200 kiosks to organized vendors by February 2010 which they hope to increase to 800 within the year.

In response to a growing concern over HIV-AIDS vulnerability, the government partnered with the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) to form Pasay H.O.P.E.S., a program which aims to empower young people with life skills to protect themselves from HIV-AIDS and drug addiction and to keep themselves healthy. This program includes life skills training, livelihood skills training, sports and arts training, scholarship grants and education through the Department of Education’s alternative learning system for out-of-school youth.

Non-material Incentives. The conti-nued participation of Pasay residents is also motivated by the responsiveness of government officials to their needs and ideas. The success of previous government programs and the benefits that people derived from these programs gave people more confidence in their local government. Regular monitoring and consultation demonstrated that the local government values the people’s condition, ideas and capacity to be contributors

to development. Well-defined and well-implemented government programs are themselves incentives for participation.

At the Level of Civil Society Organizations, the Private Sector and the Community

The city government built and sustained strong partnerships with civil society organizations and business enterprises in meeting development needs. What motivates NGOs and private-sector entities to work with the city government is a combination of both material and non-material incentives. For NGOs, particularly faith-based organizations, incentives are dominantly non-material. For private sector enterprises, partnership with the city government resulted in basic material benefits (i.e. meeting employment needs), but they were also sustained by a genuine commitment to development and a positive experience of working with city officials.

Material Incentives. The Chamber of Commerce meets every two months—with lunch provided at the mayor’s personal expense. The city government tries to build investor confidence which includes ensuring efficient public utilities. The number of business establishments in Pasay City has doubled from 6,000 to 12,000 during Mayor Trinidad’s term. Pasay City taps corporate social responsibility (CSR) programs of business enterprises for identifying common goals. It identifies areas where the private sector can contribute resources or opportunities for employment. In 2005, the city government passed an ordinance requiring all companies within city limits to hire 60% of their total work force from the city’s residents. As part of its fact-based intervention, development councils were formed from business establishments and from corporations large and small to consolidate various CSR efforts for more effective intervention or social programs.

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Non-material incentives. The prevalence of non-material incentives that motivate NGOs can be discerned from the nature of NGOs themselves. Civil society, particularly faith-based organizations has been actively involved in community organizing. In the late 1990s, the Pasay City Government together with the Brotherhood of Christian Ministers in Pasay (BCMP) initiated the BBP, a microfinance program targeting 92 depressed barangays. The BCMP, a group of pastors and ministers, were determined to help change the city’s old image as a place of sexual license. The city government’s partnership with BCMP was key to the BBP’s success. With the institutionalization of this partnership through regular focus group discussions, opportunities multiplied for participation by faith-based organizations. Members of civil society act as volunteers and organizations or churches provide venues for trainings and consultations. The city government, on the other hand, provides other program needs such as additional manpower, information, financial and other material resources.

Civil society organizations are motivated to participate when problems are well articulated and opportunities for participation clearly identified. Through public-private partnerships on issues in education, the St. Vincent Foundation and city officials provided scholarship programs. Faith-based organizations donated supplies to 200 indigent

students and other organizations such as the Rotary Club have expressed desire to help.

These partnerships are mutually beneficial—church-based organizations are able to contribute to city development, and companies are able to practice corporate social responsibility while the Pasay City Government acquires additional resources and moves closer towards achieving targets for decreasing unemployment and poverty. The MDGs have become a rallying point that brings together the common goals of the different sectors of society. There is a common realization that the city’s development is everyone’s concern.

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VIII. CONCLUSIONS

Negros Oriental and Pasay City are different in so many ways. Yet, they are also alike. Analysis of their award winning projects reveals many similarities. What conclusions could be drawn from their incentive mechanisms which could perhaps be useful to other local government units?

The powerful influence of community values and traditions. The winning projects in Negros Oriental show that the impressive performance of the Provincial Governor’s Office, the Provincial Agriculturist’s Office and the members of the Barangay Agricultural Development Center (BADCs) were strongly propelled by community values and traditions of cooperation, burden-sharing and service. All the projects are inter-connected and inter-related with values and traditions as the binding element. Negros Oriental focused on the organization of communities.

On the other hand, Pasay City is composed of groups which come from different regions of the country. As residents, they also bring their values and traditions which are very similar to those prevailing in the countryside.

Pasay City has focused on the family as the basic building block of community organizations. Instead of individual memberships, they have brought in entire families as members. The written commitments to the MDGs were signed by heads of families. All members of families are members of different organizations—for example, men join the cooperatives, mothers the women’s organizations, and children, the youth groups.

Another similarity between Negros Oriental and Pasay City which is not so apparent are positive influences from faith-based organizations. In Negros Oriental, the role of Silliman University in reinforcing values of service and community action is apparent

in the school’s contributions to community primary hospitals and extension work. The concept of “service learning”—where students learn by serving the larger community—is embedded in the university curriculum.

Students as early as the pre-school and elementary grades are taught to serve humanity.

In Pasay City, faith-based organizations are active in capacity building, generation of resources and organizing communities. In the process, they pass on the values of service to the larger community and not just to individuals.

Value systems that place importance on service and sharing are very relevant at this time when financial and material resources are increasingly becoming scarce.

Predominance of non-material incentives at the level of the LGU and the community. Considering the community values and traditions which permeate the two LGUs, it is not surprising that non-material incentives propel high levels of performance at the level of LGU leadership, project officers and staff, as well as the larger community.

Recognition, honors, satisfaction from serving and pride in their communities are considered more important than material rewards.

Selflessness, which is an inherent trait in rural communities must obviously be revived and encouraged.

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Concentration of material incentives at the level of participants or beneficiaries. In both Negros Oriental and Pasay City, material incentives were highest at the level of the participants or beneficiaries. This is as it should be since the projects are intended for them.

In Negros Oriental, farmers and fishermen benefited from training in better production techniques as well as in marketing. Not surprisingly incomes increased and levels of asset acquisition intensified.

In Pasay, members benefited from capacity building and loans for economic activities. Again incomes increased and communities prospered.

Community values and traditions are enhanced by extensive investments in capacity building and knowledge and skills improvement. Negros Oriental and Pasay City invested heavily in capacity building activities, ranging from formal education to short-term training. Community organizations are used as bases for training programs, not only in techniques but also in leadership and management.

Negros Oriental invests heavily in formal education. It persuaded Silliman University

to open a medical school for scholars coming from the province. The school will soon graduate its first batch of medical doctors. On the other hand, Pasay City plans to offer certificate courses in public administration to barangay officials who are able to complete their development plans. The certificates will be conferred by the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Pasay.

The role of inspired and inspiring leadership. Negros Oriental and Pasay City evince the role of inspired and inspiring leadership. Gov. Macias and former Gov. Arnaiz brought not only dynamic and energetic leadership to the province; they themselves serve as role models to their people. Their adherence to the values that pushed the province to greater development inspired project officers and staff, as well as participants and beneficiaries.

Mayor Trinidad’s leadership style sits well with his project officers. He developed team work among project officers and allowed them freedom to develop their own projects. Both officers and beneficiaries developed a sense of ownership over their projects.

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IX. RECOMMENDATIONS AND FINAL REMARKS

The recommendations are fairly obvious since these stem from the conclusions of the study.

1. Local development programs should deliberately emphasize, strengthen and utilize community values and traditions. Most development programs, especially those which are foreign funded rely heavily on technical, organizational, financial and governance considerations. The cases of Negros Oriental and Pasay prove that projects which are implemented within the framework of community values and traditions are very successful. Negros Oriental relied on values of cooperation, burden-sharing and self-help to ensure success for a series of projects which spanned the terms of two governors for nearly three decades.

On the other hand, Pasay utilized family values to involve whole families in the attainment of the MDGs.

The experiences of these two LGUs are not necessarily unique. Most provinces, municipalities and barangays actually continue practicing community values and traditions. These exert influence beneath the thin overlay of formal political and administrative structures, and determine the success or failure of development programs. Even urban centers like Pasay City are still influenced and driven by family-centered projects. The challenge is to identify positive values and develop strategies utilizing such values.

The typical development project usually follows standard formats

focusing on objectives, expected outputs and outcomes, methodology and funding. Foreign assisted projects usually require considerations of gender and environmental protection.

It is recommended that in addition to the usual analysis of economic and political characteristics of a local area, sociological and anthropological inputs should be considered. How powerful and deeply rooted are community values and traditions in a locality? Do traditional institutions like the church, schools and the family exert influence on the acceptance, participation and support for a development project? In addition to the formal political and bureaucratic leaders, who are the individuals who influence community and family decisions? Will change be acceptable to the community?

Projects which require significant changes from existing practices (as in agriculture), introduce technology, and transform communities will do well to seriously consider if project strategies will violate community culture and practices or enhance them. Approaches must be developed which will take community resistance into consideration and devise ways of achieving project objectives without violating accepted standards of behavior.

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2. Investments in local capacity development should be enhanced. It is unfortunate that whenever budget cuts need to be made, the first items to go are those for capacity building. The assumption is that training is no longer required since government staff are presumed to be qualified for their positions and civil service requirements have already been complied with. It is also the impression that funds for training are subject to abuse. Training programs are perceived to be no more than opportunities for rest and recreation, especially if these are held in luxurious resorts. Capacity building programs which are conducted out of town are referred to as junkets.

However, the two LGUs have shown that LGU executives, project officers and staff who have high levels of competency contribute much to the success of local development projects. Organizational changes as well as improvements in technology can only be introduced through intensive capacity building for participants and beneficiaries.

All the successful projects of Negros Oriental involve heavy capacity building. These require intensive organization of communities for building and operating primary hospitals, high schools, agricultural centers, fishing cooperatives and markets. Pasay City utilized capacity building programs to draw in families, introduce them to the Millennium Development Goals, and secure their commitment and support.

An earlier study on the provinces of Bulacan and Negros Oriental shows that a “rich” province and a

“poor” province can invest significant financial resources to local capacity development. It is a question of priorities and resource allocation and not necessarily whether an LGU is rich or not.

For example, both Bulacan and Negros Oriental are investing very heavily in health. Bulacan has converted its Provincial Health Office into a teaching and training hospital for nursing and medicine. On the other hand, Negros Oriental is sending deserving students to take up medical studies in Silliman University.

This is also true for Pasay City which has invested in capacity building for barangay officials, community leaders, heads of families, project and technical staff. These range from short-term training to academic programs.

Capacity building for leadership. It is recognized that traditional Philippine culture responds positively to strong, dynamic and inspiring leadership. It is not enough for a leader to be a “good” administrator. He or she must have the capacity to inspire communities to accept change, participate in the transformation process and contribute to the objectives of the project even without financial rewards.

Former Governor Arnaiz is credited with spearheading the creation of BADCs and GPAKs which Governor Macias continued with his successful “Tabo sa PAO”. Project officers of Pasay City credit Mayor Trinidad for inspiring them with innovative approaches to local development.

The other LGU winners of the Galing Pook Awards are obviously led by dynamic and innovative public

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officials who challenged and inspired their respective communities to attain development goals.

Thus, capacity-building should not only be for project staff and project beneficiaries but should also include political leaders. Oftentimes, participants in innovative capacity building programs complain, “you should not only be capacitating us; capacitate our bosses as well!”

3. Local development projects should always include non-material incentives; these should nonetheless be matched by material incentives. Both Negros Oriental and Pasay City have shown that non-material incentives are the major drivers for success in local development projects, vis-à-vis material incentives. This is also obvious among Galing Pook winners coming from poor provinces and municipalities. The honor of a national award, public recognition and personal satisfaction in changing people’s lives and fulfilling community values is oftentimes more than enough reward.

In the two LGUs, non-material rewards were highest at the level of the LGU, project team and staff, while material rewards were highest at the level of the project beneficiaries. This can be encouraging for poor LGUs with limited financial resources. The poor province of Negros Oriental and the small city of Pasay have shown that limited financial resources can be maximized.

However, this situation also underscores the low level of salaries of LGU staff. Promotions are generally slow in coming. It is important therefore, that non-material incentives

should be accompanied by material incentives as well. This will contribute to the sustainability of projects.

FINAL REMARKSThe objectives of the project on Local

Capacity Incentive Mechanisms have been complied with. Findings from the research served as inputs for identifying and awarding four recipients of the Special Citation on LoCIM for Good Governance under the Galing Pook Awards. Two LGUs, Negros Oriental and Pasay City, were the subject of detailed case studies.

The second objective of generating knowledge and promoting cross-fertilization of ideas and learnings was attained during the Regional Capacity Development Learning Event on Improving LGU Performance through Local Capacity Innovations and Incentive Mechanisms held from 26-28 October 2009 at Silliman University, Dumaguete City. The Event was co-sponsored by Galing Pook Foundation, Netherlands Development Organisation (SNV), the United Nations Development Programme, Silliman University and the province of Negros Oriental.

During the event, the results of the research were presented. The two cases generated interest among local and regional participants.

The third objective of “unpacking the link between various types and forms of monetary and non-monetary incentives and local level capacity development that promote positive change and good performance” was substantially complied with. The findings of the two case studies illustrate the strong influence of community values and traditions, and the dominance of non-material incentives in high performing LGUs.

As stated repeatedly during the presentation of the two cases, the secret of the successful projects of Negros Oriental and Pasay City is also the secret of most award-winning local government units.

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ENDNOTES

1 Terms of Reference for the Research Consultant, Local Capacity Incentive Mechanisms (LoCIM) for Good Governance.2 Ibid.3 Pugh, Derek, editor, Organization Theory, Penguin Books, Fifth Edition, 2007.4 Amelia P. Varela, “The Culture Perspective in Organization Theory: Relevance to Philippine Public Administration” in

Public Administration in the Philippines: A Reader, 2nd Edition, edited by Ma. Victoria A. Bautista, Ma. Concepcion P. Alfiler, Danilo R. Reyes and Proserfina D. Tapales. Published by the National College of Public Administration and Governance, University of the Philippines, 2003.

5 Niloy Banerjee and Ashley Palmer, “Local Capacity Innovations in the Philippines: Non-monetary incentives as drivers of performance,” A Case Study, UNDP.

6 Under Philippine laws, an elected official can serve for only three straight terms, after which he can either retire or run for another elective office. In the case of Gov. Macias, he served as governor for three terms and then ran as congressman. George Arnaiz ran and won as governor, thus replacing Macias. After three terms as governor, Arnaiz ran for congressman while Gov. Macias then ran again as governor.

7 Macias, Emilio II, “Tabo sa Pao” powerpoint presentation “Regional Capacity Development Learning Event on Improving LGU Performance through Local Capacity Innovations and Incentive Mechanisms,” 26-28 October 2009, Silliman University, Dumaguete.

8 CBMS data taken from Londonio, Rolando (2006) Harnessing Community Participation in Localizing the Millennium Development Goals Using the CBMS, Poverty and Economic Policy, Working Paper 2006-06.

9 Pasay City 2nd in literacy rate nationwide. The Manila Times, 29 September 2008. 10 Department of Health. http://doh.gov.ph/mmc/issue02/cover.html.11 Londonio, Amelia (2005). Bayanihan Banking Program: A Little Answer to the Gargantuan Problem of Poverty in Pasay

City.12 Official website of the Pasay City Government. http://www.pasay.gov.ph/Mayor/biography/the%20battle%20cry%20of%20the%20Mayor.html13 Londonio, Rolando, 2006-06.14 Londonio, Rolando, 2006-04.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Terminal Report of the Pasay City MDG Localization. Community Based Monitoring System cum Fact Based Intervention Exchanged Millennium Development Goal Localization Action Plan. October-December 2005. City Cooperative Development Office.

Fact-Based Intervention Exchange: Consortia of Solution Providers. City Cooperative and Development Office, City Government of Pasay.

Harnessing the Family for the MDGs, Pasay City. (2006) Galing Pook Foundation. http://www.galingpook.org/awardees/2006/2006_harness_pasay.htm

Londonio, Amelia. (2005) Bayanihan Banking Program: A Little Answer to the Gargantuan Problem of Poverty in Pasay City. Paper presented to the Expert Group Meeting Enhancing the Participation of Women in Development Through an Enabling Environment for Achieving Gender Equality and the Advancement of Women, Bangkok, Thailand, 8-11 November 2005. Division for the Advancement of Women, United Nations.

Londonio, Rolando. (2006) Harnessing Community Participation in Localizing the Millennium Development Goals Using the CBMS. Poverty and Economic Policy, Working Paper 2006-06. http://www.pep-net.org/NEW-PEP/Group/papers/papers/2006-06-Londonio.pdf

The Compilation of MDG Case Studies: Reflecting Progress and Challenges in Asia. The UN High-Level Event on the Millennium Development Goals. End Poverty 2015 Millennium Campaign, pp. 51-53.

Pasay City 2nd in literacy rate nationwide. The Manila Times. 29 September 2008. http://www.manilatimes.net/national/2008/sep/29/yehey/metro/20080929met4.html

Briones, Leonor. (1988) Decentralization of Health Service and the Community Primary Hospital, UNDP.

Briones, Leonor (2008) Local Capacity Development Investments for MDG Localization in the Philippines, UNDP Bangkok.

Briones, Leonor (2009) Local Government Capacity Development Investments for MDG Localization: Pakistan, Philippines and Vietnam, UNDP Bangkok.

Banerjee, Niloy & Palmer, Ashley (2008) Local Capacity Innovations in the Philippines: Non-monetary incentives as drivers of performance.

Pugh, Derek S., editor, Organization Theory, 5th Edition, Penguin Books.

Varela, Amelia, The Culture Perspective in Organization Theory: Relevance to Philippine Public Administration. In Victoria A. Bautista, Ma. Concepcion P. Alfiler, Danilo R. Reyes, and Proserfina D. Tapales, eds. Introduction to Public Administration in the Philippines: A Reader, Quezon City: U.P. National College of Public Administration and Governance, 2003.

Terms of Reference for the Research Consultant, Local Capacity Incentive Mechanisms (LoCIM) for Good Governance.

* Bibliography for Negros Oriental

Macias, Emilio II. “Tabo sa Pao.” A powerpoint presentation presented during the Regional Capacity Development Learning Event on Improving LGU Performance Through Local Capacity Innovations & Incentive Mechanisms, 26-28 October 2009, Silliman University, Dumaguete City

* Bibliography for Pasay City

Official website of the City Government of Pasay - www.pasay.gov.ph

LIST OF INTERVIEWEES

Teodoro QuilnetProvincial Agriculturist OfficeDecember 16, 2008

Gregorio PilioEmployee, GADCENTDecember 16, 2008

Teodoro MorgiaBarangay Agricultural Development CenterBanilad, Dumaguete CityDecember 16, 2008

Interviews conducted in Pasay City

Mayor Wenceslao TrinidadJanuary 30, 2009

Engr. Rolando LondonioDepartment HeadCity Cooperative Development OfficeDecember 16, 2008

Mrs. Amelia LondonioConsultantUNESCAP Project with the Pasay City GovernmentDecember 16, 2008

Ms. Rowena TabusoCooperative Development Specialist IIDecember 17, 2008

Engr. Merlita LagmayDepartment HeadCity Planning and Development OfficeDecember 16, 2008

Atty. Ernestina Bernabe-CarbajalCity AdministratorJanuary 13, 2009

Interviews conducted in Negros Oriental

Josy C. ColumnaAssistant Provincial AdministratorDecember 15, 2008

Greg P. PaltincaProvincial AgriculturistDecember 15, 2008

Ligaya PartosaClerk III, Provincial Agriculturist OfficeDecember 15, 2008

Grace DizonAgriculturist II, Provincial Agriculturist OfficeDecember 15, 2008

Governor Emilio Macias IINegros Oriental Local Chief ExecutiveDecember 16, 2008

Olivar LemenceAdministrative OfficerDecember 16, 2008

Freddie UyBADC Member, Kankawas, San Jose (TABO)December 16, 2008

Elisa L. Baguiso, PrincipalRica Advincula, Grade III Adviser OICAmbrosio M. Ramirez Elementary SchoolAlangilan, Sta. CatalinaDecember 16, 2008

Angelina MantaringSecretary, Barangay Agricultural Development Center Ass’n (BADCA)December 16, 2008

Edgar RagayBarangay Captain, Caticugan, Siaton, Negros OrientalDecember 16, 2008

Esperato PilioProvincial Agriculturist OfficeDecember 16, 2008