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THE RADICAL HUMANIST 3

With the expulsion of Yogendra Yadav andPrashant Bhushan, two of the founding andleading members of the Aam Aadmi Party fromthe Political Affairs Committee (PAC) of theparty, accusing them of anti-party activities, on4th March 2015, the internal rift of the partycame out in the open. From the statements ofsome of the leaders a few days before the PACmeeting, what happened in the meeting was aforegone conclusion. It is being said that theentire dispute is regarding the NationalConvenorship of the party. It has been allegedthat Yogendra Yadav and Prashant Bhushan havebeen hatching a conspiracy to remove ArvindKejriwal from this position and make YogendraYadav the National Convenor; though both ofthem have strongly refuted the charge in theirletter to the party volunteers dated 12th March,2015. In the letter they have clarified that in theNational Executive meeting on 26th Februarythey had actually opposed such a proposal andproposed that Arvind Kejriwal 'MUST' continueas the National Convenor.

However, both of them admit that there havebeen differences with Arvind on several issues.The first point of discord was that ArvindKejriwal was in favour of taking the support ofthe Congress for forming his government againsoon after the Lok Sabha elections in spite of thefact that the AAP had filed a petition in the HighCourt for dissolution of the Assembly as no partywas in a position to form a government. He andmany MLAs of the party were adamant on tryingto form such a government though he wasadvised against doing so by Yogendra andPrashant. Those in favour of forming agovernment somehow or the other wereobviously shaken by the results of the

Editorial:

Democratic Values must always be upheldMahi Pal Singh

Parliamentary elections which had given theNarendra Modi led BJP a clear majority in theLok Sabha and all the seven seats in Delhi. Theywere afraid that if the elections were held inDelhi again at that juncture, most of them wouldnot get re-elected and it would mean the end oftheir short political career. Arvind Kejriwal waseither one amongst them or had bowed beforetheir thoroughly unprincipled demand. He hadforgotten that he had been thoroughly criticizedfor forming his earlier government with thesupport of the Congress although what went inhis favour was that his party had not sought theirsupport and the Congress had on its own givena letter of support to the Lieutenant Governor.Even then it was an unprincipled stand as he haddeclared during the election campaign that theAAP would neither give nor take support of theCongress or the BJP for forming a governmentin Delhi. It has become absolutely clear nowthrough the leakages of information that Arvindeven attempted to cause a defection in theCongress to win over the support of 6 CongressMLAs which was the minimum numbermandatory according to the anti-defection law.Had he succeeded it would have confirmed thecharge of the opposition that he too, like otherpoliticians, is power hungry. Even the leakage ofthis information has heavily dented his imageand credibility.

The second point of discord was the demandmade by Manish Sisodia, Sanjay Singh andAshutosh that all the members of the PAC shouldresign taking responsibility of the defeat in theParliamentary elections and Arvind Kejriwalshould be allowed to reconstitute a new PAC,according to his wishes and convenience. Therewas a demand for the dissolution of the National

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Executive also which was opposed by Yogendraand Prashant as they considered itunconstitutional.

The National Executive meeting in June 2014had decided that the opinion of the volunteersshould be taken regarding the decision to contestelections in Maharashtra, Haryana, Jharkhandand Jammu-Kashmir and the decision was finallyleft to the State units. This decision taken aftertaking into consideration the opinion of thevolunteers was endorsed by a majority of theNational Executive members. But this decisionwas overturned only because Arvind Kejriwalwas opposed to it.

Arvind Kejriwal has also been accused of beingdictatorial in the matter of selecting thecandidates for the last Delhi assembly electionsputting winnability as the most important criteriaeven if it went against the opinion of the localparty volunteers.

It has now become known that Arvind Kejriwalhad made up his mind to expel both YogendraYadav and Prashant Bhushan, both with animpeccable and long record of commendablesocial service and a commitment to constitutionaland democratic values, from the PAC of theparty, and who knows there a plan to expel themfrom the party also. Mayank Gandhi's disclosurethat the members of the Executive that met on4th March were coerced into taking a decisionto expel Yogendra Yadav and Prashant Bhushanfrom the PAC by Arvind Kejriwal as he haddeclared in advance that he would not remainNational Convenor of the Party if his wish wasnot fulfilled. Even then the decision was takenby 11 to 8 votes and Prashant Bhushan andYogendra Yadav had abstained. Rakesh Parikh,the Rajasthan state unit spokesperson, has alsoalleged that although he was authorized toparticipate in the 4th March National Executivemeeting by the State Unit which had planned to

vote in favour of Prashant-Yogendra duo, yet hewas prevented from attending the crucialmeeting and Party Secretary Pankaj Gupta hadasked Sunil Agiwal to attend the meeting instead.It is well known that the latter voted for theouster of the dissenting duo. From these facts itbecomes clear that the majority of the Executivemembers, which expelled them from the PAC,was a manipulated majority and the decision wastaken under coercion.

The overwhelming support of the people for theAAP in the Delhi Assembly elections, giving it67 out of 70 seats, may be interpreted, and isactually being put forward by some party leaders,as justification for the decisions taken by ArvindKejriwal, though the fact remains that the peoplevoted his party to power on the basis of the AAPgovernment's performance in the short 49 daystint in which promises on 50 % electricity bills,free supply of water and giving a corruption freegovernance were fulfilled. It is also true that hisgovernment will be judged at the time of nextelections after five years on the basis offulfillment of the promises made in the manifestoand most voters hope that he will not belie theirexpectations. It is also true that he is the popularface of the party and was rightly projected as theChief Ministerial candidate of the party duringthe Delhi Assembly elections. There is also nodoubt in the fact that he has attained this positionby dint of hard work, sacrifice, his unflinchingcommitment to fight against corruption and hissocial service but at the same time it is alsoequally true that his association with people likeYogendra Yadav and Prashant Bhushan havehelped him to a great extent in attaining thatposition. It is his association with people likethem that the AAP has attained acceptability andcredibility among the intellectual class and themiddle class equally. However, the recenthappenings in the party have certainly dented hisclaim to be much different from other party


leaders, most of who act as party Supremos, whotake decisions by themselves and the partycadres, and even leaders, are only expected to toetheir line, or get out. There is lack of internalparty democracy. There seems to be no place forfree expression of opinion in the party andabsolutely no place for dissent which are veryessential in a democratic set up.

It is not for the first time that Arvind Kejriwalhas been accused of being autocratic in makingdecisions. Many leaders have left the partymaking that allegation. We may not consider theremarks of those who later joined the BJP, astheir criticism could have been politicallymotivated and perhaps Kejriwal was proving astumbling block in the fulfillment of their toohigh political ambitions. But certainly YogendraYadav and Prashant Bhushan cannot be accusedof acting at the behest of the BJP. Even thequestions raised by them cannot be brushed asidelightly; nor can any illegitimate motives beattached to them. Though the Prashant-Yogendraduo has not raised this question, yet what is

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illegitimate if someone asks, "How can Arvindhimself hold two posts - as the Chief Ministerof Delhi and as the National Convenor of theParty - when no two persons of the same familycan seek party tickets for elections?"

If Arvind Kejriwal does not show hiscommitment for democratic values, both ingovernance and within the party functioning, hewill soon forfeit his claim to be head of a partywith a difference. Only by showing hiscommitment to these values, not only in wordsbut also in his deeds, will he be able to make theparty a vehicle of change for the better, whichhe has promised to bring about.

"The liberating role of any social organization isto be judged by the degree of actual freedom itallows its members," as M.N. Roy, the greatradical humanist and champion of democraticvalues in thought and practice, has observed. Wehope that Arvind Kejriwal will learn to respectthe fundamental principles of democraticfunctioning and not compromise on democraticprinciples for political power.

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Elections inspire strange hopes. The latestexample of this can be seen among those on theleft-liberal side of the ideological spectrumhoping that the landslide victory of AAP in Delhilegislative elections will halt the march of thecommunal forces represented by the RSS-controlled BJP. It is indeed amusing to hear usualAAP-sceptics to argue that despite its limitationsthe AAP is only party that can challenge the BJPeffectively checking unabated rise of right-wingcommunal forces.

As often happens with sentimentalism, such aview is based on a peculiar conflation of twodistinct issues - capacity to form government inDelhi by defeating BJP and capacity to preventand eventually contain the political expansion ofcommunal forces.

As far as the first issue is concerned, it standsresolved by the latest verdict giving absolutemajority to AAP with BJP reduced toinsignificance in the legislative assembly.Implausible as this appeared, it was never theimpossible possibility. Modi's BJP might haveaccomplished important electoral gains in mostlegislative elections in last few months, butModi's government has so far failed to deliveron its core promises of providing employment,controlling prices or even providing a corruption-free government. In terms of economic policiesand priorities, Prime Minister Modi is not muchdifferent from his predecessor. In fact, if thereis any difference, it is only in the pace andintensity rather than the substance of the policies.

The initiative by the Modi government to curbsocio-economic legislations of UPA governmentand to implement a large-scale cut on publicspending on social sectors like healthcare, while

Articles and Features:

Can The AAP Survive Its Own Contradictions?Lokesh Malti Prakash

simultaneously pushing for hardcore neoliberalreforms, will create a crisis in the not-so-distantfuture. In fact, one can argue that the peoplewere already facing the crisis under UPA-IIwhich finally led to its defeat. Now that the Modigovernment is accentuating the crisis, the peoplewill react accordingly. Delhi verdict substantiatesthis.

In this scenario, only hope for the BJP is to reapvotes through communal polarisation. The roleof Hindutva forces in creating communaltensions in several localities of Delhi recentlyhas been documented extensively in the media(see for example here). However, as it appearsnow, a different polarisation of class-interest hassubverted communal polarisation altogether.

The overall situation is quite suitable for acredible political force to make a dent in theBJP's fort. To be sure, credibility in this contextmeans credibility in the eyes of the electorate. Itis credibility in a limited sense of the word - notin terms of transformative politics. Forimmediate purposes, it is about the electorate'sperception of who can form a government thatserves its interests the most.

In this context, the AAP is indeed a credibleforce in Delhi. It was the second largest politicalparty in the last legislative elections and formeda government, however short lived. While itspopular appeal faltered after the suddenresignation of the Kejriwal government, itmanaged to make up by carrying a massiveexercise of public engagement months before theelections. Finally, in its 70-Point Programme andManifesto, the party has managed to appealmaterial interests of a cross-section of Delhi'spopulation - from slum-dwellers, villagers and


workers to contract employees, shopkeepers,businesses and youth.

Coming to the second issue. To begin with, onemust understand that preventing the BJP fromforming government is different from preventingthe ascendancy of communal forces that are bornof a historical-structural phenomenon quiteindependent of party politics.

To understand this better one needs a certainhistorical perspective and theoretical judgementabout the basis and sources of communalpolitics. This requires an understanding ofcommunalism as a product of structuralprocesses rather than of circumstantial partypolitics. Communalism today, as part of a globalresurgence of the right wing in politics, isintegral to the rise of neo-liberalism across theglobe. If this premise is accepted, one cannotreasonably turn back to the inevitable conclusionthat an alternative to communal politics cannotbe built on the ground of neo-liberalism itself.On the contrary, such politics must be based ona categorical rejection of neoliberal policydogma altogether.

Based on this broad understanding we may posea question - can the AAP provide a crediblealternative to communal politics by rejectingneo-liberalism?

This brings us to a complicated territory becausethe baggage of the AAP is like a real "Bhanumatika pitara". Rummage and you will find elementsfrom people's movements that have been longopposed to neoliberal policies on one hand, andthose embedded in a neoliberal worldview on theother. So, there is Medha Patkar fighting againstneoliberal appropriation of people's rights overjal-jungle-jameen and then there is also ArvindKejriwal assuring industrialists that the AAP isnot against capitalism as such but only against

"crony capitalism". This appears to be acontradictory situation. But it is really so?Looking beyond individuals, what is the policystance of the AAP, which positions itself as asolutions-based party? Do the solutions on offertranscend the immanent logic of neo-liberalism?

The policy solutions of AAP hardly do this. Anexamination of its manifestoes (for the Delhielections in 2013 and 2015) and promises onoffer in 70-Point Programme reveal anunderlying populist tone - from slashingelectricity and water bills to a corruption-freegovernment. The rhetoric of empowering thepeople and providing transparent andaccountable government cannot gloss over itspriority of promoting the private sector, ofcourse, through "honest" enterprises. In fact, theparty manifesto (2013) announced that"government should not be in the business ofrunning businesses". Although such statementsare not included in the current manifesto, thepopulist -reformist prescriptions hardlycontradict or transcend neoliberal logic. It ishardly in the nature of challenging neo-liberalismor offering a credible alternative to it. In fact, itcannot even contain or manage the inherentcontradictions of neo-liberalism. AAP's last stintin power in Delhi saw contractual governmentschool teachers protesting against CM ArvindKejriwal for failing to regularise jobs aspromised by the party. Such instances could havemultiplied if the Kejriwal government had notresigned. The promise is repeated in 2015 butwithout any credible policy outlook to rollbackcontractualisation.

Coming to the point that Neo-liberalism is aphase of heightened contradiction fuelled by therapacious accumulative tendencies of capital.This contradiction cannot be resolved bypopulist-reformist polices at all. The downfall of

Continued on Page No. 29

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An Additional District Judge of Delhi gave ajudgment in the long awaited case, 'known asHashimpura massacre', on 21st March, 2015 inwhich all the 16 policemen of 'Provincial ArmedConstabulary' better known as PAC, a policeforce of U.P. State, accused of murdering 42Muslim innocent young men were acquittedgiving them benefit of doubt. The judgmentcame after 28 years of the incident which tookplace on the mid-night of 22nd /23rd May 1987.There was curfew in the Meerut city and in thename of search of illegal arms 644 persons (allMuslims) were randomly picked up from theirhomes and were arrested. The charge against thepolicemen was that out of those 644 persons whohave been rounded up around 42 young and ablebodied persons were selected, taken in a truck

Hashimpura:

JUDGMENT IN HASHIMPURA MASSACRE (1987) -

A Travesty of JusticeN.D. Pancholi

to upper Ganga canal, Murad Nagar, nearMeerut, shot some of them one by one, threwtheir dead bodies in the river, took rest of themto Hindon river and completed the process ofkilling and throwing them in the Hindon waters.The PAC Jawans left the place with theimpression that all persons thrown by them in thewaters were dead. However 5 of them somehowsurvived and a FIR (Crime No. 110/87) wasregistered on the intervening night 22/23 May1987 at Police Station Link District Ghaziabadon the complaint of one injured, namelyBabuddin.

The incident had happened in the wake ofcommunal tension as a result of opening of thelock of Babri Masjid by the then CongressGovernment in U.P. The Bhartiya Janata Party

From the writings of M.N. Roy:

What Roy said on 'Opposition':

INSTEAD of organizing constitutional opposition parties, or insurrectionary parties, to seizepower, and be corrupted eventually as their predecessors (that is inevitable if it is true thatpower corrupts), champions of democratic freedom should endeavour to enable the people tocome to power. If sovereignty belongs to the people and it is inalienable, then they shouldnot be asked to abdicate it by voting for this party or that party which would wield politicalpower on the authority of the powerless sovereign. To blast the road to democratic freedom,it is necessary to quicken the political consciousness of the people… But that way, indeed,the only way, to the establishment of a democracy which will be able to defend itself, naturallydoes not find favour with politicians who cannot think except in terms of capturing power,and who deceive themselves as well as others by saying that they will make good use of powerwhich corrupts their opponents….

From: Independent India, XII-15, p.177 (1948)


(BJP) had started Ram Janam Bhumi Movementand in order to compete with them the thenCongress had ordered opening the lock of BabriMasjid to enable Hindus to say prayers at the socalled supposed site of the Lord Ram's birthplace. This had agitated the Muslims who weredemonstrating at several places includingMeerut.

Though it was a most horrific incident oftargeted killings of large number of personsbelonging to minority community sinceindependence the respective government did notshow the necessary inclination to pursue the caseto find out the guilty officials and punish them.

A team of the Peoples Union for Civil Liberties(PUCL) consisting of Justice Rajindar Sachar(Retd.) , Inder Kumar Gujral, Prof. A.M. Khusro,Prof. Dalip Swamy and Prof. K.C. Gupta wentto Meerut in June 1987 and investigated to focusthe immediate and basic causes of the violencein Meerut including of Hashimpura. The PUCLteam found that the role played by the PAC andpolice was horrible and shameful as it 'insteadof behaving and trying to defuse the situationacted in a communal stance and committedbarbarities of callousness on the Muslims,causing death and harm.' The report of thePUCL team is published elsewhere in this issue.Justice Rajindar Sachar (Retd.) who wasPresident of PUCL at that time also sent arepresentation to the then U.P. Chief Minister,Shri Vir Bahadur Singh on June 23rd 1987along with the PUCL report highlighting theHashimpura massacre. Justice Sachar regrettedthat no action had been taken against the guiltypolice officials, and requested the Chief Ministerto appoint immediately the Judge to head theenquiry committee and to pay adequatecompensation to the victims.

The U.P. Government did not take any action,even of suspension or dismissal of the guiltypolice officials. A compensation of a paltryamount i.e. Rs. 20,000/- to each of the family ofthe deceased person was announced. NanditaHaksar, well known human rights activist, hadfiled a writ petition in the Supreme Court onbehalf of Peoples Union for Democratic Rights(PUDR) praying for proper investigation of thecase, for punishment of guilty police and otherofficials and adequate compensation to thevictims. The attitude of the Supreme Court wasalso very disappointing. The Judge initially wasnot inclined to hear the petition and was tryingto persuade Nandita Haksar to withdraw thepetition and file it in the Allahabad High Courtbut Nandita refused. Following is what NanditaHaksar says in her book ' Framing Gilani,Hanging Afzal - Patriotism In The Time of Terror(2007): which is interesting to read :

"And no one has apologized to the peopleof Meerut's Hashimpura in May 1987. Itwas Syed Shahabuddin Sahib who hadrequested me to go to Meerut andintervene. He told me about the 33 menwho were picked up by the PAC andtaken to Murad Nagar and shot one byone near Ganga Nehar. I filed the writ asa petitioner in person (on behalf ofPUDR) before the Supreme Court. Thejudge tried hard to persuade me towithdraw the petition and suggested Imove in Allahabad. I refused. That judgelater became the first Chairman of India'sHuman Rights Commission. No one hasbeen punished for those murders so far.It is not even on the agenda of anypolitical party".

The Supreme Court in 1990 in its order

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enhanced the compensation from Rs.20, 000/- toRs.40, 000/- without prejudice to the rights ofvictims to claim the same under any other rightavailable to them.

The investigation of the case was given to CB-CID which took about 6 years in finalizing itsinvestigation. As if this delay was not enough,the charge sheets were filed in the Court of CJMGhaziabad in May 1996. There were 19 accusednamed in the charge sheet 3 died during theintervening period. Court at Ghaziabadcontinued to send summons to the accusedpolicemen but they did not appear in the court.The accused were very well present on duty butthe service report of the notices sent to them usedto be that either they were absconding or notavailable on the address. This writer along withIqbal Ansari and Mr. Mustaq Ahmad ,advocateused to go to Ghaziabad Court to follow it onbehalf of the PUCL and Minority Council, anorganization which was formed some years backwith the effort of Prof. Iqbal Ansari. It appearedthat the administration including court officialsat Ghaziabad were deliberately not taking dueinterest in proceeding with the case. The accusedappeared after a long time, were arrested butwere soon released on bail by the Session Judge,Ghaziabad. Therefore a petition was filed in theSupreme Court on behalf of the victims fortransfer of the case from Ghaziabad to Delhi in2002. This writer had drafted the petition whichwas argued by Justice Rajindar Sachar and Mr.Sanjay Parekh, Advocate in the Supreme Court.The case was transferred to Delhi by theSupreme Court. In or around 2003 the case washanded over to Vrinda Grover Advocate on theadvice of Justice Rajindar Sachar who, alongwith her team represented the victims in the trial

till the date of judgment.

It took almost 12 years for the Court atDelhi to finally give its judgment on 21st March2015. The court came to conclusion that around42 persons were arrested by the PAC personnel,taken to Ganga Nehar and Hindon canal wherethey were shot dead and their dead bodiesthrown into the waters, while around fivepersons, who were thought to be dead, survived.But since none of the witnesses identified theaccused policemen, the accused were givenbenefit of doubt and acquitted.

The judgment is extremely disappointing forminorities. It is a blot on the Indian criminaljustice system. The judgment goes to strengthenthe impression among the minorities that thereis no justice for them and this kind of opinionin the minorities is very dangerous for the healthof our democracy. The sixteen accusedpolicemen belonged to the lower ranks. Suchkind of barbaric and inhuman massacre could nothave been possible without the complicity of thehigher officials. From the record of the case thereare reasons to believe that higher officials havebeen deliberately kept away from the ambit ofinvestigation. V.N. Rai who was S.P. ofGhaziabad area in 1987 and who continued topress for proper investigation and for prosecutingthe guilty ones, has stated time and again thatmany high ranking officials in the police forceas well as in the army who could have beeneasily nailed for the barbaric inhumanitiescommitted on large number of inhabitants,including the killed ones, have been allowed togo scot free. The case requires reinvestigationand efforts must be made to find out the guiltyand punish them, if faith of the people in thecriminal justice system has to be restored.


The Delhi court's judgment in the 1987Hashimpura massacre case, while observing thatthe lives of innocent men "have been taken bythe State agency", acquitted all surviving 16 PACpersonnel who were accused in the case, sayingthat they cannot be convicted on the basis of"scanty, unreliable and faulty investigation whichhas gaps and holes".The court of Additional Sessions Judge SanjayJindal said: "Not a single circumstance reliedupon by the prosecution inspires confidence toestablish the guilt of the accused persons".The court has concluded that "it duly proved andestablished" that "about 40- 45" personsbelonging to Mohalla Hashimpura were"abducted in a yellow colour PAC truck" by PACofficials and subsequently "shot at and thrown"into waters of Gang Nahar, Murad Nagar andHindon river, Ghaziabad. It, however, added that"it has not been proved beyond reasonabledoubts" that the accused are the PAC officialswho abducted and killed the people or that thetruck belonged to the 41st Battalion of PAC.Observing that it is "painful" that several"innocent persons have been traumatised," thecourt has said it can't convict the accused by"ignoring basic principles of appreciation of

Observations of the Court in Hashimpura caseWritten by Kaunain Sherrif | New Delhi | Updated: March 25, 2015 7:37 am

evidence." "…the court has to be on its guard toavoid the danger of allowing suspicion to takethe place of legal proof…to avoid the danger ofbeing swayed by emotional considerations," ithas said.Pulling up the prosecution agency, the court hasquestioned, as to on what basis names of the 19accused were selected for prosecution. "Accusedpersons were arrested after several years of theincident but the basis for such arrest has not beenexplained during trial," it said. Stating thatevidence required to connect the accused withthe crime is "actually missing", the court said nowitness "from Army or local police", who werepresent and participating in the search operationwith PAC, have been examined to "explain thecircumstances and true facts." The court has saidthat the survivors' testimonies are in "completeharmony with each other".On the search and arrest made by PAC, the courtreferred to the testimony of photojournalistPraveen Jain as "natural, genuine and reliable"and said his photographs "have corroborated thefacts regarding search and arrest" carried out inMohalla Hashimpura.First Published on: March 25, 201512:00 am(Indian Express)

CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS: (Hashimpura case)Following is the chronology of events relating to 1987 Hashimpura Massacre case in which a Delhicourt on Saturday acquitted 16 persons, giving them benefit of doubt:May 22, 1987: 50 Muslims picked up allegedly by Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) personnelfrom Hashimpura village in Meerut, Uttar Pradesh.May, 1987: Victims shot and bodies thrown into canal. 42 persons declared dead.1996: Charge sheet filed against 19 accused before Chief Judicial Magistrate, Ghaziabad by CB-CID of Uttar Pradesh police. 161 people listed as witnesses.Sept 2002: Case transferred to Delhi by the Supreme Court on petition by the families of victimsand survivors.Jul 2006: Delhi court frames charges of murder, attempt to murder, tampering with evidence andconspiracy under the IPC against 17 accused.Jan 22, 2015: Court reserves judgement for February 21.Feb 21: Court defers verdict as it was not ready.Mar 21: Court acquits 16 surviving accused giving them benefit of doubt regarding their identity.

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[In May 1987 the police and the PAC hadconnived in Hashimpura of Meerut and allegedlypicked up and killed more than 40 Muslimsduring communal disturbances in the area. It wasalleged that the bodies of the killed were dumpedin the upper Ganga Canal.

The then UP Government ordered an enquiry thefindings of which were made public in 1994. Thecase was dragging in Ghaziabad courts. SomeHuman Rights workers formed a Legal AdvisoryCommittee for the Hashimpura case. In 2002,this Advisory Committee approached theSupreme Court praying for the transfer of thecase to Delhi fearing pressure and influence bythe accused if the case continued in Ghaziabadin UP. (It may be pointed out that Ghaziabad isa neighbouring district of Meerut).

The Supreme Court transferred the case to Delhiwhere the court of Additional Session's Judge NP Kaushik, on June 1, 2006 framed charges ofmurder, attempt to murder, criminal conspiracy,abduction, unlawful confinement, assault, andunlawful compulsory labour against theProvincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) personnelcharged with killing of Muslims during curfewin Meerut on May 22, 1987.

The PUCL had appointed a committee toinvestigate the immediate and the basic causesof these riots. The committee comprised the thenPresident of PUCL (Justice) Rajindar Sachar(Retd), Shri Inder Kumar Gujral, Prof A MKhusro, Prof Dalip Swamy, and Prof K C Gupta.

We are reproducing below the entire report of thecommittee brought out on June 23, 1987, to putthe proceedings of the important case in properperspective. - Chief Editor].

PUCL Fact-Finding Report, 1987 by (Justice) Rajindar Sachar (Retd), Shri InderKumar Gujral, Prof A M Khusro, Prof Dalip Swamy, and Prof K C Gupta:

Meerut riots of May 1987

The riots that erupted in Meerut during May andJune 1987 have unfolded an ugly face of oursociety. The administration proved unwilling aswell as incompetent to handle the situation ofstreet murders, arson, and looting. Its attitude ofbenign indifference, bordering on partisan linescreated an intense mistrust in the minds of peopleregarding the role of the law and ordermachinery. The ferocity with which the socialand communal misbehaviour and theaccompanying police atrocities occurred in thecity are not only a matter of shame but they havealso disrupted our social order.

The PUCL decided to investigate the Meerutriots to focus the immediate and the basic causesof these riots and to suggest ways and means toprevent such riots in the country. The teamconstituted of: 1. Mr Rajindar Sachar, 2. Mr I KGujral, 3. Prof A M Khusro, 4. Prof DalipSwami, and 5. Prof K C Gupta.

On June 12, its members met and interviewedseveral advocates, social workers, trade unionleaders, academicians, eminent citizens,administrative officers (including the DistrictMagistrate). It was assisted by the local executivecommittee of PUCL, especially Mr Jain.

Meerut is an important town about 60 kms, fromDelhi. With a population of half a million (4, 13,395 in 1987 census of Meerut Municipal Boardarea), of which 62.5 percent are Hindus and 34percent Muslims, the town has maintained arelative communal balance. It is known for itsweaving, publishing, handloom, printing, sports,brass-band, and scissors factories. The factoriesare owned by Hindus as well as Muslims, theformer dominating the class of employers and the


later dominating the labour force. Bothcommunities have shared the economicprosperity that occurred over the 1970, thoughHindus have generally prospered at a faster ratethan Muslims. The Ansaris among Muslims haveacquired considerable economic clout on thebasis of the 40,000 strong powerloom factories,which are operated mainly as a domesticindustry. Gaddis (dairy owners) and Kassies(meat dealers) are also among the prosperousMuslims. The level of education, is however,low; only 6 percent of Muslim children areregistered for higher education. The rich Hindusown cloth printing factories, sports, publicationhouses, and shops. Direct competition in thesame industries between the two communities isnot significant, but the employer-employeecontradiction in several lines overlaps thecommunal division.

With 34 percent of total population, Muslims area decisive factor in the electoral calculation ofany political party. All parties tend to woo theMuslims voters. During the days of anti-imperialist struggle Meerut was a strong centrefor Congress and Muslim League politics. It wasan important centre of Khilaafat Agitation during1916-23. After 1947 the Muslims mass turned tothe Congress. With the formation of B K D andlater the Lok Dal a sizeable number of them,mostly engaged in farming, transferred theirloyalty from the Congress to the Lok Dal. MostHindus owe their allegiance to the Congress, butthe BJP also holds attraction to those engagedin trade and services. The left parties anyhowwield only marginal influence in the area.

There are many instances of cross voting. Forexample in the elections of 1985 the Hindusdominating four segments voted for MohsinaKidwai. The Babri Masjid - Ram Janambhoomiissue has triggered a new wave of communalismthroughout U.P. (The rally held in Delhi andsome of the provocative speeches made there

were its contribution to worsening theatmosphere).

The Central Government is also not above-boardin matters relating to communalism.Government's prevaricating approach to BabriMasjid has contributed generally to communaltension.

This forms the back-drop to the Meerut riots.The events that led to the riots in May were asfollows:

On 14th April 1987 when Nauchandi fair was infull-bloom communal violence broke out. It issaid that a police daroga on duty was struck bya fire cracker and as he was drunk he opened firekilling two Muslims. Another incident is alsoreported to have occurred on the same day.Muslims had arranged a religious sermon nearHashimpura crossing. Nearby there was amundan function in a Hindu family. SomeMuslims objected to film songs being played onloud-speakers and there was a quarrel.Somebody from the Hindu side allegedly fired.The Muslims then in return set some Hindusshops to fire. In all 12 persons, both Hindus andMuslims, were reported to have been killed.Curfew was imposed and the situation wascontrolled. However, the tension prevailed andboth sides were bent on doing some furthertrouble.

On May 14 two bombs exploded in MohallaChhipiwara and Chhatta Tagi Hussain. Thepolice did not take any action as Muslims wereobserving Rozaas. On May 16 also there was abomb explosion in Mohalla Kainchian (In theevening Ajay Kumar Sharma was murdered inKainchian, which was described by the police asLandlord-Tenant problem). The action of thepolice, in making searches at early hours in themorning in a rough and callous manner wasbound to create quite a panic amongst theMuslims in the locality and out of panic there

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were appeals to Muslims to collect together soas to prevent police excesses. People panickedwhen the police tried to interrogate people in thearea.

The scene of action on 18th May was theHashimpura locality and the nearby Imliyanmosque, where Ansari Muslims belonging to theweavers' community live. At about 9 p.m. twokiosks (small wooden shops) situated at SurajKund Road were put to fire by some miscreants.Of these two kiosks, one was owned and run bya Hindu manufacturing shuttle cocks and theother owned by a Hindu and run by a Muslimmanufacturing carrom-boards. Thereafterelectricity suddenly went off. A mob began toform. After about one hour at 10 p.m. on theHapur Road, opposite to Imliyan Mosque, ashop, Lakshmi Confectioner, was looted andburnt down and one of its proprietors,Kulbhushan, was done to death.

The police tried to nail the suspected culprits andwent to Hashimpura and Imliyan for makingarrests. It was after namaaz time, during themonth of Ramzaan. Police action was stronglyresisted by the inmates. While the police wasretreating a Jawaan dropped his rifle (some saythe rifle was snatched). Soon after the midnightpolice reinforcement arrived, they announcedthat the people should get out of their housesotherwise there would be firing. More than 3000people of Hashimpura and Imliyan came out.Now the electricity was restored and the riflewhich was dropped was found outside a house.The police entered that house and shot dead twobrothers inside.

A police jeep was parked near Imliyan. A policeofficer wanted to drive away in the jeep withsome arrested persons. The women assembledthere resisted, but the jeep drove off killing a girl.There was a great commotion and the mobnaturally became unruly and police opened fire

killing several persons. According to the DM 130persons were arrested between midnight and 2a.m. Curfew was clamped.

It is at this stage that something very unfortunatehappened. There appears to be no doubt thatsome mischief makers got control of theloudspeaker on the mosque and started exhortingpeople to gather together and to save Islam. Wewere told this by various reliable people, bothHindus and Muslims, and we have no manner ofdoubt, that either out of panic or because of themischievous call given to the Muslims, peoplecollected together in the street. The result of thisexhortation was not unexpected. A carnagefollowed.

The mob fury started after 3 A.M. They startedburning, looting, and killing Hindus at HapurRoad, Golekuan, Pilokheri, Lakhipura, andShyam Nagar. Hapur Road was blocked by bigwooden logs. Several vehicles along with theiroccupants were set to fire. Shops and a petrolpump and many other establishments of Hinduswere looted and burnt.

One of the unfortunate incidents was the burningalive of Dr Prabhat, who was, ironically goingout to attend a call of a Muslim patient. His carwas stopped and the mob in its senseless furyburnt him along with the car. This is doublyunfortunate because Shri Har Pal Singh, fatherof the deceased, even much later, continues tosubscribe to his non-communal approach andwas responsible for saving a few Muslim liveswhen Hindu mobs went on a rampagesubsequently.

In Pilokhari several cloth printing factoriesowned by Hindus were burnt by the mob thatsurged in thousands at 6.30 A.M. the policepicket posted there was too weak to handle thearsonists. The mob burnt several factories,burning about a dozen persons (chowkidaars)


inside the factories. The mob then went to LisariRoad. The farm of Nepal Singh was attacked, 6persons are said to have been burnt to death. Theloss to the factory was incredible.

Subhash Nagar, which is next to Hashimpura,was another area which was the scene ofshooting on the early hours on 19th May. Theteam visited the area and met Mr Ganesh Dutt,President of the Subhash Nagar Samiti. Theversion given to us was that in the early hoursthere was slogan shouting from adjacent areafrom Hashimpura. Naturally a large number ofpeople went up to their roofs curious to knowwhat was happening. Evidently there was mutualstone throwing from Subhash Nagar andHashimpura area. Gun shots were fired fromHashimpura area and one Sushil Tyagi and twoothers, who were standing on the roof in theSubhash Nagar area were killed on the spot.Though the matter was immediately reported tothe police but none came to the spot. As a matterof fact the grievance of the local people was thateven till the day of our visit, i.e., 15th June, 1987no one had come from the police to makeinvestigation. This was totally unexplainedconduct on the part of administration,considering that a written report about thekillings had been sent to the administration. Evenunder the normal law investigation should havebeen done on the report of a murder butevidently the administration was paralysed andcontinued to be so even after 3 weeks of theincident.

We met Mr Tyagi, father of deceased SushilTyagi, who though, naturally, very upset on thedeath of his son, nevertheless told us proudly andwith restraint that he had taken the body to thevillage Ahmadshahpur Padra and had stayedthere for 3 days to make sure that no untowardincident took place as a result of the death of hisson. We were heartened to note that there werepeople, who, even in the face of such a tragedy,

refused to lose their balance. We would like topay publicly our tribute at this worthy conductand wish more people would to follow thisexample. This police indifference howevercontinued to be as bad as before, even thoughFIR about this murder was recorded at the policestation.

We went on the top of the houses in SubhashNagar at Mr Mehta's building and saw fromthere the path the gun shot would have taken.There does not seem to be any doubt that firingcame from Hashimpura side which did result inkillings in Subhash Nagar.

In the afternoon of 19th the Hindu mob underthe benign protection of the PAC began toretaliate. They started burning and destroyingMuslim houses and shops on Hapur Road, theMawana bus stand, stadium, Shastri Nagar, andMiyan Mohammed Nagar. In Mohammed Nagar225 houses of the total of 354 were gutted. Theresidents, mostly poor Muslims like rickshaw-puller, etc., narrated the event with a coldhelplessness. They accused the PAC of clearcomplicity and direct involvement in destruction.The PAC allegedly began firing at 2 p.m. andthen started looting and burning the houses.Many persons were burnt alive and the remainsof their houses could still be seen when this teamvisited the area. The D.M. pointed out that 130families were compensated at the rate of Rs15,000/- each.

In Shastri Nagar several Muslim houses thatwere strewn between Hindu houses were burntby the mob which came from other localities.The houses of an income-tax official, a chiefengineer, an executive engineer, a noted Urdupoet, and a rich business man who had recentlymigrated from outside were burnt and looted.Just as at Miyan Mohammed Nagar, here toothere was total destruction except the housewalls. A shrine of Najafshah was also completely

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demolished.

Curfew was clamped at 11 a.m. on 19th in areasfalling under Delhi Gate, Lisari Gate, andKotwali police station. It was subsequentlyextended to other areas also. Despite thisviolence continued through the city. At mostplaces the police abetted by their benignindifference. Next day, i.e., on 20th May themuslim shops at Eastern Kacheri Road, WesternKatcheri Road, P L Sharma Road, Abu Lane,Mawana bus stand, Transport Nagar, etc.remained disturbed.

One of the most shameful chapters of humancallousness was enacted in Hashimpura area. Itwould appear by then that sufficient contingentsof police and PAC had been inducted intoMeerut. It was not clear but it seems that somedecision was taken to really spread terror inHashimpura area. Pursuant to this on May 22Hashimpura was surrounded by the PAC. ThePAC then forced all residents out of their housesto the main Road. Then a house to house searchwas conducted. The residents complained thatseveral houses were looted by the PAC.

All residents of Hashimpura were lined up on themain road segregated, and one person in Burkhaidentified 42 young men, who were asked toboard a police lorry. Another group of 324 werearrested and taken by other police vehicles.

What the police did in Hashimpura is somethingwhich can never be lived down and the shameof this will continue to haunt any civilisedGovernment. We talked to old persons whosesons and grand-sons were taken away by thepolice. We met young women whose husbandswere taken away and later on they were eithermissing or their dead bodies were found. Theway the residents of Hashimpura were treatedwas shameful. We were told that hundreds ofpeople were taken out from the locality and

asked to sit on the road. One army person askedpeople over 50 years and less than 10-12 yearsto get on one side and all the others weredumped into waiting trucks. We were told by oneAhmed, who had got away on the excuse that hehad his MA examination that morning, and that3 of his colleagues, namely, Kamaludin S/oJamaludin, Sarajudin S/o Sabarudin, Nasim S/oNasim Ahmed, had been taken away on thetrucks. These three had not come back thereafterand the father Jamaludin corroborated thisversion.

Out of 42 only 6 persons are traceable, othershave just disappeared. There is no record of thesepersons with the police. Abdu Bhai the grandfather of Zulfikar told that Arif and Karimuddinwere also with his grandson. They were arrestedtogether and taken in a truck to Muradnagar andwhen the truck reached a canal Zulfikar sawKarimuddin being shot by the PAC and thrownin the canal. More than 20 bodies have in factbeen found floating in the Ganga Canal.

One of us (Mr Rajindar Sachar) on coming backfrom there wrote to the Chief Minister of UPbringing to his notice as to how hundreds ofpeople had been taken away and how many haddied and were not traceable and requesting thatthe matters needed to be immediately lookedinto. A copy of these letters was also sent to thePrime Minister for doing the needful. We aresorry to say that not even an acknowledgementwas received from the Chief Minister of U P orfrom the Prime Minister.

The other group of 324 persons was taken to thecivil lines Police Station, where they werebeaten. After keeping them for a night they wereshifted to Meerut jail, where their injuries werenoted down. Subsequently other criminalprisoners were provoked to beat them up. Somewere shifted to Fatehgarh jail, where 5 personsdied inside the jail. Abdul Rashid and Nasirudin,


who remained in Fatehgarh jail for 21 days,narrated the inhuman treatment meted out totheir group in the jail. They were mercilesslybeaten; five of them died inside the jail. The DMconfirmed the deaths inside jail and pointed outthat a CID enquiry was instituted, though hepleaded that it was outside his jurisdiction.

Another gory incident related to village ofMaliana. The PAC picket is accused of havingfired indiscriminately and killed 2 dozen peopleand grim destruction of property also took place.The Maliana incident has left a deep scar as theallegation was that the police systematicallykilled Muslims without any provocation. It is amatter of regret that though judicial enquiry isordered, its findings have still not seen the lightof the day. This incident continues to act as aconstant source of bitterness between the twocommunities. Unfortunately though PAC isresponsible for this carnage, Hindus get theblame because Muslims believe that this wasdone because PAC is a Hindu police and theyacted in a communal way and not as a law andorder force.

In all localities and almost all persons whom wecontacted told that when approached the policedid not respond. The incidents of killings andinjuries in Subhash Nagar, factory burning inPilokhari, murders on Hapur Road were allreported, but the police reported that they did nothave enough manpower. No incident of deathwas investigated even after a month. The DMmaintained that the outburst was too high to beattended to individually. About the 5 deaths injail the DM gave us two versions. One, theprisoners were attacked by a crowd collected atthe gate, two that the persons were attackedinside the jail. He also maintained that there wasno obstruction to lodging FIRs. Postmortem of5 bodies were done but the bodies were nothanded over to the relatives. An enquiry by the

CID was ordered to investigate the case.

The DM also pointed out that from 19th to 21stMay there were 2 to 5 companies of PAC, whichwere inadequate to control the riots. On 22ndMay he received 10-12 companies from outside.It was then possible to nab the culprits inHashimpura.

Hindus resented the release of Zafar Ali, whowas arrested under NSA for possessing anunlicensed gun. The DM clarified that the StateGovernment revoked the arrest under Section 14.The license of Zafar Ali was suspended and hewas asked to surrender his gun. When Zafar Alirefused to surrender his guns, he was arrestedunder NSA.

Spread of rumours also led to great deal oftension. In official releases expression was giventhat many of the Pakistanis had entered Meerutillegally. We confronted the DM with this newswho told us that 7 persons arrested on 25th Mayfrom Nougaja Mohalla, only 2 persons werefrom Pakistan. These two had valid visa andwere in Meerut to meet their relatives. They werereleased because there was no justification toarrest them. Somehow the news was allowed tobe spread that Pakistanis had entered withoutvisa, thus adding to the false suggestion as ifthere was a conspiracy behind this communalriot. This version was totally uncalled for and wefeel that the district administration must exercisegreater restraint in the type of news it passes onto the people.

How much suspicion had been aroused betweenthe two communities became clear when peoplecomplained to us that food which was broughtfrom outside Meerut was not allowed to bedistributed by the administration. We checked upwith the administration (DM) who accepted thatfood which had been brought by someorganisations from Delhi was not allowed to be

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distributed. According to him, first, the food wasbeing distributed community-wise and, secondly,rumours had been set afloat that the food whichwas being distributed was poison and thecommunities may be fed on this food. Of course,he conceded that none of the food was found inany way poisoned but so much was themisunderstanding that the administration did notallow voluntary agencies to distribute food eventhough when many voluntary agencies both ofMuslims and Hindus wanted to distribute reliefwithout in any manner restricting it to anyparticular community. We are sorry that theadministration should have taken this attitudebecause common relief work would have easedthe tension. The delegation visited various areasand localities and talked to many personsincluding relatives of the missing and the dead.We talked to many people in Hashimpura.

They were in great panic and had horrible talesof police cruelty to tell. All of them stated thatthey had been beaten by police. We were givena list of 41 persons who were said to have beencarried away by the police on 22nd May 1987from Hashimpura but whose whereabouts werenot known. A copy of the list, which wassupposed to have been given to theCommissioner for Relief, was given to us. Wewere also given a list of 5 persons who weretaken away by the police from Hashimpura andwere said to have died in police custody whenthey were taken to Fatehgarh jail. Their deathwas confirmed by the DM Meerut who, however,pleaded that the area was outside his jurisdiction.One of our members, Mr Rajindar Sachar, wroteto the Prime Minister and the Chief Minister ofUP mentioning these facts as mentioned above.A copy of the letter forms Annexure to thisreport.

Another incident of the total inaction and thecallousness of the administration was brought toour notice when we visited Subhash Nagar. On

the night of 19th firing was stated to have takenplace from some house in Hashimpura and somepersons who were standing on the roof of ahouse of Subhash Nagar were killed. We visitedthe place of occurrence and it does seem thatfiring must have taken place from theHashimpura side because that was the only rooffrom which the bullet could have traveled andhit the persons who were on the top of the house.We were told by the President of Subhash NagarAssociation that they had telephoned the policeand other District officers asking for their helpbut no one from the police visited the area evenby the time when we visited them. This isextremely deplorable considering thatinformation about the cognizance of offence hadbeen given and yet the police had not taken theelementary step of investigation which they wereduty bound to do under law. That 3 peopleundoubtedly died in Subhash Nagar due to bulletinjury is uncontroverted but the response of theadministration was totally callous. Days after theincident not even a sub-inspector of police hadvisited the sites to record statements and find outwhat exactly happened. No amount of generaldeterioration in the situation in Meerut could beany explanation for this attitude. Conditions onthat night were not so bad that the police couldnot have visited the scene of deaths. As a matterof fact it would appear that the whole of theadministration was waiting for additional re-enforcement of police and PAC to arrive beforetaking any action.

But the use they made of this is somethingshocking. When the additional re-enforcementarrived they went out with recklessness and witha communal slant, with the result that the Muslimareas were made the special target of attack bythe police (it is probably correct that a mob didcome out on 19th early hours on the Hapur Roadand burnt a petrol pump, and a timber godownbelonging to Hindus). But, as mentioned above,


the coming out of the mob on the street was apanic reaction to the police brutality in searchingand killings of some persons when they went toarrest some people in Imliyan Mohalla in earlymorning. Thereafter from 22nd when the re-enforcement of PAC and army arrived it was aone sided communal attack against the Muslimarea and Muslim individuals.

We also visited Khalla Mian Mohammed Nagarand Khalla Swad inhabited by poor workingMuslims. It would appear that a mob of Hinduspossibly with connivance of the Police had goneon rampage looting and burning most of the area,signs of which were visible when we wentaround the area. There is no doubt, of course,that on the 19th the Muslim mob had gone on arampage when they burnt machines, godowns ofprinting cloth owners, owned by Hindus. Itwould be a reasonable guess that the attack onmachines of printing cloth belonging to Hinduswere accentuated and were partly fanned by rivalMuslim economic interest because the type ofdestruction was a senseless one and explainableon no other premise. The area was very muchaway from the city and mob must have had tobe led and directed by someone in the know ofvarious locations.

It won't be wrong to say that Meerut had lostbalance on those days and the barbarism and theutter inhumanity being indulged in by bothHindus and Muslims was a terrible experience.Had the matter remained between Hindu andMuslim mobs, they would no doubt have

damaged and injured each other sufficiently butbeing both equal in strength matters might havebeen sorted out because of the mutualexhaustion. But what made the matter horribleand made it a matter of shame was the roleplayed by the PAC and the police which insteadof behaving and trying to defuse the situationacted in a communal stance and committedbarbarities of callousness on the Muslims,causing death and harm.

Considering that both Hindu and Muslim mobshad indulged in looting, arson, and killing, theresponse of the PAC in picking out Muslim areaand committing wanton acts is condemnable.The Muslims can have a legitimate grievancethat the police did not act as guardians of lawand order but played a partisan role. Rather ithelped the Hindu mobs in looting and burningof Muslim areas. There is sufficient evidence tosupport such apprehensions of the Muslims. Therole of the administration has left much to bedesired. The administration remained in aparalytic stage and did not come out in strengthin meeting the challenge of the communalmadness. We feel that had more sober andserious efforts been made to gather together tocreate restraint on Hindus and Muslims it wouldhave been easier to control the situation earlierand also would have removed the communalmistrust which unfortunately continued for avery long time.

(Report as published in the PUCL Bulletin.Courtesy PUCL Bulletin)

Search for TruthTruth resides in every human heart, and one has to search for it there, and to be guided by truth asone sees it. But no one has a right to coerce others to act according to his own view of truth.

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi

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(Praveen Jain, photographer now with IndianExpress, happened to be in the neighbourhoodof Hashimpura in Meerut on 22nd May 1887 andrushed to the spot and took many pictures of theresidents who were held captive by the Policeand military. These pictures show the barbaricand inhuman postures of the security officials.These pictures were published at that time andbecame part of the record of the charge-sheetwhich was filed in the court against the accusedpolicemen. Praveen Jain was also cited in the listof the witnesses. When case started in the courtat Delhi in or around 2005, no one on behalf ofthe prosecution had tried to contact him to enablehim to appear in the court and give evidence.When he came to know from the news that case

The Big Picture: Hashimpura Then, Hashimpura Now

was going in the court, he himself contacted theprosecution advocate and told him that he waswitness. When he appeared as witness and triedto prove his photographs, the judge asked himto produce negatives. Then he came back fromcourt, searched for negatives, a huge task as hehad to wrestle through thousands of negativesfrom old record and ultimately was able to findthem. His evidence was one of the clinchingevidence to nail the PAC. After the judgment, heagain went to Hashimpura and tried to find outsome of those who were seen in the picturestaken by him 28 years ago. Following are thepictures of 28 years ago along with fresh picturesof some of the residents whom he could tracefrom the old pictures. I salute Praveen Jain forhis courage and commitment for truth.)

May 1987: This photo shows Army personnel lining up a group of men from Hashimpura. Amongthose in the frame is Md Yaseen (in skullcap and beard), who went missing ever since. It was fromone such photograph that Yaseen's son identified him. With the number of victims not established,the prosecution used the photo as "clinching evidence" to build a case for compensation for 42families, besides five survivors.


Written by Uma Vishnu | Hashimpura | Updated: March 29, 2015 9:04 am

Photographer Praveen Jain was in the Meerutneighbourhood on May 22, 1987, hours beforewhat has come to be known as the Hashimpuramassacre. 28 years later, with a Delhi courtacquitting all the 16 PAC men accused in thecase, Jain goes back with the album to find thefaces who stood witness.

Look at this PAC wala, pointing his rifle atpeople crouching in fear. It's as if we areaatankwadis (terrorists)," says one. "Nahin, sochraha hai kitni bahaduri ka kaam kar raha hoonmain (he thinks he is being brave)," says another.By now, a small crowd has gathered in the sunlitcourtyard of kirana shop owner Jamaluddin asthe photographs get passed around. "Yeh to apnaAabid hai, aur yeh Pappu…." "Aur yeh wohjinka haal hi mein inteqaal ho gaya tha (and thisis the one who died recently)…." "I have neverseen these photographs before," concludes one.

The black-and-white photographs are whatPraveen Jain, now Associate Photo Editor withThe Indian Express, shot in May 1987 inHashimpura, a locality in old Meerut, while hewas with The Sunday Mail.

Hashimpura now, like all those years ago, is oneof the many lanes that slip out of the main OldMeerut road, opposite the shut single-screenGulmarg Cinema. It's a colony of Muslim Ansariweavers, and the rattle of powerlooms fills thesub-lanes. Today, days after a Delhi courtacquitted, for want of evidence, all the 16personnel of the PAC who were accused ofkilling over 40 Muslims from Hashimpura, abanner calling for justice hangs on the wall atthe entrance of the lane. "The fight isn't over yet.

We will appeal in the high court," says ZulfikarNasir, 42, one of the survivors of the Hashimpuramassacre and now the prime witness in the case.

"What's the point looking at all thesephotographs after so many years? Just to bringalive old wounds," mumbles Jamaluddin,walking out of his kirana shop that shares a wallwith his house and into his courtyard, away fromthe excited group of people who are stilldiscussing the photographs.

His newly-married son Qamaruddin, the eldestof his 10 children, was among those who hadbeen dragged. That's the last they saw of him."We never got his body. We heard that he waskilled somewhere near the Muradnagar canal,"says Jamaluddin's wife Zainut Begum.

She brings a large framed photograph of theirson Qamaruddin and holds it as she sits on aplastic chair. It's a drill she has done countlesstimes, every time the media comes knocking ontheir door. Jamaluddin may say, 'what's the point',but for Zainut, this is the "point" her life hasrevolved around for the last 28 years. "It's easyfor others to move on, but I lost my child… Ican't," she says softly.

There are now loud guffaws in the courtyard aspeople identify each other in the photograph."Look at Riyazuddin, he hasn't changed one bit."Then, looking at the photograph of a young boyoffering namaz while a jawan points his rifle athim, Shakeel exclaims, "Arrey, ye to Sirajuddinhai. Woh gora sa ladka nahin tha, mere bhai kadost? They don't live here anymore. But this isSirajuddin for sure."

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Mohammad Hanif, then 28

'All of us have scars, now they'll never heal'

"Bahut badal gaya hoon (I have changed a lot)," says Hanif, breaking into a smile, looking at hisphotograph of 28 years ago. The 53-year-old, now sporting a thick crop of grey hair, had been aweaver. "I do nothing now. My kids have taken over," he says. "I was visiting an ailing neighbour inthe house behind ours when we heard of the raid.

Soon, the jawans broke in and asked us to line up in this lane. I saw three of my brothers in thegroup. We were taken to the main road, sent off in buses to Police Lines and then to the Civil Linesthana where we were tortured. See the mark here," he says, brushing back his hair from his foreheadto show a cut. "Everyone here has these scars. And now this judgement has made sure these woundswill never heal."


"That's me," says Sirajuddin, smiling, as he points to a newspaper clipping that has the samephotograph. It's now part of his "collection", his chronicle of pain that has other photographsfeaturing his father and uncle in bandages, and newspaper write-ups on Hashimpura.

Sirajuddin, the boy in the photo, is now 41, a father of four kids. The family - his parents, brothersand their families - moved out of Hashimpura to Siddique Nagar, 2 km away, in 1990. His uncleand family continue to live in the Hashimpura house he was born in and where they were attackedon May 28, 1987.

Sirajuddin, then 13

"This is the pillar I stood against," he says at his uncle's house. "Behind me were my brothers andmy cousins. The jawan stood here, with a rifle to my head. Ten people from my house - my father,my four uncles and a few guests - had just been dragged out and I thought it would be my turnnext."

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'I couldn't speak a word to him as they dragged him out'

Anwari Begum had stood with her 10 kids on the balcony of their house that evening, wailing, asshe watched her husband being dragged away. He had hidden himself in a neighbour's house, butthe jawans had dragged him out of there.

Sirajuddin had instinctively cupped his palms ina prayer, "Allah, raham kar… mujhe bacha.That's the first time I felt real terror. Until then,Hashimpura had been tense, but we werechildren and knew no fear. In fact, just a monthago, there had been trouble at the shab-e-baraatprocession and we sat at the sawing unit on theroad and watched the fun. The next morning, wesaw charred shops and still, we weren't scared.We heard of anishchitkaaleen (indefnite) curfewand didn't know what that meant. A couple ofdays later, we stood on our terrace and saw PACmen inside homes in Bansipura, a Hindu localitybehind Hashimpura, firing at homes on our side.Still, we stood there till our parents yelled at usand asked us to come in," he says.

After 1987, Sirajuddin didn't go back to school."I had a lot of Hindu friends in school. But afterthis, mahaul hi aisa tha (those days were tense).You didn't know who was a friend, whowasn't…"

That was the Sirajuddin of 28 years ago. Now,the dealer of wholesale clothes says life hastaught him to be a lot more cautious. Every timethere is a communal flare-up, or even athreatening situation, Sirajuddin and his familypack their bags and leave for Delhi. "I have doneit twice now, the last time when there wastension near Bhumiya ka Pul in the city, closeto where I now live," he says. "It's when youhave kids of your own, your wife… that's whenfear sets in. I can't imagine my children goingthrough what I did," he says.

Anwari Begum, then 42


"I couldn't speak a word to him," she says, lying on a cot, a recent operation for an oral tumorleaving her speech slurred. She looks at that photo of hers on the balcony and says, "Tab to meintheek thi (I was fine then).

That evening, her husband had been packed intothe rear of the yellow PAC truck that had set offfrom Hashimpura to neighbouring Ghaziabaddistrict, ending in the massacre of over 40 peoplefrom the locality. Nobody brought his bodyhome.

Anwari now lives with her youngest son Samarin the same house that has been partitionedamong her sons. "Everything changed after mywalid (father) left us. He had a lot of propertyhere in Hashimpura and outside. But we had to

sell a lot of that. We dropped out of school soonafter. Now when I visit my cousins in Mumbai,I feel illiterate. It needn't have been this way. Justas I have dreams for my daughter, my fatherwould have had plans for us," says Samar, adealer of embroidered kurta material. He wasonly four then.

Samar says he has visited Delhi's Tis Hazaricourts about six times. "There, when I see thePAC men come in smiling, my blood boils. Todke rakh diya hamein (they simply broke us)."

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'This is the worst they could have done. I'm not scared'

He stares hard at the photograph before saying, "Yes, that's me." Riyazuddin speaks little. And whenhe does, his words get drowned in the rattle of the powerloom unit that he runs on the ground floorof his house. "That's okay. I don't have much to say. We used to live near the masjid, close toBansipura (the Hindu locality behind Hashimpura). A few days before May 22, security forces startedfiring at us from that side. My brother died in the firing and we moved to this house," says Riyazuddin.

When the raid began, Riyazuddin was dragged out with his father and two uncles, but they were letoff. "I was taken to Police Lines and then to the Civil Lines thana and beaten up. After about 17days in Fatehgarh jail, I came home," says Riyazuddin.

Mohammad Riyazuddin, then 17


Does he travel to Delhi with the others for courthearings? "No. I didn't think anything wouldchange. Anyway, I think this is the worst they

could have done to us. I am not even scarednow," he says, turning back to look at hisdaughter, the eldest of his five children.

Wajid Ali, then 16

'If PAC didn't do this, who did? Can't they find out?'

"I haven't changed much, have I?" asks Wajid Ali, 44, looking at the photograph. "Par andar se tobahut change hai."

"You want to see what they did to me," he goeson, taking off his skull cap and bowing his headto reveal a gash on his skull. "They had left mefor dead at Civil Lines. Hit me with an iron rod.

It was my neighbour Nafiz who saw me anddragged me across to the heap of survivors," saysAli, who works at a power loom.

He is a father of five, but his eldest daughter died 22 days ago. "These are things we have no answersfor," says Ali, furiously crunching his knuckles. "But in this case, we want answers. If the PAC jawansdidn't do this to us, somebody did for sure. Can't they simply find out who did it?" he says, leavingfor his namaaz.

APRIL 201528

That May Day

The men were dragged out and told to assemble on the main road.

In all these years, Zulfikar Nasir, 42, one of thesurvivors of the Hashimpura massacre, has lostcount of the number of times he has relived theevents of May 22-23, 1987 - in front of theinvestigators, the courts, even on March 24, at ameeting in Delhi their advocate held for thevictims, asking them not to lose hope after thecourt verdict. Today, he does it one more time,talking of that day, 28 years ago.

Those days, Meerut and other cities in UttarPradesh were on the edge after Rajiv Gandhi hadordered the locks of the Babri Masjid to beopened for prayers. There had been sporadicincidents of violence and the Army andparamilitary had been called in. A company ofthe 41st battalion of the Provincial ArmedConstabulary (PAC) had been posted in Meerut.Just a month ago, in April, a shab-e-baraatprocession had been stoned and a few shops onthe road outside Hashimpura had been set onfire. The area had been tense for days after. Onthe afternoon of May 22, there was to be a raid

on Hashimpura and the area had been sealed. Itwas a Friday in the month of Ramzan and peoplewere hours away from breaking their fast. "Weknew of the raid, but thought these would beroutine checks. Who knew…" trails off Nasir.

Late afternoon, the security forces arrived - somebarged in, others trooped down from terraces,and raided homes. The men and the youth wereroughed up and told to queue up in the laneoutside. "There were all kinds of troops - police,the Army, PAC. They dragged us out as if wewere criminals. Nobody above 10 was spared.We all went out with our hands up," saysMohammad Jaffar, who then ran a tailoring shopand who was dragged out with his three sons.

Survivors talk of how they were made toassemble on the main road and handed over bythe Army to the PAC. There, the forces sortedthe people they had gathered and those youngand able were told to step aside. The rest werepacked into trucks and sent to Police Lines andthen to the Civil Lines thana. Survivors talk of


facing an unmitigated horror there - thrashingswith tubewell pipes, smashed-in skulls andbroken limbs - before they were sent to differentjails in Meerut.

Those left behind on that road outsideHashimpura, many like Nasir who had proudlyput up their hands when the jawans asked forstudents, thought they would be freed. But theywere told to get into a yellow PAC truck, "kneeldown, heads down, eyes on the ground". Thattruck then set off on a journey that ended in whathas come to be known as the Hashimpuramassacre.

"We still don't know why Hashimpura waschosen for this treatment. There was never a riotinside Hashimpura before this and there wasnever one after this. It's funny," says Nasir,

shaking his head. However, it was anything butfunny being on the truck that night as it racedsome 30 km into Ghaziabad, allegedly being onthe PAC's roll call for execution (he says he wasNo. 3) and facing the shots that rang out. A bullethit his right arm and he says he pretended to bedead, clutching the weeds in the Upper Gangacanal near Muradnagar, his head bobbing everytime they flung a lifeless body into the canal."Maze ki baat to yeh hai ki hum aaj tak nahinjante (we still don't know why)…," he saysagain, looking at the floor.

It's only when Nasir and four others made theirway back to their homes that Hashimpura madeheadlines.

First Published on: March 29, 201512:15 am(Courtesy: Sunday Express)

M.N. Roy calls for 'New Leadership in the Congress'(11th February, 1940)

N.D. Pancholi

I just saw a news item in Hindi 'Hindustan' dt.11th Feb.2015 with the caption "NAYANETRATVA AVASHYAK HAI' {New leadership is necessary (in the Congress Party)}whichhad been published 75 years ago on 11th Feb 1940 in which M.N. Roy had called for a changein the then leadership of the Indian National Congress. At that time there was ideologicaltussle among various factions of the Congress belonging to different camps, i.e., socialists,communists, Royists, Forward Block, capitalists and communalists of various shades. Roy wascontesting for Presidentship of the Congress against Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad. Though helost the contest but the programme he visualized for the Congress for making it a trulyrepresentative body of the suffering and exploited masses of India, seem to be more relevanttoday. He had said that primary Congress committees at local level should consist ofideologically and politically awakened Congress members who would actively participate inthe daily struggles of the people and this will lead to sound foundation for building a trulydemocratic state. I am attaching the same here in the hope that the Indian National Congress,which has glorious tradition of freedom struggle, may consider the same when it formulatesits future strategy.

(We are not reproducing the scanned attachment, referred to here, as the contents of the Hinditext have been translated into English in his note by Mr. Pancholi. -Editor)

APRIL 201530

Vibhuti Narain Rai, an IPS officer, was posted

as superintendent of police, Ghaziabad when 42

innocent Muslims from Hashimpura in Meerut

were picked up and shot dead in cold blood by

the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) near

Murad Nagar and their dead bodies thrown in

nearby canal water close to Delhi border on the

intervening night of 22/23rd May, 1887. .

Recalling the day of incident he has said:

(1) ) Two FIRS of the case was registered in

the early morning hours of 23rd May,1987 at

Murad Nagar and Link Road Police stations and

two SHOs were made investigating officers. But

investigation was immediately handed over to

CID on the next day, i.e., on 24th May by Shri

Vir Bahadur Singh, the then Chief Minister of

UP.

(2) Right from the beginning CID was doing the

shoddy business and to him it looked that

efforts were being made to shield the offenders

and not to reach out to the truth.

(3) This has been the biggest custodial killing

in independent India. In other communal

violence like 1984 Sikh massacre or Nellie in

Assam the police was blamed for being spectator

to the killings but not of custodial killings.

Therefore it is important to unveil the big

conspiracy as to what actually happened in to

Hashimpura massacre so it could serve as a

warning to those who perpetrate such crimes but

get away without any punishment.

What V.N. Rai, IPS (Retd.) says?

Police and Army officers played a big role inHashimpura massacre : IPS officer VN Rai

(4) The PAC Company of the 41st battalion

involved in massacre was led by sub inspector

Surenderpal Singh. Its impossible for an SI level

officer to take such a big decision to conspire

and kill so many people? This company was not

officially deployed there. Senior level police

officers and Army were definitely involved in the

conspiracy.

(5) A brother of any army official was killed a

day ago and that army official had no business

to be present during search operations in

Hashimpura but he was there. His role is very

much suspect but he was not interrogated by the

CID. He was also related to a firebrand BJP

leader whose role was also not investigated.

(6) A big lacuna was that the rifles used for

killing were given back to the PAC while rule

is that the same should have been sealed and

kept in Malkhana for presentation in the Court.

The judgment in the court has pointed out this

serious error of the prosecution. It is shocking

how it happened and who did it and it still

remains a great mystery. Those who left such

lacunas in the case should have been punished.

(7) The case should be re-investigated under the

supervision of the Supreme Court or the High

Court to bring out the real conspiracy and

conspirators. A committee of senior independent

police officers should be constituted to oversee

investigation. Otherwise this case will remain a

biggest blot on the Indian secular fabric.


Amid growing demand for justice to the victimsof the 1987 Hashimpura massacre, the UttarPradesh Minorities Commission will soon bewriting to Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav toorder re-investigation into the entire case.

''We will write to the state government to takesteps ensuring justice to the victims ofHashimpura massacre...The government shouldprobe the matter from the beginning. We will

Minorities Commission asks Akhilesh to ReinvestigateHashimpura Case

also ask the State government to move the HighCourt against the judgement,'' spokesperson ofthe Commission Shafi Azmi said.

Stating that the acquittal of the 16 accusedProvincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) personalhas come as a huge setback, he said theCommission would ensure that all those whowere behind the massacre and also those whowere responsible for faulty probe that led to theacquittal get punished.

the UPA government is a case in point. Even aseries of socio-economic legislations could notsave the day for Manmohan Singh because thespiralling contradictions of neo-liberalism cannotbe tamed beyond a limit. AAP has nothingconvincing to offer that could solve thisfundamental problem, howsoever genuine theintentions of its leaders and supporters mightappear.

AAP's victory is, at best, a tactical gain againstcommunal forces that might not last long.Premised on a neoliberal worldview, it is mostlikely that AAP will fall like a pack of cards

under glaring contradictions. Does AAP have thevision to resolve this fundamental challengebefore India today? If not, then whose day wouldit be in Delhi when AAP falls? At a time whengenuine anti-neoliberal forces are fragmented,weak and on a defensive, right-wing communalforces will reap the full benefits of such acollapse.

Lokesh Malti Prakash, Freelance journalist,writer, activist.

Courtesy The Huffington Post, 20 February2015.

Continued from pg. no. 5

Discussion on M.N. Roy on Lok Sabha TVWatch a very good discussion which was organized by Lok Sabha TV on 3rd February, 2014on the occasion of the 60th death anniversary of M.N. Roy under its weekly programme"A Page from History".Participants were Prof. Subroto Mukherji , Political Science Deptt., JNU (Retd.), Prof.Rakesh Batabyal, noted Historian, JNU and N.D. Pancholi, Secretary, Indian RenaissanceInstitute.Anchor: Nilanjan MukhopadhyayIt is available on Youtube. The link is given below:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kJFqtbaK1oUReaders are requested to send their comments to The Radical Humanist at:[email protected]

– Mahi Pal Singh

APRIL 201532

The acquittal of all the accused in theHashimpura massacre case of May 22, 1987, isa travesty of justice.

28 years ago, 42 Muslims, mostly young men,were killed in cold blood by the ProvincialArmed Constabulary (PAC) after having beenabducted from Mohalla Hashimpura. This is oneof the most shameful episodes of communalcustodial killing in India.

The killings reflected the communalizedatmosphere following the opening of the locksof the Babri Masjid by the Rajiv GandhiGovernment at the Centre. Uttar Pradesh too wasthen ruled by the Congress party. SubsequentGovernments of Uttar Pradesh ruled by SP andBSP too failed to show interest in securingcompensation or justice for the victims.

Civil Society Calls for Justice: Two Statements

Acquittal of Accused in Hashimpura Massacre isTravesty of Justice

The CB-CID report of the UP government(1994) had indicted these very accused in itsdepartmental enquiry and found them guilty, butthe then State government did not even take anydepartmental action against these accused.

The fact that the trial process dragged on for 28years, ending in an acquittal of all the accused,reflects a shameful failure of India's criminaljustice system.

The AIPF demands that the acquittal bechallenged by the appropriate Government sothat the injustice can be undone.

Issued by ND Pancholi, Kavita Krishnan,Gautam Mody, Rohit Azad for the All IndiaPeople's Forum (AIPF), Saturday, 21 March2015

Articles/Reports for The Radical HumanistPlease note the change in the email ID and the postal address

Dear Friends,

Please mail your articles/reports for publication in the RH to:

[email protected] or post them to: G-3/617, Shalimar GardenExtn. I, Rose Park, Sahibabad, Ghaziabad- 201005 (U.P.)

Please send your digital passport size photograph and your brief resume if it is being sentfor the first time to the RH.

A note whether it has also been published elsewhere or is being sent exclusively for theRH should also be attached with it.

— Mahi Pal Singh, Editor, The Radical Humanist


Today, on 24th March 2015, the families ofMohalla Hashimpura whose men were shotdead; and the five survivors, of the worstcustodial communal killings in independent Indiaexpressed their anguish, suffering and outrage atthe judgment of the Delhi Trial Court thatacquitted all the accused Policemen of theProvincial Armed Constabulary (PAC). 28 yearslater, they remembered every detail of that fatefulday when about 50 men of Mohalla Hashimpurawere abducted by a Unit of the 41st Battalion ofPAC in a yellow coloured PAC truck by 19members of this Unit.

About 42 of them never returned home as thePAC truck was taken first to Gang Nahar andthen to Hindon Canal, where the PAC Jawansfired at them in the dark of the night with their.303 rifles and threw the dead bodies into thecanal. Five men miraculously survived this coldblooded massacre by the PAC jawans, andnarrated this horrific crime to the Trial Court asProsecution Witnesses.

The testimonies of these survivors and otherevidence, established before the court that themen of Mohalla Hashimpura were indeed killedby men in uniform as part of a planned criminalconspiracy. The Judge while pronouncing theacquittal judgment stated that the accused werebeing given the benefit of doubt as theprosecution had failed to identify them as thesame men who had fired those fatal shots.

The victims and survivors of MohallaHashimpura today raised some questions towhich answers must be given. Who isresponsible for identifying the accused? Whosejob was it to investigate these killings and

Press Release from Justice for Hashimpura CommitteeNew Delhi, 24 March 2015

unmask the names of the PAC men whocommitted this bloodbath? Why did a nineyearlong CBCID investigation not uncover thiscriminal conspiracy? Who are the superiors andmen in uniform, who directed, allowed andexecuted this diabolical crime? They demandedthat as citizens they had a right to justice, a rightto truth and the same had been denied to themand accountability obstructed.

The victims' lawyer Vrinda Grover, pointed outhow at each stage a fair, rigorous and impartialinvestigation was systematically thwarted. Thematerial pieces of evidence, both documentaryand ocular were either not collected, ordestroyed, or allowed to disappear. This was notan accidental lapse but rather a pre-meditatedomission and criminal negligence designed todilute the prosecution case and shield theaccused. Nonetheless, lawyer Vrinda Groverasserted that they were able to present sufficientcircumstantial evidence and official records thatidentified and named the accused as the PACmen who were responsible for the murders.

She emphasized that the identity of the killers ofHashimpura was no mystery and their namescould have easily been uncovered from theofficial records and interrogation of the seniorPAC officials and other Police officers. Thetrajectory of the investigation shows that it wascollusive, corrupt and intended to shield andprotect the accused.

The delay of 28 years: FIR lodged on 22nd May1987; Charge sheet filed on 20th May 1996;Supreme Court transferred the Trial from U.P. toDelhi in September 2002; charges framed against

Continued on Page.No. 36

APRIL 201534

(Editorial Note : M.N. Roy was in jail between1930 and 1936 under the charge of ‘sedition’ forinciting rebellion against the British Governmentwhich case is famously known as ‘KanpurConspiracy Case’. During this period he wrotemany books. One of them was a small bookunder the title ‘Historical Role of Islam’. It wasfirst published in 1939. In the opinion of M.N.Roy a better knowledge and more objectiveunderstanding of the History of Islam on the partof Muslims as well as non-Muslims would helpin reducing lot of antagonism andmisunderstanding between the two communities.The first paragraph of the introduction to thebook written by Roy is :

“Introduction”

The apparently sudden rise and thedramatic expansion of M o h a m m e d a n i s mconstitutes a most fascinating chapter in thehistory of mankind. A dispassionate study of thischapter is of great importance in the presentfateful period of the history of India. Thescientific value of the study by itself is great, andthe meritorious quest for knowledge is sure tobe handsomely rewarded. But with us, today inIndia, particularly with the Hindus, a properunderstanding of the historical role of Islam andcontribution it has made to human culture hasacquired a supreme political importance.”

In the above spirit we are serializing thesaid book in ‘The Radical Humanist’.

Below is given the next installment.)

ALTHOUGH Islam came to India after ithad played out its progressive role, and itsleadership had been wrested from the learnedand cultured Arabs, the revolutionary principles

From the Writings of M.N. Roy:Continued from the last issue…

Book: Historical Role of IslamChapter - VII

ISLAM AND INDIA

of the days of its origin and ascendency were stillinscribed on its flag; and a critical study ofhistory might reveal that the Muslim conquest ofIndia was facilitated by similar native factors asin the case of Persia and the Christian countries.No great people, with a long history and oldcivilisation, can ever succumb easily to a foreigninvasion, unless the invaders command thesympathy and acquiescence, if not activesupport, of the masses of the conquered people.Brahmanical orthodoxy having overwhelmed theBuddhist revolution, India of the eleventh andtwelfth centuries must have been infested withmultitudes of persecuted heretics who wouldeagerly welcome the message of Islam.

After the downfall of Buddhism, the countryfound itself in a worse state of economic ruin,political oppression, intellectual anarchy andspiritual chaos. Practically, the entire societywas involved in that tragic process of decayand decomposition. That is why not only theoppressed masses readily rallied under thebanner of Islam which offered them socialequality if not political liberty; even the upperclasses offered their services to the foreignaggressor out of selfish motives.

Mohammad Ibn Kassim conquered Sindhwith the active assistance of the Jats and otheragricultural communities oppressed by theBrahman rulers. Having conquered the country,he followed the policy of the early Arabconquerors. "He employed the Brahmans inpacifying the country by taking them intoconfidence. He allowed them to repair theirtemples and to follow their own religion asbefore, placed the collection of revenue in their


hands, and employed them in continuing thetraditional system of local administration."(Elliot, "History of India") When even theBrahmans, some of them at any rate, wereprepared to go over to the side of the mlechhaconquerors, the social conditions of the countrycould not be very normal. Evidently, society wasin such a disintegrated and chaotic state as tomake the position even of the most privilegedclass insecure. That is usually the result ofcounter-revolution. A revolution may be defeatedby a combination of forces; but that does notenable the triumphant forces of reaction toremove the causes of social disintegration whichbrought about the revolution. In India, theBuddhist revolution was not defeated; it wasmiscarried owing to its internal weakness. Socialforces were not sufficiently mature to carry therevolution to victory. Consequently, after thedownfall of Buddhism, the country found itselfin a worse state of economic ruin, politicaloppression, intellectual anarchy and spiritualchaos. Practically, the entire society was involvedin that tragic process of decay anddecomposition. That is why not only theoppressed masses readily rallied under thebanner of Islam which offered them socialequality if not political liberty; even the upperclasses offered their services to the foreignaggressor out of selfish motives. That shows that,while the masses were in a state of despair, theupper classes were thoroughly demoralised.

As regards the spread of Islam in India, anardent admirer of ancient Hindu culture likeHavell, who cannot be suspected of anysympathy or even fairness to the Muslims, givesthe following highly interesting testimony:"Those who did so (embraced Islam) acquired allthe rights of a Musalman citizen in the lawcourts, where the Quran and not Aryan law andcustom decided dispute in all cases. This, methodof proselytism was very effective among thelower castes of Hindus, especially among thosewho suffered from the severity of Brahmanical

law with regard to the 'Impure' classes" ("AryanRule in India.")

This is certainly not a very complimentaryremark wrung from a firm believer in theperfection of Brahmanical law. In any case, it isclear that in the time of Mohammadan conquest,there lived in India multitudes of people who hadlittle reason to be faithful to Hindu laws and thetraditions of Brahman orthodoxy, and were readyto forsake that heritage for the more equitablelaws of Islam which offered them protectionagainst the tyranny of triumphant Hindu reaction.

When Islam was winning adherence in India,it had not altogether played out its social-revolutionary role, and that it was by virtueof its social-revolutionary character that itstruck so deep a root in India. That is to sayeven in its days of degeneration and decay,Islam represented spiritual, ideological andsocial progress in relation to Hinduconservatism.

In another place, Havell chooses todeprecate the spiritual values of the teachings ofthe Arabian Prophet. But at the same time makesa very significant statement regarding the spreadof those teachings in India, "It was not thephilosophy of Islam, but its sociologicalprogramme, which won so many converts for itin India" Of course, for the masses philosophyhas no appeal. They are always attracted by a"sociological programme" which offers themsomething better than the given conditions oftheir life. And a bad philosophy, that is to say, areactionary outlook of life, cannot be associatedwith a sociological programme which secures thesupport of the down- trodden masses. If thesociological programme of Islam found supportof the Indian masses, it was because thephilosophy behind that programme was betterthan the Hindu philosophy which had beenresponsible for the social chaos from whichIslam showed a way out for the masses of the

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Indian people. By the above statement, Havelladmits that even in the thirteenth and fourteenthcenturies, when Islam was winning adherence inIndia, it had not altogether played out its social-revolutionary role, and that it was by virtue ofits social-revolutionary character that it struck sodeep a root in India. That is to say even in itsdays of degeneration and decay, Islamrepresented spiritual, ideological and socialprogress in relation to Hindu conservatism.

Havell is a famous eulogist of Indo-European culture which he considers to be thenoblest product of the creative genius of man.On the other hand, he has bitter antipathy for theMuslims. His opinion cannot be dismissed asbiased against the Hindus. As a matter of fact,his bias is entirely on the side of the Hindus. So,if even a historian like him found distastefulthings happening in India in the past, conditionswere very deplorable indeed.

He writes: "But the victorious progress ofIslam in India is not to be accounted for byexternal reasons. It was mainly due to thepolitical degeneration of Aryavarta which set inafter the death of Harsha… The socialprogramme of the Prophet… gave every truebeliever an equal spiritual status… made Islama political and social synthesis and gave it animperial mission. Islam was a rule of lifesufficient for the happiness of average humanitycontent to take the world as it is… Islam reachedthe zenith of its political strength at the criticalperiod when the conflict between Buddhistphilosophy and that of orthodox Brahaminismwas a potent cause of political dissension innorthern India." (Ibid)

Indeed, the monastic degeneration ofBuddhism and its disintegrating influence onthe entire Indian society greatly helped theMuslim conquest just as Christianmonasticism had done elsewhere.

King Harshavardhan died in the middle of

the seventh century. Thus, the politicaldisintegration of India was a process parallel tothe rise of Islam. The death of a king, howevergreat, does not mark the turning point of history.The process had been going on for manycenturies. The Buddhist revolution arrested it fora time, only to be aggravated, accentuated andaccelerated on its defeat. Indeed, the monasticdegeneration of Buddhism and its disintegratinginfluence on the entire Indian society greatlyhelped the Muslim conquest just as Christianmonasticism had done elsewhere. Commentingon Mahmud of Guzni's invasions, Kavell furtherwrites: "The almost invariable success of hisarms added immensely to his prestige andbrought Islam many adherents among theuncultured warrior classes of the North-WesternProvinces to whom fighting was a religion andvictory in the field the highest proof ofinspiration." (Ibid) Mahmud's exploit could notbut deal a staggering blow to the faith in thedivinity of the shrines where the Indians hadbrought their offerings from times immemorial.Consequently, the religious feeling which foundexpression in the worship at the shrines, and thefaith in their presiding deities were rudelyshocked and inevitably shaken. In suchcircumstances, "religious feelings and spiritualinstincts" induced the masses to transfer theirdevotion from the gods of demonstratedimpotence to the more mighty one, the belief in,and worship for whom, incidentally, wasrewarded so magnificently. For ages, millionshad believed in the supernatural power of thegods worshipped at the famous temples ofThaneswar, Muttra, Somnath etc. The priests ofthose temples had amassed fabulous riches at theexpense of the believing multitude by virtue oftheir pretensions to the ability of invoking theprotection of the powerful divinities. Suddenly,the whole venerable structure of belief andtradition collapsed like a house of cards underthe cruel blow of the invading infidel. WhenMahmud's hosts approached, the priests told the


people that the invaders would be devoured bythe fiery wrath of the gods. The peopleconfidently expected a miracle which failed tohappen. Indeed, it was performed by the God ofthe invader. Being based upon miracle, faithnecessarily is transferred to the most miraculous.Judged by all the traditional standards ofreligion, those who embraced Islam at that crisiswere the most religious,

A critical investigation of the internal aswell as the external causes of the Muslimconquest of India is of practical value today. Itwill remove the prejudice that makes theorthodox Hindu look upon his Muslim neighbouras an inferior being. Freed from preconceivedideas, the Hindus will be in a position toappreciate the constructive consequences of theMuslim conquest of India. That will enable themto live down the hatred of the conquered for theconquerors. Unless a radical change of attitudeis brought about by a sober sense of history, thecommunal question will never be solved.; TheHindus will never be able to look upon theMuslims as integral parts of the Indian nationuntil they come to appreciate the contributionthey made towards the emergence of Indiansociety out of the chaos caused by thebreakdown of the antique civilisation. Besides,a proper understanding of history derived froma correct understanding of the successful adventof the Muslims in India will enable us toascertain and stamp out the deeper causes of ourpresent misfortune.

On the other hand, few Muslims of ourdays may be conscious of the glorious roleplayed on the stage of history by the faith theyprofess. Many may disown and repudiate therationalism and scepticism of the Arabs asdeviations from the teachings of the Koran. ButIslam occupies a memorable place in historythanks rather to its original-unorthodoxy andirreligiosity made evident by the Arabphilosophers, than to the later growth of a

reactionary priesthood or to the barbarousfanaticism of the Tartar converts. Islam hadplayed out its progressive role before itpenetrated India. Its flag was planted on thebanks of the Indus and the Ganges not byrevolutionary Saracen heroes, but by Persiansdemoralised by luxury and the barbarians ofCentral Asia who had embraced Islam, both hadsubverted the Arab Empire- that magnificentmonument to the memory of Mohammad. Still,it was welcomed as a message of hope andfreedom by the multitudinous victims of theBrahmanical reaction which had overthrown theBuddhist revolution and had consequentlythrown the Indian society in a state of chaos.Neither the Persians nor the Mogul conquerorsof India were entirely devoid of the traditionalnobility, toleration and liberalism of the Saracenheroes. The very fact that comparatively smallbands of predatory invaders from distant landscould make themselves the rulers of a vastcountry for such a long time, and their alien faithfound millions of converts, proves that they didsatisfy certain objective requirements of theIndian society. Even when much of its originalrevolutionary fervour had been overwhelmed byreaction, Islam still exercised certainrevolutionary influence on the Hindu society.The Mohammadan power was consolidated inIndia not so much by the valour of the invaders'arms as owing to the propagation of the Islamicfaith and the progressive significance of Islamiclaws.

Even the fiercely fanatical anti-MuslimHavell grudgingly admits: "The effect of theMussalman political creed upon Hindu social lifewas twofold: It increased the rigour of the castesystem and aroused a revolt against it. Thealluring prospect which it held out to the lowerstrata of Hindu society was as tempting as it wasto the Beduins of the desert… (It) made theSudra a free man and potentially a lord of theBrahmans. Like the Renaissance of Europe, itstirred up the intellectual waters, produced many

APRIL 201538

strong men, and some men of striking originalityof genius. Like the Renaissance also, it wasessentially a city cult; it made the nomads leavehis tent and the Sudra abandon his village. Itdeveloped a type of humanity full of joie devivre…" ("Aryan Rule in India")

To the above highly illuminatingstatement, it may only be added that the rise ofreformers like Kabir, Nanak, Tukaram,Chaitanya, etc. who evidenced a popular revoltagainst Brahmanical orthodoxy, was to a greatextent promoted by the social sects ofMohammadan conquest.

Now, in the throes of a belated Renaissance,Indians, both Hindus and Muslims, couldprofitably draw inspiration from thatmemorable chapter of human history.

In view of this realistic reading of history,Hindu superciliousness towards the religion and

the accused PAC men for murder and criminalconspiracy in May 2006; Survivor Zulfikar Nasirgives evidence in court as Prosecution WitnessNo.1 on 4th September 2006; Present SpecialPublic Prosecutor appointed in February 2008;Last Prosecution Witness examined on 8thDecember 2011; Prosecution evidence closed in2014; Statements of accused recorded on 23rdMay 2014; Defence evidence recorded on 6thAugust 2014; Final Arguments heard from 13thAugust 2014- 8th January 2014; Judgmentpronounced on 21st March, 2015. This delay wascalculated to benefit the accused and it servedits purpose.

Justice R. Sachar (Former Chief justice of DelhiHigh court), Advocate Rebecca John, Shri W.Habibullah, Tapan Bose, Uma Chakravarty,Harsh Mander, Shabnam Hashmi, KavitaKrishnan, John Dayal, Kamal Chenoy, UshaRamanathan expressed grave concern at the

continuing state of impunity as they spoke insolidarity with the victims of Hashimpurakillings. They also underlined the alarmingconsequences of the systematic and systemicfailure of criminal justice system. They pointedout that the injustice for the Hashimpura victimswas part of a growing pattern where victims ofvulnerable, minority and marginalizedcommunities such as Muslims, Christians, Dalits,Adivasis are being denied justice for theatrocities committed on them. This has seriousimplications for India's democracy. The meetingconcluded with a determination expressed by allto continue to seek justice and accountability forthese targeted custodial killings.

Justice for Hashimpura Committee24th March [email protected],[email protected],http://www.anhadin.net/article269.html

culture of the Muslims is absurd. It insultshistory and injures the political future of ourcountry. Learning from the Muslims, Europebecame the leader of modern civilisation. Evento-day, her best sons are not ashamed of the pastindebtedness. Unfortunately, India could not befully benefitted by the heritage of Islamic culture,because she did not deserve the distinction. Now,in the throes of a belated Renaissance, Indians,both Hindus and Muslims, could profitably drawinspiration from that memorable chapter ofhuman history. Knowledge of Islam'scontribution to human culture and properappreciation of the historical value of thatcontribution would shock the Hindus out of theirarrogant self-satisfaction, and cure the narrow-mindedness of the Muslims of our day bybringing them face to face with the true spirit ofthe faith they profess.

Continued from pg. no. 31○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Concluded


When Roy decided to return to India in 1930,none of his friends appreciated his decision.Every one of them tried desperately to preventhim as they were aware of the consequences ofhis decision. He was sure to be arrested andimprisoned by the colonial government. Why tostep into the tiger's mouth knowingly? But Roywas adamant on his decision. He defied all theadvices of his friends. But in his heart, Roy wasconscious that he is doing something against thesincere advice of his friends and well-wishers.On the day he was scheduled to board the shiphe again sent a message to his friends that he wasprepared to cancel his visit if his friends wantso. But there was no response from them untilthe ship left with him on board. Ellen was by hisside and she did not take on herself to dissuadehim. When the ship was on the open sea themessage came from his friends that they wanthim to stay back. But it was too late and hecontinued his fateful journey to India.

Roy was arrested in India on 21 July, 1931. Fromthat date until he was released on 20 November,1936 he was in the jails in India. Till then Ellenwas waiting for the news in Berlin all the sixyears. It was unusual for a girl of that age inEurope to wait for a loved one for such a longtime. It would be possible only when there issomething more than love in the traditionalsense. There was a commitment on her partinvolving her ideals and values that she wantedto realise in her life. She felt it necessary to havehis association to achieve that. In his letters fromjail Roy used to advise her strongly that it wouldbe unwise for her to wait for him for such a longtime and not to waste her valuable life for him.But she did not give up even when she was toldthat he would be imprisoned for a long period

Mrs. Ellen Roy : The Wife Who Dedicated her LifeJawaharlal Jasthi

of twelve years. Later the punishment wasreduced to six years to cut short the ordeal. Weshould not strike off as just 'love' for the man. Itwas no doubt 'love' but also something more thanthat, something higher as well. It was not just amatter of personal attraction. It was the decisionbased on identity of ideals and values. Purposefor life originated with Homo sapiens in theuniverse and it is the purpose that guides humanlife. When the purpose is intertwined with thatof another, the association becomes inevitableand inseparable. From the beginning she was anidealist. It was a habit fir her to live in the wayshe believed in. Intention to realise her valuesalways guided her life and she did not step backeven in dire situations. The presence of personalattraction could not be denied. But identity ofpurpose made the attraction stronger. Both ofthem were confirmed communists at one stage,but catapulted out later after some bitterexperiences.

The fact that it was not just accidental for Royto come out of the suffocating grip ofcommunism was proved by his letter addressedto Stalin later. In that letter he lamented that hecould not reconcile to the fact that culture,credibility and truthfulness had no place inBolshevism. Because of that he bade good byeto the party itself. It might be because of thepersons in authority rather than due to anydeficiency in its philosophy itself. But he wasdisillusioned by the philosophy that could giverise to such ruthless leadership and stepped outwithout losing any more time. He could not fithimself into any other political mould as nothingcame nearer to his outlook. After seeing thatletter Ellen started almost worshipping Roy. Sheknows that if only he were prepared to accept

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the party line, he would have been occupyingexalted positions in the party hierarchy. But hediscarded it so easily in order to stick to his ownconvictions and philosophy. That showed hisindividuality. It was also true that he could notachieve anything on par with other politicians.Neither Roy nor Ellen regretted it in their lives.Coming to know of him and getting acquaintedwith him, Ellen felt that what she was searchingfor in life was before her. She felt that life withhim would take her to realise her goal in life.That identity of outlook has become theinseparable bondage between them. Therewould be no place for differences anddissatisfactions when the experiences andideologies of the two are the same. On order togive shape to her ideas she felt it desirable toassociate herself with this man in her life. Shemerged herself into her personality. She did notseek a separate identity and recognition forherself. It was not necessary, she felt. Shebelieved it would be easier for her to reach hergoal if she travels with him. That belief guidedand dictated her life to the end.

Before developing that sense of dedication, Ellennever thought that her life will one day movearound a particular individual. She had a verystrong individuality of her own. When she wasnot happy with the behavior of her father, shedared to come out of the house and stood on theroad without anything to eat. She tasted troubles,insults and privations in her life and neverblamed anybody for it. At every stage she coulduphold her independence and dignity. Such aperson was now dedicating herself to anotherman and prepared to forget herself in living withhim. It was something higher than the so-calledlove. It would not be possible unless there iscomplete identity of values and purposes in life.That was what changed her life.

She never claimed herself as belonging to any

particular country or religion. In spite of havingadvantage of American citizenship, she neverstepped into that country until 1955, after thedeath of her husband. She came to India as acitizen of the world. Arriving in India on 4March,1937 was a milestone in her life. She usedto celebrate the day every year as if it was herbirth day. She spent her life like that for 16 years.The couple used to go around the country toescape the winter of Dehradun, giving lecturesand propagating their views and philosophy.They inevitably return to Roshan Bagh and invitetheir friends to spend happy time. As long as shelived with Roy she did not entertain any otherambition in life. She had no time to think of itas she was immersed in her self-assumedresponsibilities. She found a meaning fir her lifein living with him and for him, which was asmuch a life for her own ideals. She derivedsatisfaction of having a complete life.

She might have spent the six years in Berlinwaiting for his release thinking of a life like this.It does not mean that she had no problems in herlife in India. They had to encounter manyadversities in living a life as expected and ingetting their philosophy accepted. There arepeople who adored Roy as an ideal person.Similarly there were people who condemned himand also resorted to false propaganda againsthim. Particularly the fact that they once belongedto the higher echelons of the communist partyand later discarded the same was not palatableto those who continued to be communists. Whenyou have a new philosophy and want it to beaccepted by the people, resistance is but natural.Even then, unreasonable criticism and personalattacks were not anticipated as much as they hadto encounter. With all his devotion to his ideals,he used to become impatient and irritable. Ellenwas not like that. She was patient to critics andpragmatic in her approach. She used to analyseany situation and react constructively. When she


came to India they did not have a real house tolead a married life. A space of two rooms wasarranged by the friends in Bombay, which itselfwas costly for their limited resources. Out of thataccommodation, they allotted one room to"Independent India" their first child as theyclaimed it. The remaining one room containedall their life. Everything had to be dumped onthe table - all the papers, books and clothing.Even to shave or to take food, the papers had tobe sorted to make room for the service. Suchprivations were not new to Ellen. The only regretis that it could not be avoided even after comingto India and married Roy. She was so practicalin life that she could save something from herhand to mouth sustenance in Berlin. All thosesavings were spent to start Independent India aspromised by her while he was in prison.

Within a few days after that they had to go ontour of the Madras state, as it was then. Havingpropagation of their philosophy as the onlypurpose of their lives, they could not afford toforego such opportunities. But even his closefriends could not know that Roy fell seriouslyill during that journey. Ellen managed it that way.From then onwards Roy was striving hard to livefor his ideals in spite of non-cooperation of hisbody. His conviction and optimism helped himlive that long. He was forced to depend on Ellenfor everything later on. Ellen sensed of his illhealth immediately after arriving in India. Prisonlife of six years had its effect. Body has gone outof control creating radical problems to the leaderof Radical Humanism. While walking, he usedto tremble even by the ringing of a cycle bellbehind him. They were all part of his struggleto come to public life from isolated life in prison.In one of his journeys through Andhra area hewas seriously ill and doctors warned him not toundertake any long journeys thereafter. But theyknew that it could not be followed as regularvisits were necessary to keep contact with

intellectuals throughout the country and toencourage them. They used to visit even thevillages in the corner where there were not evenroad facilities. Leave alone medicalrequirements, even proper food was a luxury insome villages. Those who took upon themselvesthe responsibility of the visits and facilities werenot aware of his delicate health as Ellen neverallowed it become a public knowledge. She tookall the burden to look after him on herselfexclusively. After one of his journeys he wasforced to stay inside in Bombay for two monthswith great difficulty. Ellen took care to ensurethat the lectures and tours arranged were notcancelled or postponed as far as possible. In spiteof that there were such occasions. He used toaccept whatever was offered to him as food, evenif it was not conducive to his health. Itnecessarily had its effects that troubled him later.Even after they shifted to Dehradun the healthwas the same. Friends used to come and draghim into serious discussions as they were notaware of his delicate health. During discussionshe used to have drinks along with other friends.To reduce the consumption, Ellen used to emptythe glass without his knowledge. Roy did notrelish if he was reminded of time or excess ofdrinks. Ellen had to resort to some indirectmethods for it.

While they were optimistic that his health wasgetting stabilized, he had developed allergy andhad asthma. Then it was that Ellen felt somewhatdiscouraged. It used to attack in waves andtroubled him for days together. It was seasonalevery year. Ellen took round the clock care ofhim. Roy used to joke that the doctor wastreating him under the supervision of Ellen. Itwas true to some extent. It was due to the careof the doctor and Ellen that it was controlled andin his final days he was stated to be free from it.

…..to be continued

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Founding Conference of the All India People'sForum, in short AIPF, was held on 14th and 15thMarch, 2015 at Ambedkar Bhawan, New Delhi.Large number of delegates, around 700,representing large number of people'sorganizations across India, inspired with the

Human Rights Section:

FOUNDING CONFERENCE OF THE 'ALL INDIAPEOPLE'S FORUM'

An Appeal to the ReadersIndian Renaissance Institute has been receiving regular requests from readers, researchscholars, Rationalists and Radical Humanists for complete sets of books written by M.N.Roy. It was not possible to fulfil their demands as most of Roy's writings are out of print.IRI has now decided to publish them but will need financial assistance from friends andwell-wishers as the expenses will be enormous running into lakhs. IRI being a non-profitorganization will not be able to meet the entire expenses on its own. Initially, following 15books have ordered for print: New Humanism; Beyond Communism; Politics, Power andParties; Historical Role of Islam; India's Message; Men I Met; New Orientation; Materialism;Science & Philosophy; Revolution and Counter-revolution in China; India in Transition;Reason, Romanticism and Revolution; Russian Revolution; Selected Works - Four Volumes;Memoirs (Covers period 1915-1923).

Cheques/Bank drafts may be sent in the name of 'INDIAN RENAISSANCE INSTITUTE'to: Mr. N.D. Pancholi, G-3/617, Shalimar Garden Extn. I, Rose Park, Sahibabad, Ghaziabad-201005 (U.P.)

Online donations may be sent to: 'INDIAN RENAISSANCE INSTITUTE' Account No.02070100005296; FISC Code: UCBA0000207, UCO Bank, Supreme Court Branch, NewDelhi (India)

We make an earnest appeal to you to please donate liberally for the cause of the spirit ofrenaissance and scientific thinking being promoted in the writings of M.N. Roy.

Thanking you.

IRI Executive Body;

Subhankar Ray N.D. Pancholi S.C. JainPresident Secretary Treasurer

Phone No. 01202648691

ideal of liberating Indian society from all formsof oppression and exploitation and to carryforward the democratic urge of the people for afree, equal and just society, where citizens areguaranteed basic rights, dignity and equalopportunities. A vision document and a charterof struggle was presented.

Note: The remaining and last part of 'Secularism Revisited' by Justice R.A. Jahagirdar willbe published in the next issue of The Radical Humanist. Inconvenience caused to the readersis regretted. - Ed.


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