Long Island Profile - PolicyLinkAn Equity Profile of Long Island PolicyLink and PERE 3Long Island...

An Equity Profile of

Community partner:

Long Island

Supported by:

Demographics

Economic vitality

Economic benefits

Readiness

Connectedness

PolicyLink and PEREAn Equity Profile of Long Island

Summary Equity Profiles are products of a partnership between PolicyLink and PERE, the Program

for Environmental and Regional Equity at the

University of Southern California.

The views expressed in this document are

those of PolicyLink and PERE.

2

Table of contents

Data and methods104

30

63

9

82

98

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18

Introduction

An Equity Profile of Long Island PolicyLink and PERE 3

Long Island – defined as Nassau and Suffolk counties – is rapidly diversifying.

Today, one in three Long Island residents is a person of color – up from roughly

one in 10 residents in 1980. By 2050, nearly two in three residents will be people

of color. Increasing diversity is a tremendous asset for the region, but not all

people are able to access the resources and opportunities they need to thrive.

Black Long Islanders, who were largely excluded from the massive federally

subsidized suburban development that characterizes Long Island, continue to face

barriers to full social, economic, and political inclusion. Racial residential

segregation, which is a fundamental cause of racial health disparities, remains

high between Black and White residents, creating uneven access to opportunities.

If new development does not address persistent racial inequities, the region’s

long-term economic future is at risk.

Long Island’s economy could have been nearly $24 billion stronger in 2014 alone

if racial gaps in income were eliminated. Long Island’s new growth model must be

driven by equity – just and fair inclusion into a society in which all can participate,

prosper, and reach their full potential. Leaders in the private, public, nonprofit,

and philanthropic sectors must commit to putting all residents on the path to

financial security through equity-focused strategies and policies that build

community power and voice, cultivate homegrown talent, increase access to high-

quality, affordable housing, and create sustainable neighborhoods for all.

Summary

PolicyLink and PEREAn Equity Profile of Long Island 4

IndicatorsDemographics

20 Race/Ethnicity and Nativity, 2014

20 Black and Latino Populations by Ancestry, 2014

21 Percent Change in Total Population by Census Block Group,

2000 to 2014

22 Racial/Ethnic Composition, 1980 to 2014

22 Composition of Net Population Growth by Decade, 1980 to

2014

23 Growth Rates of Major Racial/Ethnic Groups, 2000 to 2014

23 Share of Net Growth in Black and Latino Populations by

Nativity, 2000 to 2014

24 Percent Change in Population, 2000 to 2010 (in descending

order by 2014 county population)

25 Percent Change in People of Color by Census Block Group,

2000 to 2014

26 Racial/Ethnic Composition of Those Who Moved Out of Long

Island in the Past Year and Those Who Stayed, 2014

27 Racial/Ethnic Composition, 1980 to 2050

28 Percent People of Color (POC) by Age Group, 1980 to 2014

28 Median Age by Race/Ethnicity, 2014

29 Median Age of Those Who Moved Out of Long Island in the Past

Year and Those Who Stayed, 2014

Economic vitality

32 Cumulative Job Growth, 1979 to 2014

32 Cumulative Growth in Real GRP, 1979 to 2014

33 Unemployment Rate, 1990 to 2015

34 Cumulative Growth in Jobs-to-Population Ratio, 1979 to 2014

35 Labor Force Participation Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 1990 and 2014

35 Unemployment Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 1990 and 2014

36 Unemployment Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 2014

37 Unemployment Rate by Census Tract, 2014

38 Gini Coefficient, 1979 to 2014

39 Real Earned Income Growth for Full-Time Wage and Salary

Workers Ages 25-64, 1979 to 2014 (in 2010 dollars)

40 Median Hourly Wage by Race/Ethnicity, 2000 and 2014

41 Household by Income Level, 1979 and 2014 (all figures in 2010

dollars)

42 Racial Composition of Middle-Class Households and All

Households, 1979 and 2014

43 Poverty Rate, 1980 to 2014


IndicatorsEconomic vitality (continued)

43 Working Poverty Rate, 1980 to 2014

44 Poverty Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 2014

44 Working Poverty Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 2014

45 Percent of the Population Below 200 Percent of Poverty, 1980

to 2014

46 Unemployment Rate by Educational Attainment and Race/Ethnicity,

2014

47 Median Hourly Wage by Educational Attainment and

Race/Ethnicity, 2014

48 Unemployment Rate by Educational Attainment, Race/Ethnicity,

and Gender, 2014

48 Median Hourly Wage by Educational Attainment, Race/Ethnicity,

and Gender, 2014

49 Growth in Jobs and Earnings by Industry Wage Level, 1990 to 2015

50 Industries by Wage Level Category in 1990 and 2015

52 Industry Strength Index

54 Occupation Opportunity Index

56 Occupation Opportunity Index: Occupations by Opportunity Level

for Workers with a High School Diploma or Less

57 Occupation Opportunity Index: Occupations by Opportunity Level

for Workers with More Than a High School Diploma but Less Than a

Bachelor’s Degree

58 Occupation Opportunity Index: All Levels of Opportunity for

Workers with a Bachelor’s Degree or Higher

59 Opportunity Ranking of Occupations by Race/Ethnicity and

Nativity, All Workers


Nativity, Workers with Low Educational Attainment


Nativity, Workers with Middle Educational Attainment


Nativity, Workers with High Educational Attainment

Readiness

65 Percent of the Population with an Associate’s Degree or Higher

in 2014: Largest 150 Metros Ranked

66 Share of Working-Age Population with an Associate’s Degree or

Higher by Race/Ethnicity and Nativity, 2014, and Projected Share of

Jobs that Require an Associate’s Degree or Higher, 2020

67 Educational Attainment by Race/Ethnicity and Nativity, 2014

68 Black Immigrants, Percent with an Associate’s Degree or Higher

by Origin, 2014


IndicatorsReadiness (continued)

68 Latino Immigrants, Percent with an Associate’s Degree or Higher

by Origin, 2014

69 Educational Attainment of People Ages 25 to 34 who Moved

Out of Long Island in the Past Year and Those who Stayed, 2014

70 Percent of 16- to 24-Year-Olds Not Enrolled in School and Without

a High School Diploma, 1990 to 2014

71 Disconnected Youth: 16- to 24-Year-Olds Not in School or Work,

1980 to 2014

72 Percent Living in Limited Supermarket Access Areas by

Race/Ethnicity, 2014

73 Percent Population by Poverty and Food Environments, 2014

74 Adult Overweight and Obesity Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 2012

74 Adult Diabetes Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 2012

75 Air Pollution: Exposure Index by Race/Ethnicity, 2014

76 Air Pollution: Exposure Index by Poverty Status, 2014

77 Adult Asthma Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 2012

78 Adult Heart Attack Rate by Geography, 2012

78 Adult Heart Attack Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 2012

79 Adult Angina Rate by Geography, 2012

79 Adult Angina Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 2012

80 Heart Disease Mortality per 100,000 Population, Age Adjusted,

2012-2014: Nassau County

80 Heart Disease Mortality per 100,000 Population, Age Adjusted,

2012-2014: Suffolk County

81 Health Insurance Rate by Geography, 2014

81 Health Insurance Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 2014

Connectedness

84 Percent Black Population by Census Block Group, 2014

85 Percent Change in the Black Population by Census Block Group,

2000 to 2014

86 Racial/Ethnic Composition by Census Block Group, 1990 and 2014

87 Residential Segregation, 1980 to 2014

88 Residential Segregation, 1990 and 2014, Measured by the

Dissimilarity Index

89 Percent Population Below the Federal Poverty Level by Census

Tract, 2014

90 Percent Using Public Transit by Annual Earnings and Race/Ethnicity

and Nativity, 2014

90 Percent of Households Without a Vehicle by Race/Ethnicity, 2014


IndicatorsConnectedness (continued)

91 Means of Transportation to Work by Annual Earnings, 2014

92 Percent of Households Without a Vehicle by Census Tract, 2014

93 Average Travel Time to Work by Census Tract, 2014

94 Renter Housing Burden by Race/Ethnicity, 2014

94 Homeowner Housing Burden by Race/Ethnicity, 2014

95 Share of Households that are Rent Burdened, 2014: Largest 150

Metros, Ranked

96 Share of Affordable Rental Housing Units by County, 2014

97 Low-Wage Jobs , Affordable Rental Housing , and Jobs-Housing

Ratio by County

Economic benefits

100 Actual GDP and Estimated GDP without Racial Gaps in Income,

2014

101 Percentage Gain in Income with Racial Equity by Race/Ethnicity,

2014

102 Gain in Average Income with Racial Equity by Race/Ethnicity, 2014

103 Source of Gains in Income with Racial Equity By Race/Ethnicity,

2014


for their invaluable partnership to review,

drive community dialog, and outline

recommendations using the data from this

profile. It is our priority that the profile

enables new community-driven solutions and

policies that deliver impact for Nassau and

Suffolk counties and the broader New York

City region.

The analyses and recommendations were also

informed by interviews conducted with a

number of public, private, and nonprofit

stakeholders including leaders from the Long

Island Association, ERASE Racism, the Long

Island Builders Institute, Suffolk County

Community College, New York Communities

for Change, Long Island Jobs with Justice, and

Long Island Progressive Coalition.

This profile was written and maps prepared by

Ángel Ross at PolicyLink; the data and charts

were prepared by Sheila Xiao, Pamela

Stephens, and Justin Scoggins at PERE; and

Rosamaria Carrillo of PolicyLink assisted with

editing and design. Rebecca Flournoy assisted

with development of the framework.

This Long Island Equity Profile was made

possible by the dedicated collaboration of

many local community leaders and residents.

PolicyLink and the Program for Environmental

and Regional Equity (PERE) at the University

of Southern California are grateful for the

generous, lead funding from Citi Community

Development, the Long Island Community

Foundation, and the Robert Wood Johnson

Foundation.

This equity profile and the accompanying

policy brief are part of a series of reports

produced in partnership with local

community coalitions in Long Island, Fresno,

Buffalo, Cincinnati, and Sacramento. These

communities are also a part of the All-In

Cities initiative at PolicyLink, which supports

community leaders advancing racial economic

inclusion and equitable growth. This initiative

is generously supported by Prudential and the

Surdna Foundation.

With the leadership and coordination of the

Urban League of Long Island, we thank the

members of the Long Island Advisory Council

Acknowledgments

Thought-leadership PartnersSol Marie Alfonso-Jones, Long Island Community FoundationPat Edwards, New York Tri-State, Citi Community DevelopmentJasmine Thomas, National Initiatives, Citi Community Development

Council of AdvisorsTheresa Sanders, Urban League of Long IslandWilliam Bailey, New York Communities for ChangeLynette Batts, Littig House Community CenterBonnie Cannon, Bridgehampton Childcare & Recreation CenterLois Cooper, Urban League of Long IslandShirley Coverdale, Family Life Center of RiverheadRev. Charles Coverdale, First Baptist Church of RiverheadJacob Dixon, Choice for AllEvelyn Digsby, Interfaith & Interspirtual Minister, Community Health AdvocateErica Edwards-O’Neal, ESQ., Community AdvocateDr. Georgette Grier-Key, Cultural HistorianV. Elaine Gross, ERASE RacismMartine Hackett, PHD Hofstra UniversityA.Brian Leander, Adelphi UniversitySandra Mahoney, United Way of Long IslandDaphne Marsh, Community AdvocateCheryl Mchunguzi, Psychotherapist Rev. Saba Mchunguzi, Pastor, Unity Church of Healing Light Risco Mention-Lewis, Deputy Police Commissioner Suffolk County Police DepartmentBilly Moss, President, NAACP Islip Town BranchFalicia Moss, Black Long Island Development, Inc.Diane Myers, IBM / Urban League of Long Island BODMimi Pierre Johnson, NY Communities for ChangeDonna Raphael, Family and Children’s AssociationBrandon V. Ray, AT&T Lisa Starling-McQueen, Education & Health Care AdvocateRahsmia Zatar, Strong Youth, Inc


Introduction


OverviewIntroduction

data sources.

We hope this information is used broadly by

residents and community groups, elected

officials, planners, business leaders, funders,

and others working to build a stronger and

more equitable Long Island.

America’s cities and metropolitan regions are

the nation’s engines of economic growth and

innovation, and where a new economy that is

equitable, resilient, and prosperous must be

built.

Policy changes that advance health equity can

guide leaders toward a new path of shared

prosperity. Health equity means that

everyone has a just and fair opportunity to be

healthy. This requires removing obstacles to

attaining and maintaining good health, such

as poverty and discrimination, and addressing

the social determinants of health: education,

employment, income, family and social

support, community safety, air and water

quality, and housing and transit. Health equity

promotes inclusive growth, because healthy

people are better able to secure jobs, fully

participate in society, and contribute to a

vibrant local and regional economy.

This profile analyzes the state of health equity

and inclusive growth on Long Island, and the

accompanying policy brief, Empowering Black

Long Island: How Equity is Key to the Future of

Nassau and Suffolk Counties, summarizes the

data and presents recommendations to

advance health equity and inclusive growth.

They were created by PolicyLink and the

Program for Environmental and Regional

Equity (PERE) in partnership with Citi

Community Development, the Long Island

Community Foundation, and the Urban

League of Long Island.

The data used in this profile were drawn from

a regional equity indicators database that

includes the largest 100 cities, the largest 150

metro areas, all 50 states, and the United

States as a whole. The database incorporates

hundreds of data points from public and

private data sources including the U.S. Census

Bureau, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics,

the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance

System (BRFSS), and the Integrated Public

Use Microdata Series (IPUMS). Note that

while we disaggregate most indicators by

major racial/ethnic groups, too little data on

certain populations is available to report

results confidently. See the “Data and

methods" section for a more detailed list of


Regions are equitable when all residents – regardless of

race/ethnicity, nativity, income, neighborhood of residence, or

other characteristics – can fully participate in the region’s

economic vitality, contribute to its readiness for the future, and

connect to its assets and resources.

What is an equitable region?

Strong, equitable regions:

• Possess economic vitality, providing high-

quality jobs to their residents and producing

new ideas, products, businesses, and

economic activity so the region remains

sustainable and competitive.

• Are ready for the future, with a skilled,

ready workforce, and a healthy population.

• Are places of connection, where residents

can access the essential ingredients to live

healthy and productive lives in their own

neighborhoods, reach opportunities located

throughout the region via transportation or

technology, participate in political

processes, and interact with other diverse

residents.

Introduction


Why equity matters now

The face of America is changing.

Our country’s population is rapidly

diversifying. Already, more than half of all

babies born in the United States are people of

color. By 2030, the majority of young workers

will be people of color. And by 2044, the

United States will be a majority people-of-

color nation.

Yet racial and income inequality is high and

persistent.

Over the past several decades, long-standing

inequities in income, wealth, health, and

opportunity have reached unprecedented

levels. Wages have stagnated for the majority

of workers, inequality has skyrocketed, and

many people of color face racial and

geographic barriers to accessing economic

opportunities.

Racial and economic equity is necessary for

economic growth and prosperity.

Equity is an economic imperative as well as a

moral one. Research shows that inclusion and

diversity are win-win propositions for nations,

regions, communities, and firms.

Introduction

For example:

• More equitable regions experience stronger,

more sustained growth.1

• Regions with less segregation (by race and

income) and lower income inequality have

more upward mobility.2

• The elimination of health disparities would

lead to significant economic benefits from

reductions in health-care spending and

increased productivity.3

• Companies with a diverse workforce achieve

a better bottom line.4

• A diverse population more easily connects

to global markets.5

• Less economic inequality results in better

health outcomes for everyone.6

The way forward is with an equity-driven

growth model.

To secure America’s health and prosperity, the

nation must implement a new economic

model based on equity, fairness, and

opportunity. Leaders across all sectors must

remove barriers to full participation, connect

more people to opportunity, and invest in

human potential.

Regions play a critical role in shifting to inclusive growth.Local communities are where strategies are being incubated to foster equitable growth: growing good jobs and new businesses while ensuring that all –including low-income people and people of color – can fully participate as workers, consumers, entrepreneurs, innovators, and leaders.1 Manuel Pastor, “Cohesion and Competitiveness: Business Leadership for

Regional Growth and Social Equity,” OECD Territorial Reviews, Competitive Cities in the Global Economy, Organisation For Economic Co-Operation And Development (OECD), 2006; Manuel Pastor and Chris Benner, “Been Down So Long: Weak-Market Cities and Regional Equity” in Retooling for Growth: Building a 21st Century Economy in America’s Older Industrial Areas (New York: American Assembly and Columbia University, 2008); Randall Eberts, George Erickcek, and Jack Kleinhenz, “Dashboard Indicators for the Northeast Ohio Economy: Prepared for the Fund for Our Economic Future” (Cleveland, OH: Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, 2006), https://www.clevelandfed.org/newsroom-and-events/publications/working-papers/working-papers-archives/2006-working-papers/wp-0605-dashboard-indicators-for-the-northeast-ohio-economy.aspx.

2 Raj Chetty, Nathaniel Hendren, Patrick Kline, and Emmanuel Saez, “Where is the Land of Economic Opportunity? The Geography of Intergenerational Mobility in the U.S.,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 129 (2014): 1553-1623, http://www.equality-of-opportunity.org/assets/documents/mobility_geo.pdf.

3 Darrell Gaskin, Thomas LaVeist, and Patrick Richard, The State of Urban Health: Eliminating Health Disparities to Save Lives and Cut Costs (New York, NY: National Urban League Policy Institute, 2012).

4 Cedric Herring, “Does Diversity Pay?: Race, Gender, and the Business Case for Diversity,” American Sociological Review 74 (2009): 208-22; Slater, Weigandand Zwirlein, “The Business Case for Commitment to Diversity,” Business Horizons 51 (2008): 201-209.

5 U.S. Census Bureau, “Ownership Characteristics of Classifiable U.S. Exporting Firms: 2007,” Survey of Business Owners Special Report, June 2012, https://www2.census.gov/econ/sbo/07/sbo_export_report.pdf.

6 Kate Pickett and Richard Wilkinson, “Income Inequality and Health: A Causal Review,” Social Science & Medicine 128 (2015): 316-326.


Equity indicators framework

Demographics:

Who lives in the region, and how is this

changing?

• Is the population growing?

• Which groups are driving growth?

• How diverse is the population?

• How does the racial composition vary by

age?

Economic vitality:

How is the region doing on measures of

economic growth and well-being?

• Is the region producing good jobs?

• Can all residents access good jobs?

• Is growth widely shared?

• Do all residents have enough income to

sustain their families?

• Are race/ethnicity and nativity barriers to

economic success?

• What are the strongest industries and

occupations?

Introduction

Readiness:

How prepared are the region’s residents for

the 21st century economy?

• Does the workforce have the skills for the

jobs of the future?

• Are all youth ready to enter the workforce?

• Are residents healthy? Do they live in

health-promoting environments?

• Are health disparities decreasing?

• Are racial gaps in education decreasing?

Connectedness:

Are the region’s residents and neighborhoods

connected to one another and to the region’s

assets and opportunities?

• Do residents have transportation choices?

• Can residents access jobs and opportunities

located throughout the region?

• Can all residents access affordable, quality,

convenient housing?

• Do neighborhoods reflect the region’s

diversity? Is segregation decreasing?

The indicators in this profile are presented in five sections. The first section describes the

region’s demographics. The next three sections present indicators of the region’s economic

vitality, readiness, and connectedness. The final section explores the economic benefits of

equity. Below are the questions answered within each of the five sections.

Economic benefits:

What are the benefits of racial economic

inclusion to the broader economy?

• What are the projected economic gains of

racial equity?

• Do these gains come from closing racial

wage or employment gaps?


Policy change is the path to health equity and inclusive growthEquity is just and fair inclusion into a society

in which all can participate, prosper, and reach

their full potential. Health equity, as defined

by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation,

means that everyone has a just and fair

opportunity to be healthy. This requires

removing obstacles to health such as poverty,

discrimination, and their consequences, which

include powerlessness and lack of access to

good jobs with fair pay, quality education and

housing, safe environments, and health care.

Many of the conditions and policies that

advance health equity also promote inclusive

growth. Healthy people are better able to

secure jobs and participate in their full

capacity, creating a vibrant local economy. In

a highly complementary way, equitable

economic growth – where all residents have

access to good jobs and entrepreneurial

opportunities – supports the health of

residents throughout the region. This

happens through tackling structural barriers

and ensuring greater economic security,

which reduces stress and increases people’s

access to health care and preventive services.1

Introduction

Ensuring that policies and systems serve to

increase inclusion and remove barriers is

particularly important given the history of

urban and metropolitan development in the

United States. Regions and cities are highly

segregated by race and income. Today’s cities

are patchworks of concentrated advantage

and disadvantage, with some neighborhoods

home to good schools, bustling commercial

districts, services, parks, and other crucial

ingredients for economic success, while other

neighborhoods provide few of those

elements.

These patterns of exclusion were created and

continue to be maintained by public policies

at the federal, state, regional, and local levels.

From redlining to voter ID laws to

exclusionary zoning practices and more,

government policies have fostered racial

inequities in health, wealth, and opportunity.

Reversing the trends and shifting to equitable

growth requires dismantling barriers and

enacting proactive policies that expand

opportunity.

Health equity can be achieved through policy

and systems changes that remove barriers,

and build opportunity, and address the social

determinants of health, or the factors outside

of the health-care system that play a

fundamental role in health outcomes. Social

determinants of health include both structural

drivers, like the inequitable distribution of

power and opportunity, and the environments

of everyday life – where people are born, live,

learn, work, play, worship, and age.2 There are

seven key social determinants of health:

education, employment, income, family and

social support, community safety, air and

water quality, and housing and transit.3

1 Steven H. Woolf, Laudan Aron, Lisa Dubay, Sarah M. Simon, Emily Zimmerman, and Kim X. Luk, How Are Income and Wealth Linked to Economic Longevity (Washington, DC: The Urban Institute and the Center on Society and Health, April 2015), http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/49116/2000178-How-are-Income-and-Wealth-Linked-to-Health-and-Longevity.pdf.

2 Rachel Davis, Diana Rivera, and Lisa Fujie Parks, Moving from Understanding to Action on Health Equity: Social Determinants of Health Frameworks and THRIVE (Oakland, CA: The Prevention Institute, August 2015), https://www.preventioninstitute.org/sites/default/files/publications/Moving%20from%20Understanding%20to%20Action%20on%20Health%20Equity%20%E2%80%93%20Social%20Determinants%20of%20Health%20Frameworks%20and%20THRIVE.pdf.

3 County Health Rankings and Roadmaps, “Our Approach” (University of Wisconsin Population Health Institute, 2016), http://www.countyhealthrankings.org/our-approach.


Health equity and inclusive growth are intertwined

The interconnection between health equity

and inclusive growth can be seen across the

four dimensions of our framework.

Economic vitality

In a region that cultivates inclusive growth

and health equity, good jobs are accessible to

all, including less-educated workers, and

residents have enough income to sustain their

families and save for the future. The region

has growing industries, and race/ethnicity and

nativity are not barriers to economic success.

Economic growth is widely shared, and

incomes among lower-paid workers are

increasing. The population becomes healthier

and more productive, since income is a

documented determinant of good health, and

reduced economic inequality has been linked

to better health outcomes for everyone.

Readiness


and health equity, all residents have the skills

needed for jobs of the future, and youth are

ready to enter the workforce. High levels of

good health are found throughout the

Introduction

population, and racial gaps in health are

decreasing. Residents have health insurance

and can readily access health-care services.

Connectedness


and health equity, residents have good

transportation choices linking them to a wide

range of services that support good health

and economic and educational opportunities.

Many residents choose to walk, bike, and take

public transit – increasing exercise for these

residents and reducing air pollution, which

positively influence health. Local

neighborhood and school environments

support health and economic opportunity for

all residents, allowing everyone to participate

fully in the local economy. Neighborhoods are

less segregated by race and income, and all

residents wield political power to make their

voices heard.

Economic benefits

The elimination of racial health disparities and

improving health for all generates significant

economic benefits from reductions in health-

care spending and increased productivity.

Research shows that economic growth is

stronger and more sustainable in regions that

are more equitable.


Key drivers of health equity and inclusive growthIntroduction

Healthy, economically secure

people

Strong, inclusive regional economies

Economic vitality

• Good jobs available to less-educated workers

• Family-supporting incomes• Rising wages and living

standards for lower-income households

• Strong regional industries• Economic growth widely

shared• Reduced economic inequality• Shrinking racial wealth gap

Readiness

• Skills for the jobs of the future

• Youth ready to enter the workforce and adapt to economic shifts

• Good population health and reduced health inequities

• Health insurance coverage and access to care

Connectedness

• Transportation and mobility choices, including walking, biking, and public transit

• Inclusive, health-supporting neighborhood and school environments

• Access to quality, affordable housing

• Shared political power and voice

Policies and practices that undo structural racism and foster full

inclusion


Geography

This profile describes demographic, economic,

and health conditions on Long Island, defined

as Nassau and Suffolk counties and portrayed

in black on the map to the right. Long Island is

situated within the broader 23-county New

York-Northern New Jersey-Long Island, NY-

NJ-PA metropolitan statistical area.

Unless otherwise noted, all data presented in

the profile follow this two-county geography,

which is simply referred to as “Long Island.”

Some exceptions due to lack of data

availability are noted beneath the relevant

figures. Information on data sources and

methodology can be found in the “Data and

methods” section beginning on page 104.

Introduction


Demographics


Highlights

• By 2014, one in three Long Island residents

were people of color – up from roughly one

in 10 residents in 1980.

• Of the more than 930,000 people of color

on Long Island, 27 percent are Black.

• The people-of-color population share is

growing in both counties, although the pace

of growth is faster in Suffolk County than

Nassau County.

• Diverse groups, especially Latinos, Asians or

Pacific Islanders, and those of mixed/other

races are driving growth and change in the

region and will continue to do so for the

foreseeable future.

Black population growth since 2000:

Demographics

Net change in the White population since 2000:

Share of net Black population growth attributable to immigrants:

13%

-190,768

60%

Who lives in the region, and how is this changing?


67%7%

2%

9%

7%

2%4%

0.1%

2%

A moderately diverse region

In the region, 33 percent of residents are

people of color, including a diverse mix of

racial and ethnic groups. African Americans

make up 7 percent of Long Island and Black

immigrants account for another 2 percent.

A majority of Black Long Islanders list their

ancestry as “African American” although

Haitians and Jamaicans make up nearly a

quarter of the region’s Black population.

Latinos make up 16 percent of the region’s

population, with Salvadorans and Puerto

Ricans accounting for the largest Latino

ancestry groups. Asians or Pacific Islanders

account for 6 percent of the total population,

and people of Indian and Chinese ancestry

make up the largest Asian or Pacific Islander

subgroups.

One in three Long Islanders were people of color in 2014

Demographics

Race/Ethnicity and Nativity, 2014

Source: Integrated Public Use Microdata Series.

Note: Data represent a 2010 through 2014 average.



People of Haitian and Jamaican ancestry make up nearly a

quarter of the Black population on Long Island

Black and Latino Populations by Ancestry, 2014

Latino Ancestry Population

Salvadoran 98,289

Puerto Rican 65,470

Dominican 46,108

Ecuadorian 24,698

Mexican 23,825

Colombian 23,231

All other Latinos 188,063

Total 469,685

Black Ancestry Population

Haitian 31,721

Jamaican 28,505

Trinidadian/Tobagonian 3,609

Guyanese 2,629

Nigerian 2,113

Barbadian 1,271

All other Blacks 182,449

Total 252,297

WhiteBlack, U.S.-bornBlack, ImmigrantLatino, U.S.-bornLatino, ImmigrantAsian or Pacific Islander, U.S.-bornAsian or Pacific Islander, ImmigrantNative American and Alaska NativeMixed/other


A growing region with overall population growth, but many areas experiencing declineSince 2000, the region’s overall population

increased from 2.75 million to 2.85 million

residents. Yet pockets of population loss can

be found across both counties – symbolized in

yellow on the map to the right. One block

group in Long Beach lost more than 2,000

residents from 2000 to 2014, as did a block

group near Hofstra University. Another block

group near Brookhaven Airport lost 1,500

residents.

On the other hand, over half of block groups

experienced population growth. The block

group that includes Nassau Community

College experienced an increase of nearly

5,000 residents and a block group in

Manorville that includes the Rock Hill

Country Club grew by over 4,000 residents.

Despite overall population growth, there are pockets of population decline throughout the region

Demographics

Sources: U.S. Census Bureau; Geolytics, Inc.

Note: Data for 2014 represent a 2010 through 2014 average.

Decline

Less than 6% increase

6% to 21% increase

21% to 75% increase

75% or more increase

TownsCities

Counties

Percent Change in Total Population by Census Block Group, 2000 to 2014


89%84%

76%67%

6%7%

8%

9%

4%6%

10%

16%

1% 2% 4% 6%

1980 1990 2000 2014

-117,720

-89,245

-190,768

121,119

233,946

287,829

1980 to 1990 1990 to 2000 2000 to 2014

Steady demographic change over the past several decades

Growth of communities of color has fueled

overall population growth in the region. In

fact, the White population has declined in

each decade since 1980. The region’s diverse

communities of color, on the other hand, have

continued to grow at a steady pace. Over the

last 30 years, the people-of-color population

share nearly tripled, adding more than

642,000 people.

The Black population grew from 6 percent in

1980 to 9 percent in 2014. In 1980, nearly

158,000 Black residents lived on Long

Island. By 2014, that number had increased

to over 252,000 people. Over the same time

period, the White population share decreased

by 22 percentage points.

The population is steadily diversifying

Demographics

Racial/Ethnic Composition, 1980 to 2014

Source: U.S. Census Bureau.



Note: Data for 2014 represent a 2010 through 2014 average. Much of the

increase in the Mixed/other population between 1990 and 2000 is due to a

change in the survey question on race.

The people-of-color population has grown since 1980, but

the White population has significantly declined

Composition of Net Population Growth by Decade, 1980

to 2014

89%84%

76%

67%

6%7%

8%

9%

4%6%

10%

16%

1% 2%4% 6%1%

1980 1990 2000 2014

Mixed/otherNative AmericanAsian or Pacific IslanderLatinoBlackWhite

-117,720

-89,245

-190,768

121,119

233,946

287,829

1980 to 1990 1990 to 2000 2000 to 2014

WhitePeople of Color


15%

-16%

68%

66%

-9%

13%

Mixed/other

Native American

Asian or Pacific Islander

Latino

White

Black

40%

60%

60%

40%

60%

40%

Foreign-born BlackU.S.-born Black

Black population steadily increasing

The Asian or Pacific Islander and Latino

populations grew the fastest in the last

decade by far. Those of mixed/other races and

the Black population also saw modest

population growth while White and Native

Americans experienced declines. Asians or

Pacific Islanders were the fastest growing

group adding over 66,000 residents, but

Latinos had the largest absolute increase of

over 185,000 people. Those of mixed/other

races grew by over 6,000 residents and the

Black population grew by over 29,000

people from 2000 to 2014. The White

population saw the largest absolute decline,

decreasing by 190,000. The Native American

and Alaskan Native population declined by

nearly 700 and accounted for 3,600 total

residents in 2014.

Growth in the region’s Black population is

driven largely by increases in the immigrant

population (60 percent), while growth in the

Latino community is driven more by U.S.-born

Latinos (60 percent).

The Asian or Pacific Islander and Latino populations grew

the fastest from 2000 to 2014

Demographics

Growth Rates of Major Racial/Ethnic Groups,

2000 to 2014





Black population growth was largely due to immigration,

while Latino population growth was driven by increases in

U.S.-born Latinos

Share of Net Growth in Black and Latino Populations by

Nativity, 2000 to 2014

40%

60%

Foreign-born LatinoU.S.-born Latino


1%

6%

41%

48%

Nassau

Suffolk

People of color are fueling population growth in both Nassau and Suffolk countiesThe region’s population increased by 4

percent, or 97,000 people, and much of this

change was driven by growth in Suffolk

County, which grew by 81,000 residents (6

percent). Nassau County grew by just 16,000

residents (1 percent).

Communities of color are growing

significantly faster than the total population

in both counties. The total growth in people

of color across both counties was 44 percent,

but it was higher in Suffolk County, which is

slightly less diverse than Nassau County.

The people-of-color population is growing in both counties

Demographics

Percent Change in Population, 2000 to 2014 (in descending order by 2014 county population)



1%

6%

41%

48%

Nassau

Suffolk

People of Color GrowthTotal Population Growth


Communities of color are growing throughout the region

Even with pockets of population decline

throughout the region, rapidly growing

communities of color can be found across the

region. More than 70 percent of block groups

in the region experienced growth in the

people-of-color population from 2000 to

2014. One block group in the unincorporated

hamlet of Shirley went from less than 2

percent people of color in 2000 to majority

people of color in 2014.

Importantly, communities of color are

growing throughout the region in both

counties and in all towns.

Substantial growth in communities of color throughout the region

Demographics

Sources: U.S. Census Bureau; Geolytics, Inc.

Note: To more accurately visualize change, block groups with a small populations (50 or fewer people in either 2000 or 2014) were excluded from the analysis.

Excluded block groups are shaded in grey. Data for 2014 represent a 2010 through 2014 average.

Decline

Less than 36% increase

36% to 84% increase

84% to 177% increase

177% or more increase

TownsCities

Counties

Percent Change in People of Color by Census Block Group, 2000 to 2014


64% 68%

36% 32%

Moved out of Long Island Still in Long Island

WhitePeople of Color

64% 68%

36% 32%

Moved out of Long Island Still on Long Island

People of color are more likely to leave Long Island

Of the population who moved out of Long

Island in the last year, 64 percent were White.

Importantly, people of color were more likely

to move out of Long Island in the past year

than to stay on Long Island despite a growing

people-of-color population.

Though it’s not possible to determine the

most common reasons for moving or whether

moving was a choice, housing affordability

likely plays a role in outmigration.

People of color make up a greater share of out-movers than those who stayed on Long Island

Demographics

Racial/Ethnic Composition of Those Who Moved Out of Long Island in the Past Year and Those Who Stayed, 2014




89%84%

76%69%

61%52%

44%35%

6%7%

8%

9%

9%

10%

10%

11%

4%6%

10%16%

21%

26%

32%

38%

2% 4% 5% 7% 9% 11% 13%

2% 2% 2% 2% 3%

1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050

Projected

89%84%

76%69%

61%52%

44%35%

6%7%

8%

9%

9%

10%

10%

11%

4%6%

10%16%

21%

26%

32%

38%

2% 4% 5% 7% 9% 11% 13%

2% 2%

2%

2% 3%

1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050

U.S. % WhiteMixed/otherNative AmericanAsian or Pacific IslanderLatinoBlackWhite

Projected

The region will continue to diversify

Demographic change is happening much

faster on Long Island than in the nation as a

whole and the region is projected to continue

diversifying into the future. In 1980, Long

Island was 89 percent White – a larger share

than the United States overall. But the region

is projected to become majority people of

color in the early-2030s, a decade before the

nation becomes majority people of color in

the year 2044.

Nationally, the Black population accounted

for 12 percent of the total population from

1980 to 2010 and is projected to remain at 12

percent until 2040 when it will increase to 13

percent. On Long Island, however, the share

of the Black population increased from 6

percent in 1980 to 9 percent in 2010. It is

projected to reach 11 percent by 2050.

The share of people of color is projected to steadily increase through 2050

Demographics

Racial/Ethnic Composition, 1980 to 2050

Sources: U.S. Census Bureau; Woods & Poole Economics, Inc.

Note: Much of the increase in the Mixed/other population between 1990 and 2000 is due to a change in the survey question on race.


23

37

30

36

45

41

Mixed/other


Latino

Black

White

All

6%

17%15%

41%

1980 1990 2000 2014

24 percentage point gap


A growing racial generation gap

Young people are leading the demographic

shift in the region. Today, 41 percent of Long

Island’s youth (under age 18) are people of

color, compared with 17 percent of the

region’s seniors (65 and older). This 24

percentage point difference between the

share of youth of color and the share of

seniors of color can be measured as the racial

generation gap. The racial generation gap may

negatively affect the region if seniors do not

invest in the educational systems and

community infrastructure needed to support

a more racially diverse youth population.

The region’s communities of color are also

more youthful than its White population.

People of mixed/other races, for example,

have a median age of 23, while the median

age of Whites is 45, a 22-year difference.

Black Long Islanders have a median age of

36 years old – 9 years younger than that of

Whites.

The racial generation gap between youth and seniors

continues to expand

Demographics

Percent People of Color (POC) by Age Group,

1980 to 2014





The region’s communities of color are comparatively

younger than the White population

Median Age by Race/Ethnicity, 2014

6%

17%15%

41%

1980 1990 2000 2014

Percent of seniors who are POCPercent of youth who are POC




26

27

46

33

White

People of Color

Still residents of Long IslandMoved out of Long Island

26

26

25

29

46

36

31

38

White

Black

Latino


Those leaving Long Island are younger, on average, than those who stayThose who have moved out of Long Island in

the last year are also younger, on average,

than those who stayed – across all

racial/ethnic groups. The median age of

Black residents who moved out is 26 years

old while the median age of Black residents

who stayed on Long Island is 36 years old.

The largest age gap is between White

residents: those who moved out have a

median age that is 20 years younger than

those who are still on Long Island.

Part of this is due to the fact that younger

college-aged adults are more mobile than

other age groups. In fact, adults ages 18 to 24

years are the most likely to leave Long Island.

Those who moved out of Long Island in the past year are younger, on average, than those who stayed

Demographics

Median Age of Those Who Moved Out of Long Island in the Past Year and Those Who Stayed, 2014




Economic vitality


Wage growth for the 10th

percentile of workers since 1979:

-7%

Highlights

• Long Island’s economic growth has lagged

behind the nation since the 1990s, but

continues to increase.

• Income inequality is also increasing in the

region, and workers at the 10th percentile

have seen their wages fall since 1979.

• The regional poverty rate is below the

national average, but racial disparities in

poverty persist.

• Although education is a leveler, racial and

gender gaps persist in the labor market.

Black Long Islanders face higher rates of

joblessness and lower wages at all education

levels compared with Whites.

Economic vitality

Wage gap between college-educated Blacks and Whites:

$8/hour

Share of Black Long Islanders

living below 200% of poverty:

26%

How is the region doing on measures of economic growth and well-being?


106%

96%

-40%

0%

40%

80%

120%

1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014

53%

64%

0%

25%

50%

75%

1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014

43%

53%

0%

40%

80%

120%

1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014

Long IslandUnited States

43%

53%

0%

40%

80%

120%

1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014


Sluggish long-term economic growth

Economic growth, as measured by increases

in jobs and gross regional product (GRP) – the

value of all goods and services produced

within the region – has increased over the

past several decades. Job growth in the region

outpaced that of the nation until 1990. For

the past couple of decades job growth on

Long Island has followed a similar pattern as

the nation overall, though it tends to be

roughly 10 percentage points lower.

Similarly, growth in GRP outpaced the

national average until 1995. Both the

recession and recovery impacted Long Island

just before the nation as whole. There was a

spike in the GRP in 2009 when it matched

that of the United States overall before

leveling off while the national average

continued to increase in the 2010s.

Job growth in the region has lagged behind the national

average since 1990

Economic vitality

Cumulative Job Growth, 1979 to 2014

Source: U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis.Source: U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis.

Growth in the gross regional product (GRP) matched the

national average in 2009 before dropping in 2011

Cumulative Growth in Real GRP, 1979 to 2014


4.6%

5.3%

0

0.1

0.2

0.3

0.4

0.5

0.6

0.7

0.8

0.9

1

0%

4%

8%

12%

1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015

Downturn 2007-2010

43%

53%

0%

40%

80%

120%

1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014


Economic resilience after the downturn

The regional economy struggled during the

economic downturn and took longer than the

national economy to recover. Unemployment

spiked between 2007 and 2010, approaching

the national average, though never surpassing

it. By 2015, the overall unemployment rate

was 4.6 percent, lower than both the broader

New York City regional and national averages.

According to the most recent data from the

Bureau of Labor Statistics, the region

continues to rebound. As of July 2016,

unemployment was just 4 percent in Nassau

County and 4.4 percent in Suffolk County (not

seasonally adjusted).

Unemployment did not fall consistently until 2013, but it remains below the national average

Economic vitality

Unemployment Rate, 1990 to 2015

Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Universe includes the civilian non-institutional population ages 16 and older.


39%

16%

-10%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014

Job growth is keeping up with population growth

While overall job growth is essential, it’s

important to consider whether jobs are

growing at a fast enough pace to keep up with

population growth. Long Island’s job growth

per person has been more than 10

percentage points higher than the national

average since 2002. The number of jobs per

person has increased by 69 percent since

1979, while it’s only increased by 30 percent

for the nation overall.

While an increase in the jobs to population

ratio is good, it does not speak to the quality

of those jobs or whether they are equitably

distributed across the working-age

population.

Job growth relative to population growth has been significantly higher than the national average since 1979

Economic vitality

Cumulative Growth in Jobs-to-Population Ratio, 1979 to 2014

Source: U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis.

43%

53%

0%

40%

80%

120%

1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014



6.8%

4.8%

5.8%

8.7%

5.6%

2.8%

5.5%

5.7%

3.3%

Mixed/other

Asian orPacific Islander

Latino

Black

White

79%

70%

78%

83%

82%

81%

77%

78%

81%

82%

79%

Mixed/other

Native American

Asian orPacific Islander

Latino

Black

White

Similar labor force participation rates among White, Black, and Latino Long IslandersDespite some progress over the past two

decades, racial employment gaps persist.

African American and Native American

workers face the most challenging

employment situation. Black Long Islanders

have consistently high rates of labor force

participation (defined as either working or

actively seeking employment) but still face

the highest unemployment rates.

Latinos had the highest level of labor force

participation in 2014, and Latino

unemployment was just slightly higher than

White unemployment. Asian or Pacific

Islanders had the lowest unemployment rate

in 2014.

White, Black, and Latino Long Islanders have similar labor

market participation rates

Economic vitality

Labor Force Participation Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 1990

and 2014

Source: Integrated Public Use Microdata Series. Universe includes the civilian

non-institutional labor force ages 25 through 64.



non-institutional population ages 25 through 64.


Black Long Islanders have a higher unemployment rate

than their White and Latino counterparts

Unemployment Rate by Race/Ethnicity,

1990 and 2014

78%

83%

82%

81%

78%

81%

82%

79%

Native American


Latino

Black

19902014

78%

83%

82%

81%

78%

81%

82%

79%

Native American


Latino

Black

19902014


6.8%

4.8%

5.8%

5.6%

5.9%

8.7%

Mixed/other


Latino

White

All

Black

Unemployment highest for Black adults

Black Long Islanders are more likely than all

other populations to be actively searching for

work. Nearly 9 percent of Black adults ages

25 to 64 are unemployed. The Asian or

Pacific Islander population has the lowest

unemployment at just under 5 percent while

White and Latino unemployment rates were

just under 6 percent. People of mixed/other

races have the second highest unemployment

rate at nearly 7 percent.

It is important to note that actual

unemployment is likely even higher because

only those who are actively searching for work

are counted as unemployed, not those who

have given up the search.

Black Long Islanders have the highest unemployment rate in the region

Economic vitality

Unemployment Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 2014

Source: Integrated Public Use Microdata Series. Universe includes the civilian non-institutional labor force ages 25 through 64.



Unemployment concentrated in communities of color

Knowing where high-unemployment

communities are located can help the region’s

leaders develop targeted solutions.

High unemployment tends to be

concentrated in the region’s communities

of color, particularly in communities where

the Black population is at least 46 percent.

The tract with the highest unemployment

rate, where nearly one in five people ages 16

and up is unemployed, is 54 percent Black, 39

percent Latino, and less than 2 percent White.

The tract is located in Hempstead, opposite

the Southern State Parkway from Mercy

Hospital.

While most of the high unemployment tracts

are located in communities of color, there is

also one in Ridge, where the population is 98

percent White.

Clusters of high unemployment exist across both counties with the largest ones in mostly Black areas like Hempstead

Economic vitality

Unemployment Rate by Census Tract, 2014

Source: U.S. Census Bureau. Universe includes the civilian non-institutional labor force age 16 and older.

Note: We identified the 46 percent Black or higher census tracts by taking the share of the Black population for each census tract on Long Island and dividing the

tracts into five classes via natural breaks (Jenks) and using the fifth class to identify Black neighborhoods. Data represent a 2010 through 2014 average.

Less than 4.5%

4.5% to 6.1%

6.1% to 7.2%

7.2% to 9.0%

9.0% or more

46% or more Black

TownsCities

Counties


0.40

0.43

0.46

0.47

0.35

0.39

0.43

0.44

0.30

0.35

0.40

0.45

0.50

1979 1989 1999 2014

Leve

l of

Ineq

ual

ity

Gini coefficent measures income equality on a 0 to 1 scale.0 (Perfectly equal) ------> 1 (Perfectly unequal)

Increasing income inequality

Income inequality has steadily grown on

Long Island over the past 30 years, and at a

slightly faster rate than the nation as a whole

from 1979 to 1999. In 1979, Long Island’s

Gini coefficient was 0.35, but by 2014, it had

increased to 0.44, narrowing the gap between

the United States and Long Island. Research

suggests that greater income inequality leads

to worse health outcomes across the

population.

Inequality here is measured by the Gini

coefficient, which is the most commonly used

measure of inequality. The Gini coefficient

measures the extent to which the income

distribution deviates from perfect equality,

meaning that every household has the same

income. The value of the Gini coefficient

ranges from zero (perfect equality) to one

(complete inequality, one household has all of

the income).

Household income inequality has steadily increased since 1979

Economic vitality

Gini Coefficient, 1979 to 2014

Source: Integrated Public Use Microdata Series. Universe includes all households (no group quarters).


0.39

0.430.44

0.40

0.43

0.46

0.47

0.35

0.40

0.45

0.50

0.55

1979 1989 1999 2010-2014

Leve

l of

Ineq

ual

ity

Long Island

United States

Gini Coefficent measures income equality on a 0 to 1 scale.0 (Perfectly equal) ------> 1 (Perfectly unequal)


-7%

-2%

4%

19%

26%

-11% -10%

-7%

6%

17%

10th Percentile 20th Percentile 50th Percentile 80th Percentile 90th Percentile

-7%

-2%

4%

19%

26%

-11%-10%

-7%

6%

17%

10th Percentile 20th Percentile 50th Percentile 80th Percentile 90th Percentile


Declining or stagnant wages for most workers

Declining wages play an important role in the

region’s increasing inequality. After adjusting

for inflation, wages have declined among

workers at the 20th percentile and below

over the past three decades.

Wage decline has been less severe in the

region than it has been nationwide, but it has

been steepest for the lowest-paid workers.

One way to see this is to look at changes in

wages at various percentiles of the wage

distribution. Put simply, a worker at the 20th

percentile earns more than about 20 percent

of all workers and less than 80 percent of all

workers.

On Long Island, wages fell by 7 percent and 2

percent for workers at the 10th and 20th

percentiles, while it increased by 4 percent for

the median worker (at the 50th percentile).

Only workers near the top experienced

substantial wage growth, with wages

increasing by 26 percent for workers at the

90th percentile.

Wages have increased the most for full-time workers in the 80th percentile of earnings and above

Economic vitality

Real Earned Income Growth for Full-Time Wage and Salary Workers Ages 25-64, 1979 to 2014

Source: Integrated Public Use Microdata Series. Universe includes civilian non-institutional full-time wage and salary workers ages 25 through 64.



$24.60

$30.70

$18.40

$27.30

$23.60 $21.90

$23.20

$31.60

$18.50

$30.00

$24.30

$21.40

Black White Latino Asian orPacific

Islander

Mixed/other People ofColor

$26.01

$28.32

$16.99

$25.17

$21.71

$25.90 $29.14

$17.00

$27.67

$22.37

White Black Latino Asian or PacificIslander

Mixed/other

20002014

Black workers have seen their wages decline

No racial/ethnic group has a median wage

high enough to be called a “living wage” for a

family of one adult and two children on Long

Island (based on the MIT Living Wage

Calculator). The living wage for a family of

three with one adult is almost $37/hour in

the region.

Median wages also differ considerably by

race/ethnicity. Median hourly wages have

declined for Black workers over the past

decade while wages have increased slightly

for Whites and those of mixed/other races.

Asian or Pacific Islander workers saw the

largest median wage increase of nearly

$3/hour from 2000 to 2014. Latino workers

consistently earn the lowest wages.

Median hourly wages for Black workers have declined since 2000

Economic vitality

Median Hourly Wage by Race/Ethnicity, 2000 and 2014


Note: Data for 2014 represent a 2010 through 2014 average. Values are in 2014 dollars.

http://livingwage.mit.edu/counties/36059


30%

40%

40%

33%

30% 27%

1979 1989 1999 2014

Lower

Middle

Upper

$53,820

$105,993 $143,717

$72,975

A shrinking middle class

The region’s middle class is shrinking: since

1979, the share of households with middle-

class incomes decreased from 40 to 33

percent. The share of upper-income

households also declined, from 30 to 27

percent, while the share of lower-income

households grew from 30 to 40 percent.

In this analysis, middle-income households

are defined as having incomes in the middle

40 percent of household income distribution.

In 1979, those household incomes ranged

from $53,820 to $105,993. To assess change

in the middle class and the other income

ranges, we calculated what the income range

would be today if incomes had increased at

the same rate as average household income

growth. Today’s middle-class incomes would

be $72,975 to $143,717, and 33 percent of

households fall within that range.

The share of middle-class households declined since 1979

Economic vitality

Household by Income Level, 1979 and 2014


Note: Data for 2014 represent a 2010 through 2014 average. Dollar values are in 2014 dollars.


91% 91%

75% 75%

5% 5%

8% 8%

3% 3%

11% 11%5% 5%

Middle-ClassHouseholds

All Households Middle-ClassHouseholds

All Households

1979 2014

91%91%

75%75%

5% 5%

8% 8%

3%3%

11%11%1% 1%

5% 5%

Middle-ClassHouseholds

All Households Middle-ClassHouseholds

All Households

Native American or OtherAsian or Pacific IslanderLatinoBlackWhite

Though the middle class is shrinking, Black Long Islanders are proportionately representedThe demographics of the middle class reflect

the region’s changing demographics. While

the share of households with middle-class

incomes has declined since 1979, middle-

class households have become more racially

and ethnically diverse.

Black households make up 8 percent of all

households and 8 percent of middle-class

households. Although the middle class is

reflective of the region’s diversity, not

everyone has similar employment and

educational opportunities because these

opportunities vary by neighborhood. While

proportionately represented in middle-class

households, Black and Latino households are

overly represented among lower-income

households, making up 10 percent and 14

percent, respectively, and underrepresented

among upper-income households, making

up 5 percent and 7 percent, respectively.

The middle class reflects the region’s racial/ethnic composition

Economic vitality

Racial Composition of Middle-Class Households and All Households, 1979 and 2014




6.7%

15.7%

0%

2%

4%

6%

8%

10%

12%

14%

16%

18%

1980 1990 2000 2014

Comparatively low, but rising rates of poverty and working

While the poverty and working poverty rates

have stayed well below national averages,

both have been increasing since the 1990 and

both rates surpassed their 1980 levels.

Importantly, the cost of living on Long Island

is much higher than in the nation overall.

According to the Bureau of Economic

Analysis, the New York City region has the

third highest regional price parity (RPP) in the

country at 122.3 percent of the overall

national price level. RPPs measure the

differences in the price levels of goods and

services across metro areas for a given year.

Still, nearly 7 percent of Long Islanders live

below the federal poverty line, which is just

$24,000 a year for a family of four. Working

poverty, defined as working full-time with a

family income below 200 percent of the

poverty level (roughly $48,000 for a family of

four), has also risen. By 2014, 4 percent of the

region’s 25 to 64-year-olds were working

poor.

Poverty is on the rise and has surpassed 1980 levels

Economic vitality

Poverty Rate, 1980 to 2014


non-institutional population ages 25 through 64 not in group quarters.


Source: Integrated Public Use Microdata Series. Universe includes all persons

not in group quarters.


Working poverty is also increasing

Working Poverty Rate, 1980 to 2014

poor

43%

53%

0%

40%

80%

120%

1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014


43%

53%

0%

40%

80%

120%

1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014


4.1%

9.0%

0%

1%

2%

3%

4%

5%

6%

7%

8%

9%

10%

1980 1990 2000 2014

https://www.bea.gov/newsreleases/regional/rpp/rpp_newsrelease.htm


4.1%

1.9%

5.9%

12.1%

5.2%

7.0%

0%

2%

4%

6%

8%

10%

12%

14%

6.7%

4.3%

12.1%

13.0%

6.8%

16.9%

10.6%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

6.7%

4.3%

12.1%

13.0%

6.8%

16.9%

10.6%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

AllWhiteBlackLatinoAsian or Pacific IslanderNative AmericanMixed/other

6.7%

4.3%

12.1%

13.0%

6.8%

16.9%

10.6%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%


High rates of poverty and working poor among Black Long IslandersPeople of color have higher poverty and

working poverty rates than Whites in the

region. Black Long Islanders are three times

as likely as White Long Islanders to live

below poverty, though Native Americans

have the highest poverty rate at 17 percent

followed by Latinos at 13 percent.

Latinos have the highest rate of working

poverty, at 12 percent. People of mixed/other

races, Black residents, and Asian or Pacific

Islanders also have working poverty rates that

are well above average. Whites have the

lowest rate of working poverty at about 2

percent.

Poverty is highest for Native Americans and Latinos

Economic vitality

Poverty Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 2014


non-institutional population ages 25 through 64 not in group quarters.

Note: Data represent a 2010 through 2014 average. Data for some

racial/ethnic groups in some years are excluded due to small sample size.

Source: Integrated Public Use Microdata Series. Universe includes all persons

not in group quarters.


Working poverty is highest for Latinos

Working Poverty Rate by Race/Ethnicity, 2014


39%

24% 25%26%

17%

12%

15%

17%15%

10%11%

12%

34%

28%

35%34%

17%

11%

16%19%

22%

26%

42%

26%

37%

29%

1980 1990 2000 2014

Economic insecurity is growing among the region’s communities of colorBecause the federal poverty level is so low,

particularly in high-cost areas like Long Island,

it is helpful to look at the share of the

population living below 200 percent of

poverty. In 2014, double the federal poverty

level was $48,000 a year for a family of four,

which is still well below a living wage.

According to the MIT Living Wage Calculator,

a living wage for a family of four with two

adults and two children would be more than

$82,000 a year.

The share of the population living below 200

percent of poverty dropped significantly from

1980 to 1990 before increasing for all

racial/ethnic groups by 2014. In 2014, 17

percent of Long Islanders live below 200

percent of poverty, but this number ranged

from 12 percent among Whites to 34 percent

among Latinos. One in four Black Long

Islanders live below 200 percent of the

federal poverty level.

Despite a sizable drop in poverty in the 1980s, poverty has increased since for all racial/ethnic groups

Economic vitality

Percent of the Population Below 200 Percent of Poverty, 1980 to 2014

Source: Integrated Public Use Microdata Series. Universe includes all persons not in group quarters.

Note: Data for 2014 represent a 2010 through 2014 average. Data for some racial/ethnic groups in some years are excluded due to small sample size.

39%

24% 25%26%

17%

12%

15%

17%15%

10%11%

12%

34%

28%

35%34%

17%

11%

16%19%

42%

26%

37%

29%

22%

26%

1980 1990 2000 2014

BlackAllWhiteLatinoAsian or Pacific IslanderNative AmericanMixed/other

http://livingwage.mit.edu/counties/36103


8%7% 7%

6%

4%

11%

7% 7%6%

4%

13%

11%

10%

9%

5%

7% 6%6%

6%

3%4%

6% 6%

4%

5%

Less than aHS Diploma

HS Diploma,no College

Some College,no Degree

AA Degree,no BA

BA Degreeor higher

Black Long Islanders have the highest unemployment rates regardless of education levelIn general, unemployment decreases as

educational attainment increases. But Black

Long Islanders face higher rates of

joblessness at all education levels.

The largest gap is among those with a high

school diploma but no college education:

Black unemployment is 11 percent and White

unemployment is 7 percent. But even among

those with a college degree, Black Long

Islanders are more likely to be unemployed

than Whites.

Black Long Islanders have higher unemployment rates than Whites at every education level

Economic vitality

Unemployment Rate by Educational Attainment and Race/Ethnicity, 2014

Source: Integrated Public Use Microdata Series. Universe includes the civilian non-institutional labor force ages 25 through 64.


6.7%

4.3%

12.1%

13.0%

6.8%

16.9%

10.6%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%



$13

$21

$25 $27

$38

$21

$24

$28 $28

$40

$16 $18

$21

$25

$32

$12

$17

$22

$25

$31

$12

$16

$22 $21

$36



Some College,no Degree

AA Degree,no BA

BA Degreeor higher

Black Long Islanders also earn less than Whites at all levels of educationWages also tend to increase with higher

educational attainment, but people of color

have lower median hourly wages than Whites

at every educational level. White workers

without a high school diploma have the

same median wage as Black workers with

some college education.

Moreover, community college degree

completion appears to matter more for Black

workers than White workers. The median

wage of White workers with some college and

those with an associate’s degree is the same

($28/hour) but the median wage of Black

workers is $4/hour higher among those who

have an associate’s degree compared with

those without a degree.

The racial wage gap persists even at the

highest education levels. The median wage of

Black Long Islanders with a bachelor’s

degree is $32/hour compared with

$40/hour for Whites with the same

education.

Black Long Islanders also have lower wages than Whites at every education level

Economic vitality

Median Hourly Wage by Educational Attainment and Race/Ethnicity, 2014


Note: Data represent a 2010 through 2014 average. Dollar values are in 2014 dollars.

6.7%

4.3%

12.1%

13.0%

6.8%

16.9%

10.6%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%



11.8%

7.8%

6.6%

4.4%

8.7%

5.8%

6.3%

4.3%

5.7%

8.1%

7.7%

4.4%

9.5%

7.4%

6.6%

4.3%


HS Diploma,No College

More than HS Diploma,Less than BA

BA Degreeor Higher

Women of color face serious labor market challenges

Except for those with less than a high school

diploma, men and women of color have

higher unemployment rates than Whites.

Women of color consistently earn the

lowest wages, and men of color, at nearly

every level of education, earn less than

White women.

White men have the highest unemployment

rate among the population with less than a

high school diploma – but those who are

employed make $10/hour more on average

than men of color and $12/hour more than

women of color. The wage gaps persist even

among those with high levels of education.

Women of color with a BA or higher earn

$13/hour less than White men and $4/hour

less than White women.

Women of color without a BA degree have higher

unemployment rates than White women

Economic vitality

Unemployment Rate by Educational Attainment,

Race/Ethnicity, and Gender, 2014

Source: Integrated Public Use Microdata Series. Universe includes civilian non-

institutional full-time wage and salary workers ages 25 through 64.

Note: Data represent a 2010 through 2014 average. Values are in 2014 dollars.


non-institutional labor force ages 25 through 64.


Women of color at all education levels earn less than men

of color and White women and men

Median Hourly Wage by Educational Attainment,

Race/Ethnicity, and Gender, 2014

11.8%

7.8%

6.6%

4.4%

8.7%

5.8%

6.3%

4.3%

5.7%

8.1%

7.7%

4.4%

9.5%

7.4%

6.6%

4.3%



More than HS Diploma, Less than BA

BA Degreeor higher

Women of colorMen of colorWhite womenWhite men

11.8%

7.8%

6.6%

4.4%

8.7%

5.8%

6.3%

4.3%

5.7%

8.1%

7.7%

4.4%

9.5%

7.4%

6.6%

4.3%



More than HS Diploma, Less than BA

BA Degreeor higher

Women of colorMen of colorWhite womenWhite men

$23

$27

$32

$45

$14

$20

$24

$36

$13

$18

$24

$35

$11

$16

$21

$32


HS Diploma,No College

More than HS Diploma,Less than BA

BA Degreeor Higher


28%

7%

10%

22%

7%

31%

Jobs Earnings per worker

21%

4%4%

19%

6%

25%

Jobs Earnings per worker

Low-wageMiddle-wageHigh-wage

Growing middle-wage jobs

Job growth on Long Island, like the U.S.

economy as a whole, has been concentrated

in low- and high-wage jobs. Importantly,

growth in low-wage jobs has been much

higher than growth in high-wage jobs. In

many places, middle-wage jobs are

decreasing, but on Long Island, the growth

has been positive.

Wages have increased across the board for all

workers, but low-wage workers had the

smallest increase in earnings (7 percent).

Low-wage jobs grew the most while high-wage jobs had the largest earnings growth

Economic vitality

Growth in Jobs and Earnings by Industry Wage Level, 1990 to 2015

Sources: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics; Woods & Poole Economics, Inc. Universe includes all private sector jobs covered by the federal Unemployment Insurance

(UI) program.


Average Annual

Earnings

Average Annual

Earnings

Percent

Change in

Earnings

Share of

Jobs

Wage Category Industry 1990 2015

1990-

2015 2015

Mining $115,551 $97,835 -15%

Utilities $86,496 $110,633 28%

Management of Companies and Enterprises $72,569 $106,573 47%

Wholesale Trade $62,417 $79,891 28%

Information $60,758 $93,765 54%

Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services $60,331 $75,748 26%

Construction $57,862 $67,273 16%

Manufacturing $57,193 $67,094 17%

Finance and Insurance $54,968 $113,384 106%

Health Care and Social Assistance $49,626 $55,514 12%

Real Estate and Rental and Leasing $45,301 $61,350 35%

Transportation and Warehousing $45,177 $48,253 7%

Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing and Hunting $34,529 $38,001 10%

Education Services $34,095 $40,360 18%

Administrative and Support and Waste

Management and Remediation Services$33,841 $42,196 25%

Retail Trade $33,077 $33,655 2%

Arts, Entertainment, and Recreation $32,414 $33,526 3%

Other Services (except Public Administration) $30,293 $31,571 4%

Accommodation and Food Services $19,569 $21,579 10%

Low 40%

High 17%

Middle 43%

Wage growth in the region has been uneven

across industry sectors. High- and middle-

wage industries, like information and finance

and insurance, had substantial increases in

earnings while transportation and

warehousing; agriculture, forestry, fishing, and

hunting; and health care and social assistance

saw earnings increase by 12 percent or less.

Among low-wag

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