Maila-go-fenywa, Rangwato Magoro and Mmino wa Koša Some ...

Maila-go-fenywa, Rangwato Magoro and Mmino wa Koša: Some Perspectives on Theory and Practice

by

MOGOMME ALPHEUS MASOGA

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

in the subject MUSICOLOGY

at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA

SUPERVISOR: MR GEORGE KING

JANUARY 2006

Maila-go-fenywa, Rangwato Magoro and Mmino wa Koša:

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DECLARATION

As required, I hereby state that the whole dissertation, unless specifically

indicated to the contrary in the text, is my own original work

_____________________

Mogomme Alpheus Masoga

January 2006


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ABRIDGED ABSTRACT

Looking at current African music studies, one notices an interesting shift from the

‘norm’ to a fresh engagement and analysis. Fresh perspectives are increasingly

being presented to position African music dialogue in the arena of the so-called

‘established music fields’. While these developments are noticeable, the

unmentioned, unsung and uncelebrated indigenous African music practitioners,

composers, performers, poets, praise singers and so forth must not be forgotten.

This work does not claim novelty in terms of the latter gap, but takes the debate

further to highlight, though in a small way, such a need. Mme Rangwato Magoro,

from Malatane village in the greater Ga-Seloane community, is included as the

main research collaborator in this brief piece of work. The work may come as a

shock to any established researcher in music and music science. The author could

not help but attempt to allow the voice of Mme Magoro to determine the format

and content of this piece of work. In addition, the Maila-go-fenywa performance

group is linked with the compositional and performance work and the praise

poems of Mme Magoro. In conclusion, discussions and debates on musical arts

education are addressed in terms of implementation, with examples drawn from

the work of Maila-go-fenywa.


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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Many people have contributed to the completion of this brief research work. I

would particularly like to mention the following: Mme Rangwato Magoro and the

Maila-go-fenywa group, Mr David Magoro (the son of Mme Rangwato Magoro),

the Indigenous Knowledge Systems of South Africa Trust (iIKSSA) for allowing

me the time and resources to pursue this research work, the management of the

National Research Foundation (NRF) for providing financial support for studying

towards a degree in Musicology, my family for support and understanding while I

was working on this project, Prof. Meki Nzewi for pushing me when I wanted to

give up and for the financial support I received from his Mothers Muse, Mothers

Milk project funded by the NRF Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) Focus

Area Programme, and Prof. Hassan Kaya for moral and financial support. Last but

not least, I would particularly like to thank my supervisor, Mr George King,

whose constant support, encouragement and guidance was a driving force behind

the completion of this brief research.


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TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION............................................................................1

CHAPTER 2: MME RANGWATO MAGORO – A BRIEF RÉSUMÉ...................14

CHAPTER 3: INTERVIEWS WITH MME MAGORO ON MMINO WA KOŠA: PERSPECTIVES OF THEORY AND PRACTICE...............................................17

3.1 Theoretical inputs on drums (membranophones)............................................ 19

3.2 Theoretical inputs ............................................................................................... 26

3.3 Music and the musical context of Mme Magoro .............................................. 28 3.3.1 The dance and song ...................................................................................... 28

CHAPTER 4: MME MAGORO, THE MUSICAL ARTS EDUCATOR .................33

4.1 Hints from Mme Magoro ................................................................................... 40 4.1.1 Maila-go-fenywa learn and are educated through African cultural patterns 40 4.1.2 Learning across generations......................................................................... 41

4.2 The challenge of the meeting of two schools: The inner meeting the outer... 42

4.3 Cultural standards for learners......................................................................... 45

4.4 Cultural standards for educators ...................................................................... 47

4.5 Cultural standards for curricula ....................................................................... 49

4.6 Cultural standards for schools........................................................................... 51

4.7 Cultural standards for communities ................................................................. 54

CHAPTER 5: RESPECTING INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE AND MUSIC EDUCATION IN LOCAL COMMUNITIES ..........................................................57

5.1 The role of community elders ............................................................................ 58

5.2 The role of authors and illustrators .................................................................. 59

5.3 Guidelines for curriculum developers and administrators............................. 60

5.4 The role of educators .......................................................................................... 61


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5.5 Guidelines for publication processes................................................................. 62

5.6 Guidelines for reviewing documents ................................................................. 63

5.7 The role of researchers ....................................................................................... 63

5.8 Language challenges ........................................................................................... 64

5.9 The role of indigenous community organizations and trusts.......................... 65

5.10 The public at large .............................................................................................. 66

CHAPTER 6: MME MAGORO’S MODEL FOR NURTURING CULTURALLY HEALTHY AFRICAN YOUTH THROUGH INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE .........67

6.1 The role of community elders in the curriculum ............................................. 69

6.2 Community elders and schools .......................................................................... 72

CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION .............................................................................75

GLOSSARY OF TERMS ....................................................................................79

BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................83


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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

I cannot help but recall returning from Hanover, Germany in March 2003. It was just

three days after the conference on the role of African intellectuals in Africa’s

development, which had been held at the Evangelische Akademie Loccum in Rehburg-

Loccum. Travelling from the conference centre to the domestic airport in Hanover felt

like travelling to the moon. My mind grappled with the tension that I had experienced

during the conference. I was forced to recall mentally the intellectual blows and beatings

that I had suffered at the hands of certain African intellectuals of the Diaspora, who felt

that championing African indigenous knowledge rendered Africa primitive, wild and

natural (Semali & Kincheloe 1999:3). The challenge had somehow evoked a spiritual

damage that I innately felt. I asked myself several questions regarding my position and

that of my fellow intellectuals who celebrate indigenous knowledge, as opposed to

intellectuals who feel strongly that by proclaiming the gospel of indigenous knowledge,

one is deepening the withdrawal of Africa from the development and sustainability that

the global world is offering and will continue to offer.

I had particularly been looking forward to addressing a group of African intellectuals in

the Diaspora and sharing trends and prospects for Africa’s social, political, philosophical,

economic, scientific and spiritual dimensions. I had excitedly been anticipating this trip

and conference. I had thought that there was a need to have African socio-political and

economic clarity in the face of the present neo-colonial discourse of a world order

characterized by capitalism and the global economy (Semali & Kincheloe 1999:12). The

title of my presentation at the conference in Hanover was ‘The role of African

intellectuals in the reconstruction of the African social-fabric (nation building)’ (Masoga

2003). To my utter sadness, the paper was not received in the spirit I had hoped for. I

returned feeling disillusioned and breathing deeply and heavily. Could I have been the

cause? Had I presented all the positions and representations on African indigenous

knowledge clearly? These were questions that I asked myself. I felt challenged to the

depth of my soul.


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The challenge I faced at that conference is reminiscent of the stiff resistance that Prof.

Mamdani experienced at the University of Cape Town over the curriculum debate on

teaching (Teaching Africa 1998). Prof. Mamdani, in his presentation to a seminar at the

Gallery, Centre for African Studies, University of Cape Town, contested the African

Studies programme curriculum as follows:

I have carefully studied the substitute syllabus and find it seriously wanting on

intellectual grounds: I intend to spell these out in detail in a more suitable context.

I should like to underline two facts before this Faculty. One, the syllabus

reproduces the notion that Africa lies between Sahara and Limpopo. The idea that

Africa is spatially synonymous with equatorial Africa, and socially with Bantu

Africa, is an idea produced and spread in the context of colonialism and apartheid.

It is a poisonous introduction for students entering a post-apartheid university.

I could not help but reflect on my own life, growing up in the local communities of Ga-

Ramotse and Majaneng. Was my background useless in the face of the so-called

developing world? Were all my efforts not making sense in the face of the present world

order of cell phones, credit cards and highly technologized combustion theories and

practices? Surely these kinds of questions reflected, deeply and in a serious light, on my

life background. Deeply and spiritually I sought to understand and reconnect my life

orientations based on my upbringing and rearing. Was it all null and void, because today I

make use of English expressions to explain myself, to pray, to write romantic letters and

SMSs, to operate my laptop and to call my boss at work? Should this be the case?

I recall vividly participating in the childhood games in the community. We would dance

in the drizzling rain and shout, “Pula ya medupe, ga e ne”, play and form circles while

playing. Boys and girls joined in the game. We did not wear shoes, but ran barefoot.

Excitement and joy were written all over our faces. We did not think of things such as

condoms and other kinds of protection, because we had been taught how to relate to the

opposite sex.


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When it was time to go our separate ways, we did not dawdle, as we all knew how

important it was for us to reach our homes and complete our household chores before

darkness fell. In the evenings, we listened to our elders telling stories about their youth

and the challenges they had faced in life. The realities of life were related in the form of a

story, of which we felt part. Storytelling applied also to our present life and challenges.

No story was rendered à distancer, but was instead a connector of the past, the present

and the future. This technique of connectivity is still used today.

As part of my upbringing, I had to look after the goats and sheep. Who could have

imagined how one survives harsh and dangerous places with dense bushes, snakebites,

spider-bites, stomach-aches and headaches, while at times travelling for hours without

food and water? This is part of the colonial legacy that remains unexamined. There is a

need to fully understand and appreciate indigenous knowledge so as to evoke our minds

and hearts and ultimately break the shackles of mental colonization. Having seriously

pondered on these personal life orientations, I reached this conclusion: we need some

clarity “to reject the enslavement of colonial discourse that creates a false dichotomy

between Western and indigenous knowledge” (Semali & Kincheloe 1999:xv).

Following this brief narrative of my visit to Germany, I should relate a short story that

accounts for the method and content of this master’s degree dissertation of limited scope.

When I was working at the National Research Foundation as the manager of the

Indigenous Knowledge Systems research programme in 2003, I was invited to attend a

workshop entitled ‘Researching and Transcription of African Music’. The workshop was

dedicated to postgraduate students selected from a number of South African universities.

The invitation came particularly from Prof. Kathy Primos, who was at that time

responsible for the Travelling Institute for Music Research (TIMR) project, which was

housed at and managed by the NRF and funded by the Swedish International

Development Agency (SIDA). I had no hesitation in accepting the invitation, as I had

been introduced to some aspects of African music from childhood and when I had

undergone a process of induction as a healer-diviner. The induction took place when I

was working at the Qwa Qwa campus of the University of the North and had the privilege


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of being supported by the university research office to undertake research on indigenous

healing and divination.

It was during the divination-healing experience that I was introduced to the intricacies

and the exciting world of the African drum and drum performance. Perhaps I should

make a few points in this regard that are relevant to this particular study. When the time

for performances in the sangoma lodge arrived, a knowledgeable female drummer, Mme

Maleka, at the time a sangoma trainee, knowingly informed me, “There is no particular

key. Only the pulse (moshito o tswago mo moropeng) determines the entire performance.

All that follows thereafter is the creative engagement of drummers and dancers. We do

not predict or rehearse for any performance, but every performance has its own fresh

experiences and encounters. This is the crux and place of what the performance is all

about. The beat from the mother drum (moropa o mogolo) centres and directs the whole

performance. We beat and stamp our feet, move our hands, ululate, sing and sing praises

in the context of the beat. The entire beat (moshito) rests on the mother drum. Our

performances are fresh in that they are not edited and rehearsed as in Western choral

music, which stifles the excitement and silences the creativity that must accompany the

performance.”

A close reading of what Mme Maleka said reveals a number of points. Firstly, music is a

creative effort within a creative context. Performers are continuously involved in a

creative context. Secondly, the audience is part and parcel of the creative effort. This

takes into account the reactions (affection and effection), which at times come in the form

of ululations, or among the Bapedi, “–wa-la-wa-la-walalalala, -wa-la-wa-la-walalalala”.

In some cases, common expressions are uttered, such as shateeee … wa sa reng shate oa

duma, o duma dilo tsa batho, or mekgolokwane basadi!!!! The latter indicates

appreciation and the fact that one feels part of the performance. Thirdly, creative

compositions are not stifled and are allowed to develop in the creative context. Creativity

becomes the key to all that Mme Maleka pointed out in her commentary. It is these

creative forces that enable the performers to make music. Bebey (1969:1) correctly notes

that “the study of African music demands time and patience. Familiarity with its


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environment certainly helps and the student is invariably rewarded by finding this music

extremely attractive.” However, Bebey (1969:1–2) warns that there are no short cuts

because,

A real understanding of African cultures demands hours of attention, the will to

look and listen carefully, to reject preconceived ideas, and to avoid hasty

judgments. Then perhaps, the striking differences that trouble the non-African can

be turned to good account; for the effort to understand may lead to the creation of

new art forms and may influence future artistic creation.

Admittedly, music and music performance in Africa become central to healing, divination

and divining contexts. Every diviner-healer is expected to have some understanding and

experience of dance and musical performance. As Nzewi (2005) points out,

There is no special training to become a sangoma dancer. Every sangoma is an

accomplished dancer by automatic spiritual empowerment, and manifests a

unique body aesthetic, artistic character and movement dynamics. A dance is

spontaneously choreographed during every dance appearance as a fresh version of

a significant individual style. A poetic dance episode celebrates the creative

moment and atmosphere of a sangoma event. Every dance is, as such, a fresh and

varied artistic-aesthetic experience of the stylistic individuality that distinguishes

every unique dancer – same music, transforming dances, infinite aesthetics. A

dance transpires as the energizing ancestral spirit directs the dancer in every

appearance during a performance session or at different occasions. A sangoma

dance – solo, duo or group – as an impromptu creative exploration of an

individual’s spirituality is, therefore, not likely to be replicated exactly in artistic

content and duration, thus making every sangoma musical arts event a unique

aesthetic experience. A sangoma artistic-aesthetic performance enacts spiritual

drama in which the costume enriches the spiritual testimony of dance poetry.

Most of the decorative-symbolic artwork on a sangoma costume is meticulously

hand sewn.


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It was against this backdrop, characterized by clapping, the beating of drums, ululations,

shouting in admiration of performers, moves and counter moves in the dance

performance, that I was introduced to the intricacies and secrets of African divination and

healing. Very early every morning, the novices started their day’s activities with dancing

interwoven with formal greetings to the elder trainer in the sangoma lodge. This is better

termed go hlehla (the literal meaning of which is ‘to move and walk on the side, not

facing the direction of intent’). Such a morning is characterized by singing and dances.

Words such as “thokoza baba, thokoza gogo” (I greet you my father, I greet you my

grandmother) are uttered during the greeting sessions. The elder sangoma sits on a grass

mat on the floor watching her trainees showcasing their skills and gifts of healing and

divination in the context of musical performance. This cements the view that African

healing is not indifferent to music but encapsulates music in its essence.

It was this background that I took with me to Venda as capturing my understanding of

African musical performance. Interestingly, both Prof. Andrew Tracy (from the

International Library of African Music (ILAM) in Grahamstown, associated with Rhodes

University) and Dr Jaco Kruger (senior lecturer at the North West University) were asked

to lead a workshop on transcribing African music. The workshop programme was built in

such a way that indigenous music performers were given space to perform and interact

with postgraduate students. It was during this workshop that I had the opportunity to

interact with performers doing the malende dance and asked them to explain what they

were doing in their performance. Two elderly women responded positively and spiritedly

in an expression from the Tshivenda language: “Rikho tshina” (literally, ‘we are dancing

and singing’, with reference to the entire performance). “But what is that?”, I asked,

exposing my ignorance and flippant thinking to these skilled performers. They replied,

“Ndi mutshino” (literally, It is music in its complete sense). I was confused, as I thought

that I knew what music was all about. In my mind, I had the sonic and kinetic expressions

(something very close to aesthetic expressions) in every performance that one

experiences. My conversation with these performers included what one would refer to as

paraphernalia that form part of the performance, giving the complete understanding of


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forms such as mutshino and mmino.

I recalled the published work of James (1992) entitled Melodic and Rhythmic Aspects of

Indigenous African Music. James (1992:15) maintains that “Music-making is such an

important part of African social and cultural life that it is performed regularly in a wide

diversity of social settings. When communities come together, music usually forms an

integral part of the activities.” The only problem that I have with James’s statement

(quoting from Nketia 1975:21) is that music in Africa is relegated to “purely recreational

purposes or it may enhance ceremonies or rites”. This statement not only narrows the

scope of African music, but downplays the major role that African music should be seen

as playing – politically, socially and within the sphere of intelligence. Therefore, making

music within the African context acquires mainstay status in terms of its meaning and

function. These challenges to current research and investigations become limitless. The

scope has widened, and prospects exist to look beyond music just for “recreational

purposes” and for the enhancement of “ceremonies or rites” (James 1992:15). As the

Tshivenda performers indicated, music encompasses all that goes with it, which could

include donkeys crossing, cattle roaming in the kraal, the whistles of young men bringing

and leading goats from the grazing fields, old women nodding to the tuned and beautiful

sounds of drums beaten by young men and women, the shouts of young women

complementing the beautiful sounds and singing in dance performance, as well as many

other aspects that fall within this scope. The idea is to see music as a complete package.

The question could still be asked, what then is music? I persistently posed this question to

myself. This simply means that one should attempt to seek a framework of practice and

theory based on the experiential context rather than defined from outside by non-

experiential inputs. The challenge goes beyond the concerns and interests of

ethnomusicology, which attempts to study music in culture. Underlying the term is a

notion that music is an everyday and all-pervading aspect of life in society. The scope

becomes too wide to include all aspects analysed as well as those that have not yet been

subjected to a thorough process of analysis. For an example, Small (1998:8) has argued

that,


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The fundamental nature and meaning of music lie not in objects, not in musical

works at all, but in action, in what people do. It is only by understanding what

people do as they take part in a musical act that we can hope to understand its

nature and the function it fulfils in human life. Whatever that function may be, I

am certain, first, that to take part in a music act is of central importance to our

very humanness … and second, that everyone, every normally endowed human

being, is born with the gift no less than with the gift of speech.

It was against this introductory background that I decided to embark on a music study

focusing on African content with an African outlook, regardless of whether I understood

what this ‘outlook’ entailed before I began to conduct the fieldwork for the research. It

was initially difficult to find a relevant person to assist me in delving into the genres and

intricacies of African music. Rambau (2002:6) provides an interesting view on Tshivenda

music, namely, that it “is concerned with the organization both of sound and of humanity.

It is overtly political in that it is performed in a variety of political contexts and often for

specific political purposes. It is also political in the sense that it involves people in a

powerful shared experience within the framework of their cultural experience, and

thereby makes them more aware of themselves and their responsibilities towards each

other.” In this regard, Rambau (2002:6) points out the importance of the function and

context of Tshivenda music with respect to the making of instruments as follows, “The

instruments played in this area depend on the vegetation. This is always the case in

cultures that have direct dependence on the immediate natural environment for all their

subsistence.” Rambau’s view relates squarely to the importance of music and biodiversity

issues and challenges, broadening the perspective of musical philosophy and practice

from a focus on the kinetic and sonic aspects.

I fortunately met Mr David Madimetja Magoro, whose mother, Mme Rangwato Magoro,

plays, performs and teaches mmino wa koša and kiba. I immediately decided to pay Mme

Magoro a visit. This visit lasted for two weeks. It was characterized by playing, talking

and discussing aspects of mmino wa kiba and koša. It was during this important visit of


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self-discovery that I realized that I was a novice when it comes to the meaning and

practice of African music. Hence, the presentation of this dissertation attempts to give

Mme Magoro a voice to direct and reshape the entire scope and focus of this research.

This can be termed ‘researching back’, finding out and learning from experts and

acknowledging one’s ignorance in dealing with material and sources provided by such

experts.

After travelling some 300 kilometres, I was privileged to meet Mme Rangwato Magoro,

the master, teacher and performer of both kiba and koša musical arts performances from

Ga-Seloane village under bogoši bja ga Seloane. It was interesting to drive away from the

city-oriented context, with its ambience of traffic, people walking at fast pace and

clustered skyscrapers. Ga-Seloane village forms part of the Zebediela locations – flanked

by villages such as Magatle, Madisha and, towards the east, the Marble Hall and

Groblersdal locations (see the attached map). I arrived late in the afternoon after a long

drive from Pretoria. I was accompanied by Mme Magoro’s son, David Magoro, who

works at the Agricultural Research Council in Pretoria. We used the dusty road that leads

into the village. Upon our arrival, we immediately drove to meet Mme Magoro, who was

expecting us. David Magoro introduced me to his mother, who commented on the

importance of carrying out this research. Some of her expressions in this regard included

the following: Le dira gabotse ngwanaka ge le ngwala ka taba tše bohlokwa tše bjalo. As

is customary for a (South) African indigenous practitioner and poet, she recited the

following two of her poems to me, on her maiden family and her in-laws, as a way of

welcoming me to her home.

Sereto sa ga Mahlomotja (the praise poem of Mahlomotja – Mme Rangwato

Magoro’s maiden family)

1. the daughter of Mahlomotja of Moloto

2. the comforting clouds …

3. of Kganya and Ramaredi

4. as they maintain: Kganya does not greet a visitor (a stranger in this case)


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5. instead a visitor greets

6. of the Sekatudis of Mosibidi of Moloto

7. of the Mmasetlales Makiti of Hlagala

8. the thundering one …

9. of the Raisibes water that beat Sethakga of wild animals

10. of the Mphahleles …

11. they found a river full of water and stopped to eat

12. of the Kgorosis …

13. of the Serogoles of Moloto

14. Ke tšhaba baditi (common phrase to end praise poetry)

1. Ngwana Mahlomotja a Moloto

2. Wa leru lehomotja pele Magolo mang a sa etla

3. Ke wa bo kganya wabo Ramaredi

4. Ba bareng Kganya ga a ke a dumediša moeng

5. Ke moeng a rego Kganya dumela

6. Ke wa bo Sekatudi sa Mosibidi wa Moloto

7. Ke motho wa boMmasetlale Makiti a Hlagala

8. … tseke la go ja makhura la tla la duma la tlola

9. Labo Raisibe a malala meetse malala a keteka Sethakga sa diphoofolo

10. Ke ba gaMphahlele a dilesa tsa masomane ke batho baba lehututu lella thabeng

11. Bare ba hweditse noka e tletše ba fihla ba ratha meratha

12. Ke batho babo Kgoroši a masogana a reng nka bo goroša bja tsena gae

13. Serogole sa Moloto –

14. Ke tšhaba baditi!!!


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Bjale se ke sereto sa bogadi bjaka … (now this is my in-laws’ praise poem), Sereto sa

ga Magoro

1. Bakone!!!!

2. We are of Magoro Mangwakong

3. Dithamaga praise singers of Maswiri

4. We Bakone are few in number …

5. We are of Mpholo Mmadumane Phaka …

6. They say if one could borrow Mpholo of Magoro to give it to Legwara

7. We are of Sela Ntšhathuma

8. Seala jump! Twice and thrice – and fall (flat)!

9. Uncle of Mmakoloi of whites

10. Seala is a policeman at Morisane

11. Mapogo are sanctuaries of the village

12. They are of Tomane Mogale

13. They moved Ramogola Molala

14. We are people of Nkgodi from Phupu

15. We Bakone do not grow …

16. Only the Magakales

17. We are of Magoro

18. We are afraid of dogs that pick up bones

19. They are of Phaswane of Leswene Ntsikitsane of Maja

20. We are Magoro …

21. With a tongue …

22. Bakone! Babina hlanhlagane (totem: special bird)

1. Bakone wee!!!!!!

2. Rena re baga Magoro a Mangwakong

3. Dithamaga tsa mereto Maswiri a mupudung a mahubedu.

4. Rena Bakone ga re nyana re ba botlana re ja mmutla a lale.

5. Rena re batho ba gabo Mpholo Mmadumane Phaka dimakanka


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6. Ba re ganka nkabe di adingwana ra nea Mpholo wa ga Magoro a di epiša Lekgwara

7. Ke babo Sela Ntshathuma

8. Seale ke Mmamosela wa Matuba

9. Bare Seala tshela gabedi laboraro o we fase

10. Rangwane a Mmakoloi tsa makgowa

11. Seala ke lephodisa ka Morišane

12. Mapogo kotsa motse ke sebo sa banna

13. Ke batho ba gaabo Tomane Mogale

14. A tomatomela makgopho a Ramogola a Molala

15. Re batho ba gaabo Nkgodi a tšwago Phupu

16. Rena Bakone ga re gole re purakela

17. Go gola ba Magakale ba menotlo e metelele

18. Rena baga Magoro re re eja re ala mekgopa

19. Re tshaba dimpša go topa marapo

20. Ke babo Phaswane a Leswene Ntsikitsane ya Maja

21. Ka leleme thitelwana a hano.

22. Bakone wee!!!! Babina hlanhlagane!!!!!!!

I was advised to rest, as the next few days in Ga-Seloane promised to be challenging.

Perhaps I should mention that the initial idea behind carrying out research of this nature

was to develop an understanding of the theory and practice of mmino wa koša as

articulated and professed by its performers and teachers, rather than the ‘mobiled’

versions. I have argued elsewhere that it has never occurred to musicologists to fully

credit music performers of forms such as mmino wa koša, kiba and diturupa with a level

of creativity and advancement. Looking at performances such as koša, one notices a high

level of creativity and advancement, rather than mere adaptation or, to be precise, re-

appropriation.

An interesting aspect of the philosophy of African music and performing arts is its

dynamic creativity, advancement, de-contextualization and re-contextualization. The

study of musicology would appear to be a scholarly discipline exclusively of the modern


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literary mode of knowledge interaction. That is because there has not been sufficient

reflection on the nature of the discipline and its pertinence in the propagation of musical

knowledge and practice. Musicology is concerned with the analytical study of the

structural and formal interests of music (that is, conventionally notated music), and the

creative procedure of the composers that have produced such works in a given period of

musical history. This, then, predicates a study of genres, styles, types, media and the

theoretical practices pertaining to a given period. Musicological studies enable an

understanding of the theoretical content and performance practices that mark periods and

styles of music history, and thus track the movement and development of styles and

compositional idioms. The process of musicology then entails analysis of what

constitutes a style, while the process of composition entails applying the analytical

product of such studies in replicating or evolving styles.

If this is the case, then orality implicates musicological procedure. If we should argue the

absence of analytical procedure in oral cultures, then we cannot account for the evidence

of advancement of styles or the creative adaptation and transfer of musical types within

and across cultures that has marked the African indigenous music milieu. A study of koša

music becomes important in African oral musicology in the context of oral musicology as

a process involving orientation, reorientation, packaging, repackaging and de-packaging

musical practices. This dissertation aims to highlight some perspectives of African oral

musicology in the context of Mmino wa Koša. Interviews conducted with Mme Magoro

will be used to focus on oral musicological perspectives in this regard.


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CHAPTER 2: MME RANGWATO MAGORO – A BRIEF RÉSUMÉ

Rangwato Magoro was born in Lenting village, Limpopo province on 18 February 1942.

She comes from the Mahlomotja family and married the late Mr Abram Magoro in 1964.

She did not receive any formal schooling, but learned to read and to write while working

at various farms as a dedicated farm worker. She went to Pretoria in the early 1980s and

was employed at Valhalla Military Base. She later moved to Marble Hall and worked as a

domestic employee. Her interest in indigenous-traditional music was inculcated at a very

early age and was strengthened when she joined a group called Bana ba Kolobe in

Maleupane village in the Capricorn district in 1978. It was in this group that Mme

Magoro assumed the role of malokwane in the dance and music performances. In 1981,

Mme Magoro moved and joined another group at Grootklip, close to where she is now

residing (in Malatane village, which is part of the Ga-Seloane community). In the

Grootklip group, she again worked herself up and became malokwane. It was during the

Grootklip dance and music group experience that Mme Magoro actualized her gift of

teaching, developing and training the young. She then invited women and men from the

village of Malatane and advocated the concept of forming a group of boys and girls to

perform both kiba and koša music. The concept was well received by the villagers that

were invited to attend the conceptual meetings.

The challenge at the time was to form a team of trainers and teachers to help develop and

implement a comprehensive training programme. Among some of the challenges that

Mme Magoro experienced was to find trainers from among the male villagers to

volunteer to play the reed pipes (dinaka), which she was not able to do. To her dismay,

she could not find a male colleague and had to face the challenge alone. She was

fortunate to have the support of a number of female villagers and several male elders.

This support meant that she was in a position to do the training herself while other

operative challenges were taken up by her supporters. It was through this struggle that the

group Maila-go-fenywa was founded and formed. The group consists exclusively of

young female performers ranging from four to 18 years of age. The uniform worn by this

group is very representative of indigenous Sepedi dress. It is very colourful, with deep


15

(South) African socio-cultural significance.

Maila-go-fenywa was founded in 1987 with 50 young female performers. The group

participated in various festivals and came first in all of them. In 2002, the group was

awarded the FM Thobela prize for outstanding performance at the Traditional Music

Performance Competition. All this was thanks to the efforts and tutelage of Mme

Magoro. The group currently participates in all local, municipal and provincial festivals.

The group is also invited to perform at weddings and other such functions in the

community and in neighbouring communities at a charged fee. Not only does Mme

Magoro perform, but she is also an outstanding composer of koša and kiba musical

performances.

The formation of the group signified an interesting paradigm of moving classroom

education back to the village. The shift meant total ownership and direction of the entire

process. Mme Magoro was faced with challenges of moving the classroom to the village.

This challenge was not only that of the physical move but had a number of interesting

ramifications. Firstly, the child from the classroom had to face a teacher in the village.

Obviously, cultural baggage from both contexts could not be avoided. Secondly, the

knowledge systems of the two contexts varied considerably. The conventional classroom

had fixed rules and guidelines about life, written down in White Papers, policy

documents, proposals, draft proposals and suchlike. Conversely, the world of Mme

Magoro consisted of worldviews, timelines and spaces that are not necessarily written

down or articulated on paper – a world of dreams, songs, pulsating drums, ululations,

recitation of riddles, stories told around the campfire, governance systems and approaches

that are indigenously oriented, indigenous games, including diketo, morabaraba and

masekitlana, food types ranging from morogo to thepe, lerotho, maraka, mahea and so

forth. The latter world becomes complex and intriguing for someone that does not

understand its basics or its philosophy. Imagine young scholars being tossed between

these two opposing and yet communicable worlds. One admires the courage of Mme

Magoro in taking up such a daunting challenge.


16

Interviews with both Mme Magoro and the young scholars indicated clearly to me that

she had successfully managed to break the existing divide that tends to separate these two

worlds. One of the indications was the manner in which the young scholars were

comfortably travelling (or rather shuttling) between these two worlds without difficulty.

Every weekday afternoon, they rush home from school to prepare for dance and musical

performances, with excitement and eagerness written all over their faces. The picture

presented by these young minds is that of young people who are eager to explore both

worlds with complete determination. In my opinion, they do not consider the knowledge

and expertise of their ‘afternoon teacher’, given her unique background and situation, as

in any way inferior to their conventional schooling. I found this situation very amusing

and wondered why the Department of Education did not take note of this interesting

interaction that was taking place in the village. One does not need to look far to discover

interesting and relevant examples of lifelong education models and frames all around one.

Later in the dissertation, I will attempt to show how Mme Magoro’s model could be

adapted and used for schools that deal with musical arts education and general education.


17

CHAPTER 3: INTERVIEWS WITH MME MAGORO ON MMINO WA KOŠA: PERSPECTIVES OF THEORY AND PRACTICE

Tell me something about yourself?

I am a teacher and performer of both mmino wa koša and kiba. I have a group of young

performers from the local primary school, ranging in age from four to 18 years. There are

only girls in this group. I used to have a group of boys that showed an interest, but I could

not train them in mmino wa dinaka since there was no elderly man in the village to train

them. This is rather disturbing.

My group of young girls is regarded as the best in the whole of Limpopo province, South

Africa. We performed in three or four musical competitions and came first overall (ra ba

setla ka moka). When we initially came first, we were able to get support to buy a group

uniform. I owe a debt of gratitude to the late Mr Matome Maponya, who came from a

place called Nobody in northern Limpopo province. Fortunately, we were able to perform

at his funeral service, which was held in Polokwane. The late Maponya specifically

requested that he be given an indigenous African funerary rite. It was Mr Maponya that

gave us life (o ile a refa bophelo) by introducing us to a form of musical performance that

gave us first prize coupled with a monetary value. Indeed, it was fitting for us to pay

tribute to him at his funeral service.

Did he predict his own death?

He left instructions that he should be accompanied to his resting place by the Maila-go-

fenywa music group, among others.

Is there any connection between mmino wa kiba and mmino wa koša?

Kiba musical performances refer to mmino wa dinaka. In most cases, people express it

like this: Re ya kibeng (literally, we are going to perform a kiba musical performance to


18

an audience). Kiba means ‘of men’, and such performances are mainly oriented for men

(kiba tša banna or kiba ya banna).

Does that mean that women cannot perform kiba music?

Women do not perform kiba music but instead perform mmino wa koša. However, they

are not completely barred from performing kiba music if they are determined (ge ba

phegeletše). Women and men can collectively organize and give themselves names such

as Lebowa and so forth, just like our group, which is called Maila-go-fenywa, meaning

‘those who dislike to be beaten’. Please note that women are capable of performing

mmino wa dinaka if they are very determined.

What marks the difference between koša and kiba musical performances?

Dinaka (pipe) instruments are used largely in dinaka musical performances. It should be

noted that that pipes are for men (dinaka ke tša banna). This whole idea was inculcated

when we were still growing up as young girls and boys in my village. Our grandparents

used to say, “re ya kibeng” (literally, we are going to kiba musical performances), which

were mainly performances by men. However, koša wa was referred to as makgakgaša a

basadi. In the case of kiba, dinaka and meropa were used, whereas the instrumentation

for the koša ya basadi music was characterized by drums (meropa fela, meaning ‘without

pipes’).

In one of the performances I watched, I saw those young girls perform kiba, but

using dinaka. Is there any explanation for that?

At one of the performances, the young girls that perform in our group saw some young

boys blowing pipes and were enticed. Those young boys were from Mokopane

(previously Potgietersrus). My young performers became determined that they would not

be beaten by young boys, especially when it comes to metšhelo (various dance turns) and

were eager to beat the young boys.


19

What are metšhelo in koša music performance?

Metšhelo specifically refers to various coordinated moves and turns by performers during

the performance. It can be described in my language as go itiya maoto (literally, feet

move with a clear co-ordination and management), for example, a common expression

goes “o itiye ka mokgo, o iteye ke mokgola, o lebelle gore ola o dirang” (literally, beat it

like this, like that, and then turn to see how your partner in the performance is doing),

referring to the context of the performance).

These young girls perform better than typical kiba male performers. I have pipes that are

played by these young girls. The pipes were brought to me by a number of local village

men because they are too lazy to play and to teach young boys to play them. Again, I

need to emphasize that I grew up in the full knowledge that dinaka tša banna and koša tsa

basadi exist. My mother used to belong to a group called MaRashia and my

grandmothers to a group called Koša ya Mararankodi. I do not know the meaning of the

word Mararankodi. Koša performances started many years ago (ka nako ya bo makgolo

le bo sebelega mma go ntše go binwa koša). The same applies to dinaka music

performances. I was trained, at a very tender age, to play the pousene drum.

3.1 Theoretical inputs on drums (membranophones)

Drums appear in a wide variety of shapes – conical, cylindrical, semi-cylindrical with a

bulge in the middle, or in the shape of an hourglass. All these are found in a variety of

sizes. Some drums are double-headed (closed at both ends); some are single headed (with

one end open). Each society specializes in a small number of drum types. The different

sizes and arrangements of the skins give different tones. Some drums are played with

sticks; others by hand, the palm, palm and fingers, or the base of the palm in different

positions on the drum, which affects tone quality and pitch. Geographical and

environmental factors play a large part in the way the drum is made and used. Drums may

be played as an ensemble, singly or in pairs. In addition to their musical uses, drums may


20

serve as signals or as speech at various functions.

How were you trained to play the pousene drum?

One cannot just order someone to do this or that and have them simply follow without

experiencing any problems. The best and most practical way for a trainee to learn to play

is by experience – go lebelela fela ke go ithuta (by looking and learning by looking).

Through such experience, the trainee will be able to play the drum. I was never taught in

the sense of training [formal training] to play these drums that stand in front of you. Many

years ago, I was impressed by a woman who used to drum for men dancing dinaka (A

dutse a letša).

I should mention to you that I have never received any conventional or formal schooling,

which you people have and are still subjected to. I am part of a whole community of

people that survived by working for the boers (farmers) (Rena re bereketše maburu).

During those difficult times when we came from the farms of maburu (the boers,

meaning farmers), late in the evening, we used to watch men performing (Banna ba

raloka ka mantšibua). It was at these particular performances, which mostly took place in

the evening and lasted until late at night, in farm houses built for the workers, that I saw

this woman playing a drum for men. Having listened and watched how she played the

drum, I decided to ask her to allow me to play the drum. This was in one of those

memorable evenings (ka re tliša mo le nna ke tle ke letše). I surprised them, since I was

the youngest in that group of performers. From then on, I was the master of the drum,

approved by my seniors. I have never stopped performing. I grew up (ka ba kgarebe) and

we still continued to accompany men at dinaka musical performances. We also used to

accompany my mother’s group (MaRashia) when they were performing. This shows that

these performances, kiba and koša, come from far and are very ancestrally based (mmino

e e tswa kgole). For example, I compose the songs that are performed by the group in my

dreams (ge ke robetse ke hlama dikoša). I compose with and in my heart (ke opela e bile

ke hlama ka mo pelong). I even make movements in my heart (ke dire metšhelo ke le

malaong). All the songs that I dream about are drummed the next day. Ke fo tia moropa


21

ka re lehono go tlile koša go tšwa badimong banaka – lena ntebeleleng! I just beat the

drum and tell the young girls who are performing that we have a new song given to us by

our ancestors, and then instruct them to watch and listen to me while I introduce it to

them. My young performers do not experience any problem in following suit. Of course,

there are instances when I copy and re-organize (ka e tšea go motho goba batho), but

even then I regard such a move as an ancestral instruction as to what should be done

about such a performance I have watched (ba re gonna e dire ka mokgwa wo). A good

example is the song entitled Mbeki. I simply recomposed the song after hearing it

performed somewhere. These are the words of that particular song:

Mbeki!

Mbeki ge o e tla Lebowa o boditše mang? (x2)

Thabo Mbeki o boditše mang? (x2)

Ge o eya lebowa o boditše mang? (x2)

Translation:

Mbeki!

Mbeki whom did you inform when you came here in Lebowa? (x2)

Thabo Mbeki, whom did you inform? (x2)

When you came to Lebowa whom did you inform? (x2)

The background to the song is that my intention, if I ever have the opportunity of meeting

President Thabo Mbeki, is to relate to him my complaints. I have complaints, you know.

Mr Thabo Mbeki is our leader (ke mong wa naga ye ya rena). We should be informed

when he comes to our region and be able to meet with him. They make a mistake by not

telling us about the comings and goings of President Thabo Mbeki (Ba a re fosetša batho

ba). This is definitely our serious complaint (ke sello sa rena se segolo).

How is koša music performance organized?

First we have segoeletši or mohlabeledi and those that support her (bao ba mo šalago


22

morago). Mohlabeletši (the pitcher) should have a good voice (lentšu la go kwala).

How do you identify this (good) segoeletši?

I am able to identify her as they perform (ge ba opela).

What about the rest of the performers in the koša?

The rest are said to be dibini (performers). Note that within the mmino wa koša, there is

also the malokoane (literally, one who gives direction to the performance). She always

has a whistle, which she blows to indicate the start of a new performance. There are other

indicators that dibini are accustomed to malokoane marking the beginning and end of the

performance.

Then we have the assistant of malokoane, who is called mokgadi. And then we have

drummers (baletsi) of the following important drums: sekgokolo, matikwane and pousene.

Why pousene?

I do not know. When we grew up we found the term or expression being used. The

pousene drum supports the sekgokolo drum and the two matikwane drums. My feeling is

that the pousene drum matches and blends the two drum categories (sekgokolo and

matikwane drums). Note how the drumming part is organized: First we have sekgokolo,

the mother drum, which provides the rhythm, followed by the matikwane and then the

pousene drums. This is thus a clearly organized set of drumming. One has to look at the

drumming within the context of the whole performance, including the performers’ moves

and the singing, the whistle of malokoane, the ululations of passers-by and the audience

(mekgolokwane), the environment within which the performance is taking place – the list

is endless. All these form part of the music performance and provide a definition of what

the music is all about.


23

Figure 1: The context of performance

Figure 1 is a simplified diagrammatic representation of Magoro’s description, as follows:

• The sekgokolo drum provides the beat and rhythm for the entire performance (se

thoma koša ka moretheto). In addition, sekgokolo provides a deep sound when beaten

by a big, long rubber pipe. As Mme Magoro demonstrated, se re: tûm-tûm-tûm-tûm.

This is certainly the bass part of the drumming. Mme Magoro explained that the

sekgokolo drummer has to beat this drum with a short beat – meaning that the beating

should not be far from the drum itself to provide a deep bass (se letšetšwa fase).

Sekgok lDr MatikDrs

PousDr

Metšhelodrumming andthe


24

However, according to Mme Magoro, there is also provision for a long beat as a way

of providing variation during the performance. She demonstrated this by using the

following words: fase-godimo-fase-godimo (down-up-down-up). This refers to a

drummer raising his/her hand and holding the rubber pipe while beating the sekgokolo

drum, which requires skill.

• Another possibility is for the drummer to start drumming on the sekgokolo drum by

lifting his/her hand high and beating strongly. According to Mme Magoro, there

would be no life without the presence, and especially the active participation of, the

mother in the world. She was referring to the mother drum – the giver of life and beat

to every koša performance. As she articulately says, “Mme ke ena e di etago ka phele”

(Mother always leads). Apart from the role of control and management played by the

mother drum, sekgokolo functions to ‘beautify’ the performance (se tulelwa fase gore

se kgabiše koša) and ultimately brings out the deep entertaining function (go tsefiša

koša). Note that sekgokolo is relatively slow paced (sekgokolo se a iketla) in the

whole drumming process.

• This is then followed by matikwane drums, which function as rely(ers) of sekgokolo.

Mme Magoro succinctly noted that the matikwane drums relieve the sekgokolo drum

(matikwane di hlatlola sekgokolo).

• The pousene drum functions to co-ordinate metšhelo and to blend the drumming of

their performance. The key function of this particular drum is a complementary one.

Mme Magoro likes drumming the pousene, which is hand-drummed and brings out an

interesting blend and tune during the drumming session.

• Go dikologa, before metšhelo, is an important activity that the performers (in this case

the young girls that dance) carry out to mark their entrance and the beginning of the

performance. Figure 1 indicates that the middle circle is different from the other three

circles in the diagram. This is where the young girls make movements such as starts,

moves, turns, singing, hard beating, foot lifting and jumps to blend the entire

performance. Performers repeatedly move outside the enclosure to encircle the

drummers and their drums. This is called go dikologa (literally, to move in a cycle). It

should be noted that the cycling pattern is organized and well managed. This is where

the malokoane displays her skills of directing the entire performance.


25

• Go tula and vocalization by performers form a process that is usually coordinated.

• Mme Magoro trains her young performers in maoto and metšhelo by letting them

experience her dance turns (nna ke tshedisa ba ntebeletse).

Figure 2: Movement patterns of performers

The structure of movement patterns is shown in Figure 2. Performers are consciously

aware of the counting system – one, two, three and then turn (go phenkgoga or

phethonkga) to face in the opposite direction. This has to be seen in the context of the

drumming session. As Mme Magoro says, “ba itiya ka lekoto le goja” (to beat and

maintain the pace with the right foot). In this regard, it should be mentioned that

performers start with the right foot (go bina ka la goja). It is maintained that the right foot

helps to start and finish the phenkgoga step of the performance (part of the dance format).

In terms of the drumming and dance performance, the sekgokolo drum in particular helps

the right foot in the dance performance to maintain the beat and rhythm and to bring the

phenkgoga dance format to a suitable close. In the context of the drumming, the

sekgokolo drum provides a deep sound for the sake of the beat. As already indicated, the

sekgokolo drum controls the entire performance. As Mme Magoro pointed out, koša e

tšwa gona fao sekgokolong and molaodi e mogolo ke sekgokolo.

One Two Three Phenkgoga

Three TwoPhenkgoga One


26

What about the co-ordination between foot movements, drum sounds and various

moves or turns?

The sekgokolo drum gives a low, deep-pitched sound (modumo o mogolo), while the

matikwane drums have relatively lighter sounds (medungwana e menyane) and the

pousene drum has a high pitch. The sequence is that the malokoane starts the song (o

ntšha koša), which is usually sung by the mohlabeletši (the pitcher). The malokoane does

not have to sing; she directs the singing and dance performance by making use of a silver

whistle to help performers carry out directions.

3.2 Theoretical inputs

The qualities and attributes usually expected of the musician are the ability to make

music, knowledge of the repertoire and skill in improvization, which is an especially

important requirement, since African music generally demands improvization both in

drumming and in singing. A performer with all these qualities becomes a highly respected

member of the community. The ability to make music includes the necessity for the

drummer to have supple wrists and the skill to produce the right kinds of tones and

dynamics on his/her drum. The singer must have a sweet voice, a good memory, a good

ear and the ability to concentrate. If a singer uses the wrong intonation, sings wrong notes

or sings out of tune, he/she is said to spoil the song. The dancer must be well versed in the

prescribed movements of the dance, be graceful, have the ability to manipulate the body

to convey messages, display intricate and complex footwork, and use appropriate facial

expressions to earn the full approval of the audience.

Could you please comment on the sounds of these drums?

The technology behind the production of the various types of drums differs considerably.

The sekgokolo drum is not produced like the pousene drums. The cow hide used for the

sekgokolo drum is not tightened but left a little loose before drying to facilitate a deep

pitch or sound (Ge o bapola letlalo la gona re a le hlephiša). A big empty steel drum is


27

used to make the sekgokolo drum. In the past, special wood was used to produce

indigenous drums that were used, for instance, for meropa ya mmino wa malopo and

koma musical performances. We grew up noticing that a romkane (steel drum container)

was cut in the middle to produce this drum. The same could be said of the other types of

drums used (the matikwane and pousene drums).

Could you please say something about mmino wa malopo?

Please note that the following musical genres exist: malopo, dinaka, koša, kiba and koma.

Malopo mmino is ancestrally oriented and mostly has to do with batho ba badimo. My

grandmother used to dance mmino wa malopo. She was a good dancer, but was not an

inducted healer. The word lelopo refers to a spirit and spirit possession. Malopo is mmino

wa badimo (very sacred, given its religio-centric nature). All these point to the fact that

every Mopedi child has to strive to become a good dancer and performer and develop an

overall understanding of the Sepedi life and philosophy. As my grandparents used to say,

“segaborena se re ruta go itshwara gabotse” (it has much to do with values and value

systems acquired and practiced in our respective communities). Questions such as, Who

are you? Where do you come from? Where are you off to? become very crucial in this

regard.

What is the dress code of the performers, and what colours are used for their

costumes?

Colours and dress codes form part of the performance. For instance, theto ya mokgopa.

The colour mohulwana is used to colour the goat hide. Theto is made from cow-hide and

is used by women to cover the front part, while ntepa is used to cover the back.

Lebole, which is used by young girls (banenyana), is made from legaba la thabeng. An

adult woman that has given birth to a child no longer wears lebole but theto and ntepa (as

a sign of acquiring social status transformation).


28

Letsoku le makhura are used to preserve ntepa. Makhura (fat) is made from cow’s milk,

using a stick to stir the milk in a calabash (moetaneng). The stirring is done in such a way

that the fat thickens and some fat appears on the surface. The latter is removed and mixed

with letsoku.

3.3 Music and the musical context of Mme Magoro

Music has to be seen within its own context. The contextualization of musical

performances defines the function of the music. The songs performed are topical and thus

provide a realistic view and picture of life. Koša music both approves and disapproves

political systems that affect musicians and the context of the audience. As Mme Magoro

emphasized, “re bina ka bophelo le gona mmino ke bophelo” (We sing and dance about

life, and moreover, music is life). It is within this context that the dances, singing and

drum beating should be seen as mirroring life situations.

3.3.1 The dance and song

The following song structure can be experienced:

• Opening

• Dance performances

• Closure and continuous appreciation.

This structure depicts an interesting organization of song and dance, demonstrating a high

level of African musical orchestration. The place and space of drumming and

appreciation, including the context within which dance performances take place, form an

integral part of the paraphernalia of dance and performance. It is interesting to see how

music and dance are intertwined in the entire discourse. This raises issues and debates

about the meaning and function of music in an indigenous African context. The

compartmentalization of dance, drum, song, space and expression does no credit to the

genius of African music and philosophy. Instead, it renders it futile and useless in the face


29

of so-called ‘developed musical thought patterns and practices’. It is the integrity of

‘unity’ in this music that makes it unique and special. The unfortunate line taken by

researchers and scientists in this area of research has been to decipher this field of music

with broken spectacles, which elicits ‘broken conclusions’. Unfortunately, scientists and

scholars have robbed themselves of the opportunity of grappling with an integrated

system of knowledge and practice.

Other relevant songs and dances that were performed include the following, composed

and choreographed by Mme Magoro, assisted by her group of performers. I have selected

seven songs that were provided with brief annotations by Mme Magoro. This introduces

the socio-political and philosophical dimensions of the composition and music of Maila-

go-fenywa.

• Ke a tšhaba nna ke tšhaba ditshele (I am afraid of gossips)

As explained by Mme Magoro, the song is based on the oral texts that help children not to

become gossipers in the village. In this regard, performers, including the audience, are

exhorted not to become part and parcel of communal turmoil and conflict. One should

hasten to point out that Mme Magoro is partly referring to the infights that the village of

Malatane endured for some 20 years over the succession politics in the king’s Great

Place. I had the privilege of being shown some of the survivors of this violence. The

tension over the succession is still evident in the village. My research work in the village

coincided with the start of female initiation there. I was surprised that two separate

initiation schools were prepared for this particular ritual, which is indicative of the tension

and division that remain within the village. Mme Magoro indicated that the song is being

used to bring humane consciousness back to the village, so that sanity may prevail.

• Re a lotšha … nna re lotšha baeng (We greet all visitors)

I was very privileged to hear this song performed in my honour. The background to the

song is the ubuntu (‘humanness’) view that every member of society must be treated with

respect. I was also informed that children are taught and trained in the light of the Sepedi

adage: Moeng tla gae re je ka wena (literally, Visitor! come to our home for us to be able


30

to eat). This shows the openness and hospitality of the people. Certainly, this attitude is

open to abuse and misuse, as indicated by Mme Magoro. However, she maintained during

the interview that the basis of nation building is re a lotšha … nna re lotšha baeng (We

greet all visitors).

• Mapantsola … a ye woweeee mapantsola (Pantsula …….a ye woweeee pantsula)

It is interesting that mmino wa koša uses lyrics that cover the pantsula, which is both a

unique genre of music and a lifestyle. Pantsola in the community were initially regarded

with suspicion, yet on another level, young people in the village wanted to be associated

with their music. It is important that this type of genre and social category be considered

critically in the light of the current kwaito and jazz music as perceived in (South) African

rural contexts. I should hasten to mention that the aging population in the village has

problems in relating to the concept and view of pantsula. Common expressions that refer

to the pantsola include: O le laita (you are a thug), approximating bopantsola and thus a

problem to the established community. One of the songs that relates to bopantsola is

Mapantsola ba gana go bušwa (Pantsulas do not want to be governed – or rather, they

resist governance). Such expressions certainly point to a decaying society or, to be

precise, a polarized community. The song implores a kind of synergy between the two

age groups.

• Re ya Pitori re yo bona Mbeki (We are going to Pretoria to see Mbeki)

The political tone of the lyrics of this song introduces fresh perspectives of local political

engagement. Obviously, the song echoes the content of the previous ‘mzabalazo’ (former

South African political struggle), when the hoi polloi marched through streets and

villages singing and jumping in opposition to the apartheid system of government that

was in place at the time. One of the commonly pitched political songs was Siyaya ePitoli

… siyaya siyo yinyovaa (We are definitely going to Pretoria … we are going to protest).

Pretoria is used symbolically in this regard to epitomize the entire undermined system of

apartheid. Looking closely at the song Re ya Pitori re yo bona Mbeki (We are going to

Pretoria to see Mbeki), one cannot help but ponder the twist of ‘realities’ – the latter

being a more affirmative reception of the current political discourse as it unfolds.


31

Performers emphasize the fact that it makes sense to see Mbeki, because he is a

democratically elected leader. This is indeed a kind of political reception. When I asked

Mme Magoro whether ‘everything was politically fine’, she hastened to point out that the

current situation is better than the situation under apartheid, as people are able to sing

about the situation without fear. In addition, Mme Magoro maintained that the current

political establishment is still expected to do more for the country as a whole. By way of

summary, Mme Magoro indicated that in going to Pretoria, people’s service delivery can

be guaranteed.

• Lesobetše … wa lebona lesobetše Mamokgona tša batho (The sun has set, you can

surely see that …)

This song relates to warning pronouncements to young boys and girls, who are warned to

be careful of ‘dark things’ (dilwana tsa lefsifsi) and to avoid ‘social ills’ such as

HIV/AIDS, child abuse and rape. In singing this song, the performers translate the reality

of ‘darkness’ and suggest possible ramifications of that reality for young people. Young

people are exhorted to go home, which in this case is regarded as a place of safety.

• Mantsokutsoku ga a šome … mahlalela ga a some (Mantsokutsoku does not work …

he does not work)

It is interesting that among the songs sung by Maila-go-fenywa, there is a song that

addresses the dimension of the work ethic. The audience is exhorted to be conscious of

the work ethic. The name Mantsokutsoku is used symbolically to portray the people in the

village that do not want to be seen in the workplace but still want to have their welfare

tended to by those that work. It is important that such ‘consciousness’ is inculcated in the

minds of the young at a very early age.

• Jeremane … tatago ngwana re epa thaba re tswa mošomong (Jeremane – the father of

the child … we are digging a mountain … we are from work)

This song is linked to the Mantsokutsoku song, as both relate to the work ethic. However,

there are some subtleties in the latter song. Issues of land possession and ownership are

indicated in a ‘silent way’. The mountain diggers are said to be working, but are certainly


32

not the owners of the land. Who owns the land? What about the minerals and other

‘useful things’ of the land? The composer and the performers attempt to introduce the

subject of land rights and ownership in a cryptic way. One could also safely hint at the

idea of land politics in the Ga-Seloane community, and in Malatane in particular, as the

inspiration for the composition of this song.


33

CHAPTER 4: MME MAGORO, THE MUSICAL ARTS EDUCATOR

As indicated earlier, the structure of this dissertation may appear rather strange, given the

idea that it pursues. As indicated in the introduction to this dissertation, I encountered

problems in deciding how to tackle the subject under discussion. Having studied books

and read articles on the issues and debates related to beneficiating and benefit sharing, I

felt I had to write this dissertation in a different format from the way in which material on

topics of this nature is generally presented.

The fact of the matter is that this work celebrates Mme Magoro as musician, composer,

teacher and educator. The dissertation presents an opportunity for college and university

education to demonstrate a high level of commitment to local intellectual discourse. The

fruitful recorded encounters with Mme Magoro portray a dedicated teacher who plans her

day around training young minds for the sake of posterity. This is an appropriate place to

introduce debates and discussions on indigenous knowledge systems. For indigenous

knowledge to have a significant bearing on the sustainable development of societies and

communities, it must gain some currency in schools, the social institution officially

responsible for organizing learning. Indigenous knowledge needs to be certified, and the

next generation of citizens must be trained in such knowledge. Yet across the continent,

education has been the sector that has been least likely to embrace indigenous knowledge

systems (IKS) or to regard indigenous science as a legitimate source of inspiration for the

youth or for the development of local communities.

Mme Magoro fits nicely into this category, in the sense that she uses her indigenous and

technological skills and knowledge to educate, thereby offering quality education to

young minds. The philosophy of the Maila-go-fenywa dance group is to complement

what the classroom situation offers. Such commitment is commendable and ought to be

acknowledged by musical arts education institutions. It is certainly feasible to fuse these

two knowledge systems for the sake of sustainability and in order to develop education

for posterity. Studies in various parts of the world, including Africa, show that there is

growing recognition of the value of indigenous knowledge for sustainable development. It


34

is therefore culturally and educationally appropriate to sustain and promote indigenous

knowledge in local communities by integrating it into the school curriculum. Indigenous

knowledge could help enhance the existing, Western-oriented school curriculum in a

number of ways.

Indigenous communities have lived in harmony with the environment and have utilized

its resources without impairing nature’s capacity to regenerate them. The way of life of

indigenous communities was sustainable. Indigenous knowledge shaped their values and

their attitudes towards the environment, and it is these attitudes and values that guided

their actions and made then sustainable. Therefore, as argued in many circles (Nel 2005),

indigenous knowledge can help develop sensitive and caring values and attitudes, thereby

promoting a vision of a sustainable future.

The same conclusion can be drawn from Mme Magoro’s compositional techniques and

content, which use indigenous reflections and content to deal with indigenous music and

dance. In this regard, Mme Magoro’s strength and ability to grapple with curriculum

challenges are interesting, more especially because she is barely able to read or write in a

‘conventional’ way. Her strength and ability deserve to be acknowledged.

Indigenous knowledge introduces lively discussions and debates on such issues as

knowledge formation, generation, analysis, interpretation and representation. In this

regard, I have mentioned that the contemporary situation sets out an interesting space and

field of knowledge science. Arguably, boundaries have shifted and are continuing to shift.

This is the challenge that we all have to face. As Nel (2005:11) points out,

On the shelves of the emporium of academic methodologies, IK may have a less

marketed and marketable position, but that might be its strength. Its strength is not

its finality and conclusive product results, but lies in the ever-shifting probing of

current realities of paraded clear-cut answers in order to measure their value in

terms of their advancing a humanity and civility in harmony with the environment

and the supernatural (spiritual). It will occupy the liminal space of initiation, for it


35

will constantly be divorced from the familiar to create the uneasiness of the

unbelievable. To share, to borrow, to adopt, to co-develop and to be influenced

are in themselves not measures of colonization, for the aim is not dominance or

subjugation.

In his keynote address on 16 October 2005 at the African Human Rights Day celebration

of the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic

Rights of Communities (CRL)’s, Prof. Tinyiko Maluleke challenged the audience to think

‘out of the box’ when dealing with indigenous knowledge. Prof. Maluleke indicated that

he supports all scientific and academic efforts around indigenous knowledge, but

wondered whether the rights of indigenous communities are central to all these efforts.

Certainly, Prof. Maluleke’s challenge sparked something in me and inspired my research.

I reached the conclusion that all debates on issues such as beneficiating, benefit sharing,

models of sharing, intellectual property and protection are generated and defined by ‘pie

in the sky’ realities and are not in any way close to the heart and soul of indigenous

people themselves. One is tempted to take Prof. Maluleke’s challenge further. When one

talks of indigenous people, certain question need to be asked. Who is indigenous and who

is not? How do we define indigeneity? Who should do the defining? Obviously, this

introduces deep questions of the politics of knowledge and the rights of people. It should

be noted that these questions are central in taking the debate forth. One certainly cannot

ignore the undertones of racism and propensities to exclusion in this debate. For instance,

are whites indigenous, thereby implying that they have indigenous knowledge systems?

One is relieved that so far there is consensus that various (South) African communities

have indigenous knowledge systems. One is reminded of mampoer, potjiekos, tho-tho-

tho, mbamba, diketo and so forth.

At the recent launch of a book of essays presented at the Colloquium of Indigenous

Knowledge Systems held at the University of the Free State from 28 February to 3 March

2004, it became clear that knowledge practice and experience have taken a different turn

altogether. Expressions such as ‘academic disobedience’ were mentioned in warning and

calling to order academics and scientists that abuse and misuse indigenous knowledge


36

scholarship. Perhaps as a way of drawing these anecdotes to a close, I should share my

interactions with Mme Grace Masuku at the University of South Africa’s Human

Ecology Workshop on Indigenous Knowledge and Food Security, held in Pretoria in July

2005. In her keynote address to the workshop, Mme Masuku emphasized that indigenous

knowledge lives and that it sustains life in various communities. Her presentation

portrayed a number of practical life representations taken from the experience of

everyday life, bringing home the message that there is another way of life and it works

(my emphasis). It behoves one to understand what such an alternative way of life entails.

What sustains this way of life that Mme Masuku talks of?

Serote, interestingly, mentioned a very important Setswana proverb that could resonate in

other (South) African communities: Phokoje go tshela yo o dithetsenyana (The jackal that

survives is the one that has meticulous plans). This hints at how communities in the pre-

colonial era survived. One has to take into account the challenges they faced, ranging

from education to medicine, games, philosophy, governance, training and development,

physics, social issues and so forth. All these systems operated in an organized way to

sustain such communities. This therefore challenges one to have a different

understanding of the world and life of pre-colonial communities. Such communities lived

and survived. Their existence is evidence of the tenacity demonstrated in the lives of pre-

colonial communities. It is this struggle to live and survive that is demonstrated in the

skill and knowledge of Mme Magoro.

I am aware that in writing this ‘unacademic’ reflection on the work of Mme Magoro, I

risk being failed, as this discourse takes a very different approach from the conventional

academic approach to dissertations. It should be borne in mind that the intention of this

dissertation is to celebrate the interesting and important work of Mme Magoro. I am

tempted to refer to the critical composition of the song Mbeki (about the current South

African President). This is how the song goes:

Mbeki!

Mbeki ge o e tla Lebowa o boditše mang? (x2)


37

Thabo Mbeki o boditše mang? (x2)

Ge o eya lebowa o boditše mang? (x2)

Translation

Mbeki!

Mbeki whom did you inform when you came here in Lebowa? (x2)

Thabo Mbeki, whom did you inform? (x2)

When you came to Lebowa whom did you inform? (x2)

As already noted in a previous chapter, the background to the song is a position of

complaints. Mme Magoro states, “I have an intention that if I get the opportunity to meet

with President Thabo Mbeki, I will certainly relate to him my complaints. I have

complaints, you know! Mr Thabo Mbeki is our leader (ke mong wa naga ye ya rena). We

should be informed when he comes to our region and be able to meet with him. Ba a re

fosetša batho ba (They make a mistake by not telling us about the comings and goings of

President Thabo Mbeki.) This is definitely our serious complaint (Ke sello sa rena se

segolo).” Mme Magoro’s response demonstrates a highly critical attitude to socio-

political issues. The core challenge of the message is that the President should have been

requested by both provincial and local municipal officers to visit the ‘ground of the

plebes’. The artist sees this gap in the political systems and decides to ‘sound the alarm’.

Other implied concerns in the song point to the challenges of service delivery in a rural

context. The importance and relevance of Mme Magoro’s music and compositional skills

thus become evident.

It is worth mentioning the tension that exists between the two knowledge paradigms of

exogenous and indigenous knowledge and the impact of these knowledge patterns on

knowledge generation during the present century. As Raymond Sutner remarked in a

paper presented on the occasion of the Harold Wolpe Memorial Lectures in

Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town on 1, 2 and 3 December 2005,

There are many forms of indigenous knowledge, and these cannot be easily

contained within systems because they interact with other knowledges, indigenous


38

and non-indigenous. In fact the debate around knowledge, which is part of our

heritage, is also often framed within a notion of a dichotomy between what is

science and that which is indigenous. The assumption is that notions of science

are universal and what is local is necessarily unscientific, and one takes note of it

very much as an anthropological curiosity, often frozen in time. This is not

something engendered by purely local Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS)

specialists amongst the African community.

Surely no-one can deny that indigenous knowledge has come to occupy a privileged

position in terms of debate on how development can, “best be brought about so that

finally, it really is in the interests of the poor and the marginalized” (Agrawal 2002:287).

The question of ‘scientization’ becomes central, noting the issues and debates raised in

Sutter’s paper about ‘things scientific’ and ‘things unscientific’. What then is science, and

what should it become? We need to seriously interrogate Agrawal’s views that, “Only the

forms of indigenous knowledge that are potentially relevant to development, then, need

attention and protection. Other forms of such knowledge, precisely because they are

irrelevant to the needs …”.

Who determines the relevance and irrelevance of knowledge systems, and what principles

guide such deliberation? These are some of the questions worth noting in this regard. It is

worth taking cognisance of the proposed process of ‘scientization’ as articulated by

Agrawal (2002:290), who proposes first identifying and separating “useful knowledge

through the process of particularization”. This is considered a necessary and crucial step

in the process of scientization. The second step is testing and validation within the broad

process by making use of “criteria deemed appropriate by science”. As Agrawal

indicates, “These scientific criteria are integral to any particularized statement about

indigenous practices being considered knowledge”. The third step in the process is

“generalization”, which makes knowledge systems “really useful for development”

(Agrawal 2002:291). For Agrawal, “Scientization of indigenous knowledge helps it

emerge as fact.” It becomes difficult to relate facts and non-facts. This assumes issues of

knowledge power. Who has the prerogative to determine knowledge facts and truths and


39

what is the basis for doing so? As Payle & Lebakeng (2004:296) rightly ask, if

indigenous knowledge systems hold the key to sustainable development, why was this

opportunity not exploited earlier? Payle & Lebakeng consider that the answer “is to be

found in the nature and dominance of Western science in knowledge production”.

The current century is the century of self-discovery and self-assertion, despite the cold

and subtle wars and tensions that continue around the world, including the African

continent. The time of re-awakening and rejuvenation cannot exclude the re-awakening

of knowledge. I do not claim that the process has unfolded optimally, but simply note the

positive move to acknowledge the damage to indigenous knowledge. This implies that

Africa, particularly South Africa, has experienced a period of knowledge paralysis, the

impact of which extended to influencing people to denigrate who they are and to ignore

the ‘baggage’ that brought them into contention with exogenous knowledge systems. This

paralysis retarded the progress of African scientization and allowed exogenous theoretical

and methodological frames to triumph. In the course of this knowledge paralysis, some

scientifically ‘mind-boggling’ knowledge systems were pirated by the dominant

knowledge systems and flourished at the expense of the peripheral communities from

whom the knowledge had been stolen.

The example of the South African beer brewing business (commonly known as sorghum

beer) is worth mentioning in this regard. History makes it clear that during the time of

forced removals and cheap labour of the apartheid era (enforced socially, politically and

economically), which resulted in the establishment of ‘townships’ such as Soweto (the

South Western Township), many African women accompanied their husbands to areas of

congregation designed by their apartheid masters. These women remained at home in

dwellings ‘the size of matchboxes’ while their husbands worked in the mines without

insurance or means of protection. One of the ways in which some of the women

supplemented their husbands’ incomes was by brewing beer, which was sold on the

mines and in the market places and sometimes even from their homes. It should be noted

that the scientific knowledge of the beer brewing process had been passed down from

their mothers and grandmothers in the backgrounds in which they had been brought up.


40

This knowledge was turned into a technology, as science became a scientific tool. Given

this type of background and the economic importance of this thriving knowledge, the

users and controllers of the dominant exogenous knowledge began to ‘pirate’ indigenous

knowledge. There was move to sabotage the industry by outlawing the sale of home-

brewed beer. Anyone found selling and marketing such products (mostly women) was

placed in police custody. Surprisingly, some years later, ‘formal industries’ were

established to further the same business activity, taking it from the local practitioners.

The formal industries ‘improved’ the technology, but the knowledge remained the same.

The fact remains, and will do for centuries to come, that this is stolen knowledge.

4.1 Hints from Mme Magoro

4.1.1 Maila-go-fenywa learn and are educated through African cultural patterns

Indigenous knowledge is stored in culture in various forms, such as traditions, customs,

folk stories, folk songs, folk dramas, legends, proverbs and myths. Using these cultural

items as resources in schools can be very effective in bringing indigenous knowledge

alive for the students and allowing them to conceptualize places and issues not only in the

local area but also beyond their immediate experience. Students will already be familiar

with some aspects of indigenous culture and may therefore find it interesting to learn

more about it through these cultural forms. This would also enable active participation, as

teachers could involve students in collecting folk stories, folk songs, legends and

proverbs that are told and retold in their communities. Community stories, legends,

games and dances are brought to life and allowed to live. This is a serious challenge to

the current musical arts curriculum.

One questions the basis for such a curriculum. It should be added that language is central

to the matter. Mme Magoro states categorically that the Sepedi language becomes the

vehicle for performances and dances. Admittedly, as a consequence of colonial legacies,

Africa can be divided into anglophone, lusophone and francophone areas (Prah 2002:103;


41

Ntuli 2002:53). Prah explains the problem by stating that African people have been

subjected to

British, French and Portuguese approaches to colonial education in Africa in general,

and the use of language in education in particular. The British, in principle, wanted to

create African cadres who would serve as interlocutors between colonial

administration and mass society, but who were sufficiently educationally anglicized,

and who would be able to play complementary roles in the establishment of the pax

Britannica in Africa. They made greater use of the indigenous languages than the

French, who preferred to make Frenchmen out of Africans and therefore applied a

policy of, more or less, zero tolerance to African languages in education.

4.1.2 Learning across generations

It might still be asked how one preserves the potential value of indigenous knowledge,

such as indigenous musical arts performances, for sustainable development. This question

resonates with the future implications of indigenous knowledge systems for both

innovation and sustainability. It is therefore imperative to preserve indigenous knowledge

for the benefit of future generations. Perhaps the best way to preserve such knowledge

would be by integrating it into the school curriculum, as Mme Magoro advocates in her

endeavours with her group of young performers. This would encourage learners to learn

from their parents, grandparents and other adults in the community, and to appreciate and

respect their knowledge. Such a relationship between the younger and older generations

could help alleviate the generation gap and develop intergenerational harmony.

Indigenous people, for the first time perhaps, would also have an opportunity to

participate in curriculum development. The integration of indigenous knowledge into

school curricula would thus enable schools to act as agencies for transferring the culture

of the society from one generation to the next.

The best tool and approach to adopt should be based on the philosophy of ‘from the

known to the unknown’ if such education is to be effective. It is therefore wise to start


42

with knowledge about the local area with which students are familiar, and then gradually

move on to knowledge of regional, national and global environments. Indigenous

knowledge can play a significant role in education about the local area. In most societies,

indigenous people have developed enormous amounts of knowledge over the centuries by

interacting directly with the environment and building up knowledge of the soil, climate,

water, forest, wildlife, minerals and so forth in the locality. This ready-made knowledge

system could easily be used in education if appropriate measures are taken to tap

indigenous knowledge, which is stored in the memories of local elderly people.

Learners can learn much from fieldwork in their local area. This calls for some prior

knowledge and understanding. For instance, to be able to understand the relationship

between indigenous people, the soil and plants, learners need to identify the plants and

soil types in the local area. One way to gain a preliminary knowledge of plants and soil

types in the local environment is to consult indigenous people and invite them to teach

students in the field. Indigenous people may also be willing to show learners collections

of artefacts, to demonstrate certain ceremonies and explain their significance and, where

appropriate, to share with them particular sites of special significance.

4.2 The challenge of the meeting of two schools: The inner meeting the outer

Since the democratic elections in 1994, South Africa has been struggling to develop

‘content standards’ to define what learners should know and be able to do as they go

through the school system and the post-apartheid educational system as a whole.

Performance standards have been developed for teachers and administrators, and a set of

quality school standards has been put forward by the Department of Education to serve as

a basis for accrediting schools. These government standards are written for general use

throughout the country and therefore sometimes fail to address some of the special issues

that are of critical importance to schools in rural South Africa and Africa in general,

particularly those serving indigenous African communities and learners.


43

There is a need for the generation of standards for schools and communities in South

Africa and Africa at large in order to determine the extent to which they are attending to

the educational and cultural well being of the learners in their care and to suggest ways of

doing so. These cultural and indigenous knowledge standards should be predicated on the

belief that a firm grounding in the heritage language and indigenous culture of a

particular place is a fundamental prerequisite for the development of culturally healthy

African learners and communities associated with that place, which is thus an essential

ingredient for identifying the appropriate qualities and practices associated with culturally

responsive educators, curricula and schools.

Such standards should be applicable to all African learners and communities and should

focus curricula on in-depth study of the surrounding physical and cultural environment in

which the school is situated, while recognising the unique contribution that African

indigenous people can make to such study as long-term inhabitants who have

accumulated extensive specialized knowledge related to that environment. Furthermore,

the standards should be drawn up for five different educational areas (namely students,

educators, curricula, schools and communities) to provide guidelines against which

schools and communities can examine what they are doing to attend to the cultural well-

being of the young people they are responsible for nurturing to adulthood.

Included here are suggested guidelines for complementing, rather than replacing, those

adopted by the current South African government. While the government standards

stipulate what learners should know and be able to do, the cultural standards are oriented

more towards providing guidance on how to educate learners in such a way that they

become responsible, capable and whole human beings in the process. It should be noted

that music arts education and performance are central to the discussion. Due

acknowledgement is given to Mme Magoro for opening my mind to see into her

knowledge world.

The emphasis is on fostering a strong connection between what learners experience at

school and their lives outside of school by providing opportunities for them to engage in


44

in-depth experiential learning in real-world contexts. By shifting the focus of the

curriculum from teaching/learning about cultural heritage as another subject to

teaching/learning through the local culture as a foundation for all education, it is intended

that all forms of knowledge, ways of knowing and world views be recognized as equally

valid, adaptable and complementary to one another in mutually beneficial ways.

The cultural standards outlined are not intended to be inclusive, exclusive or conclusive,

and should thus be reviewed and adapted to suit local needs. Each school, community and

related educational agency should consider which of the proposed standards are

appropriate to its situation and which are not, and when necessary, develop additional

cultural standards to accommodate local circumstances. Terms should be interpreted to fit

local conventions, especially references to meanings associated with the definition of

elder, tradition, spirituality, or anything related to the use of the local language. Where

differences of interpretation exist, they should be respected and accommodated as far as

possible. The cultural standards are not intended to produce standardization, but rather to

encourage schools to nurture and build upon the rich and varied cultural traditions that

continue to be practised in communities throughout South Africa and Africa at large.

Some of the multiple uses to which these cultural and indigenous knowledge standards

may be put are as follows:

• They may be used as a basis for reviewing school or district-level goals, policies and

practices with regard to the curriculum and pedagogy being implemented in each

community or cultural area.

• They may be used by a local community to examine the kind of home/family

environment and parenting support systems that are provided for bringing up

children.

• They may be used to devise locally appropriate ways of reviewing learner and teacher

performance as it relates to nurturing and practising culturally healthy behaviour,

including serving as potential graduation requirements for learners.


45

• They may be used to strengthen the commitment to revitalising the local language and

culture and fostering the involvement of community elders as an educational

resource.

• They may be used to help teachers identify teaching practices that are adaptable to the

cultural context in which they are teaching.

• They may be used to guide the preparation and orientation of teachers in ways that

help them attend to the cultural well-being of their learners.

• They may serve as criteria against which to evaluate educational programmes

intended to address the cultural needs of learners.

• They may be used to guide the formation of national and provincial government-level

policies and regulations and the allocation of resources in support of equal

educational opportunities for all.

4.3 Cultural standards for learners

Culturally knowledgeable learners are well grounded in the cultural heritage and

traditions of their community. Learners who meet this cultural standard are able to:

• Assume responsibility for their role in relation to the well-being of the cultural

community and their life-long obligations as community members

• Recount their own genealogy and family history

• Acquire and pass on the traditions of their community through oral and written

history

• Meet their traditional responsibilities to the surrounding environment

• Reflect through their own experience the critical role that the local heritage language

plays in fostering a sense of who they are and how they understand the world around

them

• Live in accordance with the cultural values and traditions of the local community and

integrate them into their everyday behaviour

• Determine the place of their cultural community in regional, state, national and

international political and economic systems.


46

Culturally knowledgeable learners are able to build on the knowledge and skills of the

local cultural community as a foundation from which to achieve personal and academic

success throughout life. Learners who meet this cultural standard are able to:

• Acquire insights from other cultures without diminishing the integrity of their own

• Effectively use the knowledge, skills and ways of knowing of their own cultural

traditions to learn about the larger world in which they live

• Make appropriate choices regarding the long-term consequences of their actions

• Identify appropriate forms of technology and anticipate the consequences of their use

for improving the quality of life of the community.

Culturally knowledgeable learners are able to actively participate in various cultural

environments. Learners who meet this cultural standard are able to:

• Perform subsistence activities in ways that are appropriate to local cultural traditions

• Make constructive contributions to the governance of their community and the well-

being of their family

• Attain a healthy lifestyle through which they are able to maintain their own social,

emotional, physical, intellectual and spiritual well-being

• Enter into and function effectively in a variety of cultural settings.

Culturally knowledgeable learners are able to engage effectively in learning activities that

are based on traditional ways of knowing and learning. Learners who meet this cultural

standard are able to:

• Acquire in-depth cultural knowledge through active participation and meaningful

interaction with community elders

• Participate in and make constructive contributions to the learning activities associated

with a traditional camp environment

• Interact with community elders in a loving and respectful way that demonstrates an

appreciation of their role as culture-bearers and educators in the community

• Gather oral and written historical information from the local community and provide

an appropriate interpretation of its cultural meaning and significance


47

• Identify and utilize appropriate sources of cultural knowledge to find solutions to

everyday problems

• Engage in a realistic self-assessment to identify strengths and needs and make

appropriate decisions to enhance one’s life skills.

Culturally knowledgeable learners demonstrate an awareness and appreciation of the

relationships and processes of interaction of all elements in the world around them.

Learners who meet this cultural standard are able to:

• Recognize and build upon the interrelationships that exist among the spiritual, natural

and human realms in the world around them, as reflected in their own cultural

traditions and beliefs and those of others

• Understand the ecology and geography of the bioregion they inhabit

• Demonstrate an understanding of the relationship between one’s world view and the

way knowledge is formed and used

• Determine how ideas and concepts from one knowledge system relate to those

derived from other knowledge systems

• Recognize how and why cultures change over time

• Anticipate the changes that occur when different cultural systems come into contact

with one another

• Determine how cultural values and beliefs influence the interaction of people from

different cultural backgrounds

• Identify and appreciate who they are and their place in the world.

4.4 Cultural standards for educators

Culturally responsive educators incorporate local ways of knowing and teaching in their

work. Educators who meet this cultural standard:

• Recognize the validity and integrity of the traditional knowledge system

• Utilize the expertise of community elders in multiple ways in their teaching


48

• Provide opportunities and time for learners to learn in settings where local cultural

knowledge and skills are naturally relevant

• Provide opportunities for learners to learn through observation and hands-on

demonstration of cultural knowledge and skills

• Adhere to the cultural and intellectual property rights that pertain to all aspects of the

local knowledge they are addressing

• Continually involve themselves in learning about the local community/culture.

Culturally responsive educators use the local environment and community resources on a

regular basis to link what they are teaching to the everyday lives of the learners.

Educators who meet this cultural standard:

• Regularly engage learners in appropriate projects and experiential learning activities

in the surrounding environment

• Utilize traditional settings such as camps as learning environments for transmitting

both cultural and academic knowledge and skills

• Provide integrated learning activities organized around themes of local significance

and across subject areas

• Are knowledgeable in all the areas of local history and cultural tradition that may

have a bearing on their work as teachers, including the appropriate times for certain

knowledge to be taught

• Seek to ground all teaching in a constructive process built on a local cultural

foundation.

Culturally responsive educators participate in community events and activities in an

appropriate and supportive way. Educators who meet this cultural standard:

• Become active members of the community in which they teach and make positive and

culturally appropriate contributions to the well-being of that community

• Exercise professional responsibilities in the context of local cultural traditions and

expectations

• Maintain a close working relationship with and make appropriate use of the cultural

and professional expertise of their co-workers from the local community.


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Culturally responsive educators work closely with parents to achieve a high level of

complementary educational expectations between home and school. Educators who meet

this cultural standard:

• Promote extensive community and parental interaction and involvement in their

children’s education

• Involve elders, parents and local leaders in all aspects of instructional planning and

implementation

• Continually seek to learn about and build upon the cultural knowledge that students

bring with them from their homes and community

• Seek to learn the local heritage language and promote its use in their teaching.

Culturally responsive educators recognize the full educational potential of each learner

and provide the challenges necessary for them to achieve that potential. Educators who

meet this cultural standard:

• Recognize cultural differences as positive attributes around which to build

appropriate educational experiences

• Provide learning opportunities that help learners recognize the integrity of the

knowledge they bring with them and use that knowledge as a springboard to new

understandings

• Reinforce the learner’s sense of cultural identity and place in the world

• Acquaint learners with the world beyond their home community in ways that expand

their horizons while strengthening their own identities

• Recognize the need for all people to understand the importance of learning about

other cultures and appreciating what each has to offer.

4.5 Cultural standards for curricula

A culturally responsive curriculum reinforces the integrity of the cultural knowledge that

learners bring with them. A curriculum that meets this cultural standard:


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• Recognizes that all knowledge is embedded in a larger system of cultural beliefs,

values and practices, each with its own integrity and interconnectedness

• Ensures that learners acquire not only the surface knowledge of their culture, but are

also well grounded in the deeper aspects of the associated beliefs and practices

• Incorporates contemporary adaptations along with the historical and traditional

aspects of the local culture

• Respects and validates knowledge that has been derived from a variety of cultural

traditions

• Provides opportunities for learners to study all subjects starting from a foundation in

the local knowledge system.

A culturally responsive curriculum recognizes cultural knowledge as part of a living and

constantly adapting system that is grounded in the past, but continues to grow through the

present and into the future. A curriculum that meets this cultural standard:

• Recognizes the contemporary validity of much of the traditional cultural knowledge,

values and beliefs, and grounds learners’ learning in the principles and practices

associated with that knowledge

• Provides learners with an understanding of the dynamics of cultural systems as they

change over time, and as they are impacted by external forces

• Incorporates the in-depth study of unique elements of contemporary life in African

local communities in South Africa and Africa at large.

A culturally responsive curriculum uses the local language and cultural knowledge as a

foundation for the rest of the curriculum. A curriculum that meets this cultural standard:

• Utilizes the local language as a base from which to learn the deeper meanings of the

local cultural knowledge, values, beliefs and practices

• Recognizes the depth of knowledge that is associated with long-standing inhabitation

of a particular place and utilizes the study of ‘place’ as a basis for the comparative

analysis of contemporary social, political and economic systems

• Incorporates language and cultural immersion experiences wherever in-depth cultural

understanding is necessary


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• Views all community members as potential teachers and all events in the community

as potential learning opportunities

• Treats local cultural knowledge as a means of acquiring the conventional curriculum

content as outlined in state standards, and as an end in itself

• Makes appropriate use of modern tools and technology to help document and transmit

traditional cultural knowledge

• Is sensitive to traditional cultural protocol, including the role of spirituality, as it

relates to appropriate uses of local knowledge.

A culturally responsive curriculum fosters a complementary relationship across

knowledge derived from diverse knowledge systems. A curriculum that meets this

cultural standard:

• Draws parallels between knowledge derived from oral tradition and that derived from

books

• Engages learners in the construction of new knowledge and understandings that

contribute to an ever-expanding view of the world.

A culturally responsive curriculum situates local knowledge and actions in a global

context. A curriculum that meets this cultural standard:

• Encourages learners to consider the interrelationship between their local

circumstances and the global community

• Conveys to learners that every culture and community contributes to, and at the same

time receives from, the global knowledge base

• Prepares learners to ‘think globally, act locally’.

4.6 Cultural standards for schools

A culturally responsive school fosters the ongoing participation of community elders in

all aspects of the schooling process. A school that meets this cultural standard:


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• Maintains multiple avenues for community elders to interact formally and informally

with learners at all times

• Provides opportunities for learners to regularly engage in the documenting of

community elders’ cultural knowledge and produces appropriate print and multimedia

materials that share this knowledge with others

• Includes explicit statements regarding the cultural values that are fostered in the

community and integrates those values in all aspects of the school programme and the

operation of the school

• Utilizes educational models that are grounded in a traditional worldview and in ‘ways

of knowing’ associated with the cultural knowledge system reflected in the

community.

A culturally responsive school provides multiple avenues for learners to access the

learning that is offered, as well as multiple forms of assessment for learners to

demonstrate what they have learned. A school that meets this cultural standard:

• Utilizes a broad range of culturally appropriate performance standards to assess

student knowledge and skills

• Encourages and supports experientially oriented approaches to education that make

extensive use of community-based resources and expertise

• Provides cultural and language immersion programmes in which students acquire in-

depth understanding of the culture of which they are members

• Helps learners develop the capacity to assess their own strengths and weaknesses and

make appropriate decisions based on such self-assessment.

A culturally responsive school provides opportunities for learners to learn through

medium of and/or about their heritage language. A school that meets this cultural

standard:

• Provides language immersion opportunities for learners who wish to learn in their

heritage language

• Offers courses that acquaint all learners with the heritage language of the local

community


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• Makes available reading materials and courses through which learners can acquire

literacy in the heritage language

• Provides opportunities for teachers to gain familiarity with the heritage language of

the learners they teach through summer immersion experiences.

A culturally responsive school has a high level of involvement of professional staff with

the same cultural background as the learners with whom they are working. A school that

meets this cultural standard:

• Encourages and supports the professional development of local personnel to assume

teaching and administrative roles in the school

• Recruits and hires teachers whose background is similar to that of the learners they

will be teaching

• Provides a cultural orientation camp and mentoring programme for new teachers to

enable them to learn about and adjust to the cultural expectations and practices of the

community and the school

• Fosters and supports opportunities for teachers to participate in professional activities

and associations that help them expand their repertoire of cultural knowledge and

pedagogical skills.

A culturally responsive school consists of facilities that are compatible with the

community environment in which they are situated. A school that meets this cultural

standard:

• Provides a physical environment that is inviting and readily accessible for local

people to enter and utilize

• Makes use of facilities throughout the community to demonstrate that education is a

community-wide process involving everyone as teachers

• Utilizes local expertise, including students, to provide culturally appropriate displays

of arts, crafts and other forms of decoration and space design.


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A culturally responsive school fosters extensive ongoing participation, communication

and interaction between school and community personnel. A school that meets this

cultural standard:

• Holds regular formal and informal events, bringing together learners, parents,

teachers and other school and community personnel to review, evaluate and plan the

educational programme that is offered

• Provides regular opportunities for local and regional board deliberations and decision-

making on policy, programme and personnel issues related to the school

• Sponsors ongoing activities and events in the school and community that celebrate

and provide opportunities for learners to display and put into practice their knowledge

of local cultural traditions.

4.7 Cultural standards for communities

A culturally supportive community incorporates the practice of local cultural traditions in

its everyday affairs. A community that meets this cultural standard:

• Provides respected community elders with a place of honour in community functions

• Models culturally appropriate behaviour in the day-to-day life of the community

• Utilizes traditional child-rearing and parenting practices that reinforce a sense of

identity and belonging

• Organizes and encourages the participation of members from all ages in regular

community-wide, family-oriented events

• Incorporates and reinforces traditional cultural values and beliefs in all formal and

informal community functions.

A culturally supportive community nurtures the use of the local heritage language. A

community that meets this cultural standard:

• Recognizes the role that language plays in conveying the deeper aspects of cultural

knowledge and traditions


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• Sponsors local heritage language immersion opportunities for young children when

they are at the critical age for language learning

• Encourages the use of the local heritage language whenever possible in the everyday

affairs of the community, including meetings, cultural events, print materials and

broadcast media

• Assists in the preparation of curriculum resource material in the local heritage

language for use in schools

• Provides simultaneous translation services for public meetings when people that are

unfamiliar with the local heritage language are participating.

A culturally supportive community takes an active role in the education of all its

members. A community that meets this cultural standard:

• Encourages broad-based participation of parents in all aspects of their children’s

education, both in and out of school

• Ensures active participation by community members in reviewing all local, regional

and state initiatives that have a bearing on the education of their children

• Encourages and supports members of the local community who wish to pursue further

education to assume teaching and administrative roles in the school

• Engages in subsistence activities, sponsors cultural camps and hosts community

events that provide an opportunity for children to actively participate in and learn

appropriate cultural values and behaviour

• Provides opportunities for all community members to acquire and practise the

appropriate knowledge and skills associated with local cultural traditions.

A culturally supportive community nurtures family responsibility, sense of belonging and

cultural identity. A community that meets this cultural standard:

• Fosters cross-generational sharing of parenting and child-rearing practices

• Creates a supportive environment for the youth to participate in local affairs and

acquire the skills to be contributing members of the community

• Adopts the adage, ‘It takes the whole village to raise a child.’


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A culturally supportive community assists teachers in learning and utilizing local cultural

traditions and practices. A community that meets this cultural standard:

• Sponsors a cultural orientation camp and community mentoring programme for new

teachers to learn about and adjust to the cultural expectations and practices of the

community

• Encourages teachers to make use of facilities and expertise in the community to

demonstrate that education is a community-wide process involving everyone as

teachers

• Sponsors regular community/school ‘potluck’ meals to celebrate the work of learners

and teachers and to promote ongoing interaction and communication between

teachers and parents

• Attempts to articulate the cultural knowledge, values and beliefs that it wishes

teachers to incorporate into the school curriculum

• Establishes a programme to ensure the availability of elders’ expertise in all aspects

of the educational programme in the school.

A culturally supportive community contributes to all aspects of curriculum design and

implementation in the local school. A community that meets this cultural standard:

• Takes an active part in the development of the mission, goals and content of the local

educational programme

• Promotes the active involvement of students with elders in the documentation and

preservation of traditional knowledge through a variety of print and multimedia

formats

• Facilitates teacher involvement in community activities and encourages the use of the

local environment as a curricular resource

• Promotes parental involvement in all aspects of their children’s educational

experience.


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CHAPTER 5: RESPECTING INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE AND MUSIC EDUCATION IN LOCAL COMMUNITIES

The following suggested guidelines address issues of concern in the documentation,

representation and utilization of traditional cultural knowledge as they relate to the role of

various participants, including elders, authors, curriculum developers, classroom teachers,

publishers and researchers. Special attention is given to the educational implications for

the integration of indigenous knowledge and practices in schools throughout South Africa

and Africa at large. The guidance offered in the following sections is intended to

encourage the incorporation of indigenous knowledge and teaching practices in schools

by minimizing the potential for misuse and misunderstanding in the process. It is hoped

that these guidelines will facilitate the coming together of the many cultural traditions

that coexist in South Africa and Africa at large in constructive, respectful and mutually

beneficial ways.

The purpose of the guidelines is to offer assistance to educational personnel and others

who seek to incorporate in their work the standards for culturally responsive schools

proposed in the previous chapter. Using these guidelines will help expand the base of

knowledge and expertise that culturally responsive teachers (including elders, aides and

bilingual instructors) are able to draw upon to enliven their work as educators.

Throughout this document, elders are accorded a central role as the primary source and

custodians of African indigenous knowledge. It should be understood that the

identification of ‘elders’ as culture-bearers and custodians of indigenous knowledge is not

simply a matter of chronological age, but a function of the respect accorded to individuals

in each community who exemplify the values and ways of life of the local culture and

who have the wisdom and willingness to pass their knowledge on to future generations.

Respected community elders serve as the philosophers, professors and visionaries of a

cultural community. In addition, many aspects of cultural knowledge can be learned from

other members of a community who have not yet been recognized as elders, but who seek

to practise and teach local ways of life in culturally appropriate ways.


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5.1 The role of community elders

As one of the primary sources of traditional cultural knowledge, native elders are

responsible for sharing and passing on that knowledge in ways that are compatible with

traditional teachings and practices. Community elders may increase their cultural

responsiveness in the following ways:

• By participating in local and regional elders’ councils as a means of helping to

formulate, document and pass on traditional cultural knowledge for future generations

• By helping to make explicit and incorporate locally appropriate cultural values in all

aspects of life in the community, while recognizing the diversity of opinion that may

exist

• By making a point of utilizing traditional ways of knowing, teaching, listening and

learning in passing on cultural knowledge to others in the community

• By seeking out information on ways to protect intellectual property rights and retain

copyright authority over all local knowledge that is shared with others for the

purposes of documentation

• By carefully reviewing contracts and release forms to determine who controls the

distribution of any publications and associated royalties

• By reviewing all transcripts of cultural information that has been written down to

ensure accuracy

• By following appropriate traditional protocols as far as possible in the interpretation

and utilization of cultural knowledge

• By assisting willing members of the community to acquire the knowledge and skills

needed to assume the role of community elders for future generations.


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5.2 The role of authors and illustrators

Authors and illustrators should take all necessary steps to ensure that any representation

of cultural content is accurate, contextually appropriate and explicitly acknowledged.

Authors and illustrators may increase their cultural responsiveness in the following ways:

• By making a practice of ensuring that all cultural content has been acquired under

informed consent and has been reviewed for accuracy and appropriateness by

knowledgeable local people representative of the culture in question

• By arranging for copyright authority and royalties to be retained or shared by the

person or community from which the cultural information originated and by

following local protocols for its approval and distribution

• By ensuring controlled access to sensitive cultural information that has not been

explicitly authorized for general distribution

• By being explicit in describing how all cultural knowledge and material has been

acquired, authenticated and utilized, and by presenting any significant different points

of view that may exist

• By making explicit the audience(s) for which a cultural document is intended, as well

as the point of view of the person(s) preparing the document

• By making every effort to utilize traditional names for such things as people, places

and items, and by adhering to local conventions on spelling and pronunciation

• By identifying all primary contributors and secondary sources for a particular

document, and by sharing the authorship whenever possible

• By acquiring extensive first-hand experience of a new cultural context before writing

about it

• By carefully explaining the intention behind photographs or videos and explaining

how they will be used when obtaining permission to record such material, and by

making it clear in publication whether they have been staged as a re-enactment or

represent actual events

• When documenting oral history, by recognizing and considering the power of the

written word and the implications of recording on paper oral tradition, with all its


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non-verbal connotations, and by always striving to convey the original meaning and

context as far as possible.

5.3 Guidelines for curriculum developers and administrators

Curriculum developers and administrators should provide multiple avenues for the

incorporation of locally recognized expertise in all actions related to the use and

interpretation of local cultural knowledge and practices. Curriculum developers and

administrators may increase their cultural responsiveness in the following ways:

• By establishing an easily accessible repository of culturally appropriate resource

materials and knowledgeable expertise from the community

• By including the voices of representatives from the local culture in the curriculum

materials used in the school

• By utilizing the natural environment of the community to move educational activities

beyond the classroom as a way of fostering place-based education and deepening the

learning experiences of learners

• By supporting the implementation of an elders-in-residence programme in each

school and classroom

• By providing an in-depth cultural orientation programme for all new teachers and

administrators

• By promoting the incorporation of the standards for culturally responsive schools in

all aspects of the school curriculum, while demonstrating their applicability in

providing multiple avenues for meeting the government content standards

• By utilizing elders and local community teachers from the local community to acquire

a comprehensive understanding of all aspects of the local, district and nationwide

context in which the students live, particularly as it relates to the well-being and

survival of the local culture

• By making use of locally produced resource materials (such as reports, videos, maps,

books and tribal documents) in all subject areas and by working in close collaboration


61

with local agencies to enrich the curriculum beyond the scope of commercially

produced texts

• By establishing a review committee of locally knowledgeable people to review all

textbooks and other curriculum materials for accuracy and appropriateness in relation

to the local cultural context, as well as to examine the overall cultural responsiveness

of the educational system.

5.4 The role of educators

Classroom teachers are responsible for drawing upon community elders and other cultural

experts in the surrounding community to make sure all resource materials and learning

activities are culturally accurate and appropriate. Teachers may increase their cultural


• By learning to use local ways of knowing and teaching to link the knowledge base of

the school with that of the community

• By making effective use of local expertise, especially community elders, as co-

teachers whenever local cultural knowledge is addressed in the curriculum

• By taking steps to recognize and validate all aspects of the knowledge students bring

with them, and by assisting them in their ongoing quest for personal and cultural

affirmation

• By developing the observation and listening skills necessary to acquire an in-depth

understanding of the knowledge system indigenous to the local community and

applying that understanding in teaching practice

• By carefully reviewing all curriculum resource materials to ensure cultural accuracy

and appropriateness

• By making every effort to utilize locally relevant curriculum materials with which

students can readily identify, including materials prepared by indigenous African

authors

• By providing sufficient flexibility in scheduling the participation of elders so that they

elders are able to fully share what they know with minimal interference from the


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clock, and by providing enough advance notice for them to make the necessary

preparations

• By aligning all subject matter with the standards for culturally responsive schools and

developing curriculum models that are based on the local cultural and environmental

experiences of learners

• By recognizing the importance of cultural and intellectual property rights in teaching

practice and honouring such rights in all aspects of the selection and utilization of

curriculum resources.

5.5 Guidelines for publication processes

Editors and publishers should utilize culturally knowledgeable authors and establish

multiple levels of review to ensure that all publications are culturally accurate and

appropriate. Editors and publishers may increase their cultural responsiveness in the

following ways:

• By encouraging and supporting indigenous African authors and providing appropriate

biographical information and photographs of the author(s) of culturally oriented

material

• By returning a significant proportion of publication proceeds and royalties to the

person or community from which the published material originated

• By submitting all manuscripts with cultural content to locally knowledgeable

personnel for review and by making effective use of local and regional entities set up

for that purpose

• By ensuring appropriate review, approval and access for all digital and Internet-based

materials

• By resolving all disagreements on cultural content or distribution before final

publication

• By always returning to the original source for re-authorization of subsequent printings


63

• By ensuring that the content of all textbooks for general curricular use are examined

to make sure that they are widely accepted and recognized, and not just the opinion of

an individual author

• By honouring all local conventions for recognizing cultural and intellectual property

rights.

5.6 Guidelines for reviewing documents

Reviewers should give informed consideration to the cultural perspectives of all groups

represented in documents subjected to review. Document reviewers may increase their

cultural responsiveness in the following ways:

• By always being as explicit as possible in identifying the background experience and

personal reference points on which the interpretation of cultural meaning is based

• By providing reviews of cultural materials from multiple perspectives and

interpretations whenever possible and appropriate

• By establishing a panel of reviewers in such a way as to provide a cross-check from

several cultural perspectives when critical decisions about a publication are to be

made

• By identifying publications that misrepresent or omit cultural content, regardless of

their literary merit in other respects

• By utilizing the same guidelines as those outlined for published documents for

reviewing films involving cultural themes

5.7 The role of researchers

Researchers are ethically responsible for obtaining informed consent, accurately

representing the cultural perspective and protecting the cultural integrity and rights of all

participants in a research endeavour. Researchers may increase their cultural



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• By effectively identifying and utilizing expertise in participating communities to

enhance the quality of data-gathering as well as the data itself, and by using caution in

applying external frames of reference in the analysis and interpretation of data

• By ensuring controlled access to sensitive cultural information that has not been

explicitly authorized for general distribution, as determined by members of the local

community

• By submitting research plans and research results for review by a locally

knowledgeable group and abiding by its recommendations to the maximum extent

possible

• By providing full disclosure of funding sources, sponsors, institutional affiliations and

reviewers

• By including explicit recognition of all research contributors in the final report

• By observing the research principles and guidelines established by national and

international organizations representing indigenous people.

5.8 Language challenges

Indigenous African language specialists are responsible for taking all steps possible to

accurately convey the meaning associated with cultural knowledge that has been shared

in a traditional language. Indigenous African language specialists may increase their

cultural responsiveness in the following ways:

• By utilizing, whenever possible, a panel of local experts rather than a single source to

corroborate translation and interpretation of language materials, as well as to

construct words for new terms

• By encouraging the use and teaching of the local language in ways that provide

appropriate context for conveying accurate meaning and interpretation, including an

appreciation of the subtleties of story construction, use of metaphor and oratorical

skills

• By providing community elders with opportunities and support to share what they

know in the local language


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• By utilizing, whenever possible, simultaneous translation equipment at meetings to

facilitate the use of the local language

• By preparing curriculum resource materials that utilize the local language, so as to

make it as easy as possible for teachers to draw upon the local language in their

teaching.

5.9 The role of indigenous community organizations and trusts

Indigenous community organizations should establish a process for the review and

authorization of activities involving the gathering, documentation and use of local

cultural knowledge. Indigenous community organizations may increase their cultural


• By establishing regional clearinghouses through local community educator

associations to provide an ongoing process for the review and certification of cultural

resource materials, including utilizing the available expertise of retired local

community educators

• Through local community educators engaging in critical self-assessment and

participatory research to ascertain the extent to which their teaching practices are

effectively grounded in the traditional ways of transmitting the culture of the

surrounding community

• Through local communities providing a support mechanism to assist elders in

understanding the processes of giving informed consent and filing for copyright

protection and by publicizing the availability of such assistance through public

service announcements on the radio so that all elders are aware of their rights

• By establishing in each community and region a process for reviewing and approving

research proposals that may impact on their area

• Through each community establishing a process for determining what is considered

public knowledge as opposed to private knowledge, as well as how and with whom

such knowledge should be shared


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• Through local communities receiving copies and maintaining a repository of all

documents that relate to the local area

• Through local communities/tribes fostering the incorporation of indigenous

knowledge, language and protocols in all aspects of community life and

organizational practices

• Through regional indigenous colleges, as they are established, providing a support

structure for the implementation of these guidelines in each of their respective

regions.

5.10 The public at large

As the users of and audience for cultural knowledge, the general public has a

responsibility to exercise informed critical judgement about the cultural authenticity and

appropriateness of the materials they utilize. Members of the general public may increase

their cultural responsiveness in the following ways:

• By refraining from purchasing or using publications that do not represent traditional

cultures in accurate and appropriate ways

• By encouraging and supporting African indigenous peoples’ efforts to apply their

own criteria to the review and approval of documents representing their cultural

traditions

• By contributing to and participating respectfully in local cultural events so as to gain

a better understanding of the range of cultural traditions that strive to coexist in South

Africa and the continent in general

• By making room in all community events for multiple cultural traditions to be

represented.


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CHAPTER 6: MME MAGORO’S MODEL FOR NURTURING CULTURALLY HEALTHY AFRICAN YOUTH THROUGH INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE

Ntate Mothobi, an elder of the Bafokeng nation in Rustenburg, North West Province,

South Africa, interviewed 1998 (personal interview), said that

I am an elder from an indigenous nation of the Bafokeng People. … One of our

great concerns is what the future will hold for our children and youth. As for

many indigenous peoples around Africa, our territories and our ways of life are

undergoing processes of change. For us Africans, education and the transmission

of knowledge is a critical issue, but a complex one. On the one hand, we

understand that education in European ways may allow our children to live well in

a world different from the one we grew up in. on the other hand, we also

profoundly believe that the African youth must sustain their indigenous

knowledge and ways, as it is only by knowing from whence they come that they

will be able to determine to where they wish to go to. … But passing on

traditional African knowledge in today's world is not an easy task. There are many

barriers to overcome.

In the past, Bafokeng children and those from other indigenous Batswana

communities were born out on the land. Today, children are born in hospitals and

grow up in the town. They are educated differently from their forefathers,

receiving European formal schooling and in foreign languages, and they do not

have the connection with the land that past generations had. Many parents in our

community today even find it difficult to pass on Bafokeng culture and traditions

to their children, for when they were young they were subjected to European

missionary education programmes of assimilation through residential schools. The

residential schools cut the ties between children and their parents and

grandparents by retaining the children in the school during their formative years.

They were not allowed to stay with their families for more than six weeks each

year. During the colonial and apartheid years, my community also suffered greatly


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from major changes brought about by European economic and political activities,

including mining, large-scale agriculture and industrial development. Forced

removals took our indigenous land and homes. Mining and other big projects

bring money but destroy our environment and bring bad things to the Bafokeng

community.

For any society, rapid environmental and social change is disorienting and

potentially destructive. In my own community, the human toll has been high, and

the children and youth have suffered greatly from family violence, juvenile

delinquency, alcohol and drug abuse, depression and suicide. This is the

disturbing legacy for our youth. Ways must be found of rescuing our youth and

indigenous communities from this destruction. Education incorporating

indigenous culture is the best beginning for their future.

The challenge remains of applying indigenous child-rearing and parenting practices in

nurturing culturally healthy African youth in the contemporary world influenced by the

forces of globalization, especially information and communication technology such as the

mass media (television and the Internet). There is a need to provide guidelines on the

incorporation of indigenous knowledge and teaching practices in all aspects of the lives

of children and the youth, including what takes place in classroom settings, with the

ultimate aim of having communities committed to nurturing healthy, confident,

responsible and well-rounded young (South) African adults.

It is crucial that elders, as custodians of indigenous knowledge and culture, be accorded a

central role as the primary source of cultural knowledge. It should be understood that the

identification of ‘elders’ as culture-bearers is not simply a matter of chronological age,

but a function of the respect accorded to individuals in each community who exemplify

the values and ways of life of the local culture and who possess the wisdom and

willingness to pass their knowledge on to future generations. Respected elders serve as

the philosophers, professors and visionaries of a cultural community. In addition, many

aspects of cultural knowledge can be learned from other members of a community who


69

have not yet been recognized as elders, but who seek to practise and teach local ways of

life in culturally appropriate ways.

Government and non-governmental agencies (including universities, school districts and

local communities) are all encouraged to review their policies, programmes and practices

and to adopt the guidelines and recommendations wherever appropriate. In doing so, the

educational development of learners throughout South Africa and Africa in general will

be enriched, and the future well-being of the communities being served will be enhanced.

6.1 The role of community elders in the curriculum

It remains unchallenged that respected community elders are essential role models who

can share their knowledge and expertise on indigenous child-rearing and parenting so as

to nurture the cultural well-being of today’s African youth. This dissertation makes use of

the specialist and educator Mme Magoro, who is a model of such a community elder

curriculum. From the foregoing representation of Mme Magoro, the following can be

noted with respect to community elders, who as culture-bearers can help nurture

culturally healthy youth in the following ways:

• They can participate in the councils of local and district elders as a means of helping

to formulate, document and pass on traditional child-rearing and parenting practices

for future generations.

• They can establish traditional councils of elders to develop, nurture and mentor

leadership potential.

• They can help implement and incorporate locally appropriate cultural values in all

aspects of life in the community, especially those involving children and the youth.

• They can provide guidance and assistance in utilizing traditional ways of knowing,

teaching, listening and learning in passing on cultural knowledge to younger

generations in the community.

• They can serve as role models and mentors for young people by practising and

reinforcing traditional values and appropriate behaviour in the everyday life of the

community.


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• They can share stories and participate in storytelling opportunities in the community

as a way of passing on the cultural values and traditions.

• They can assist new parents in learning the knowledge and skills needed to carry out

their role as caregivers and first teachers of their children.

• They can continue the use of traditional naming practices and help children and

parents understand the significance of the names and kinship ties they have acquired.

• They can encourage, support and volunteer to assist in all aspects of the educational

programmes in the school, including both traditional and contemporary matters.

• They can help young people understand the world around them and how it has

changed from the world in which previous generations were raised, including the

interconnectedness of the human, natural and spiritual realms.

• They can assist members of the community to acquire the knowledge and skills

needed to assume the role of elders for future generations.

It is interesting to note how parents within Ga-Seloane village support and encourage

every effort made by Mme Magoro in training and teaching their children in koša dance

and performance. This clearly indicates that without parental support for the system, there

would be no progress and success. Parents act as mediators in the process, playing the

role of first teachers of their children and providing the foundation on which the social,

emotional, intellectual and spiritual well-being of future generations rests. Parents, as

primary caregivers, can help nurture culturally healthy youth in the following ways:

• By providing a loving, healthy and supportive environment for each child to grow and

achieve his/her fullest potential from the prenatal stage through to adulthood

• By establishing parenting circles in the community that provide an opportunity for

young parents to share their joys and frustrations and learn from one another’s

experience

• By connecting with parents and grandparents in the community who can serve as role

models for providing a nurturing family and home environment

• By utilizing the indigenous disciplining roles of uncles, aunts, community elders and

other authority figures in the community to help children learn what is right and

wrong in a constructive way


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• By participating as a family and encouraging children to become actively involved in

cultural activities and to learn the traditional values of the community

• By setting aside time each day or each week for family-oriented activities, including

members of the extended family whenever possible

• By making arrangements to accompany one’s child through part or all of a school

day, at least once per quarter, to gain an understanding of what he/she is doing at

school

• By using indigenous naming practices and helping children to understand the

significance of the names they carry

• By volunteering to participate in activities that help make the schooling experiences

of children an extension of their home and community life (for instance, an adopt-a-

teacher programme)

• By practising locally identified cultural values and rules of behaviour in all family

activities and encouraging other members of the community to do likewise

• By assisting children in learning and using their heritage language

• By assisting children to understand their family history and the heritage(s) that shapes

who they are and forms their identity

• By making use of locally appropriate rituals and ceremonies to reinforce the critical

events in children’s lives

• By serving as positive role models and mentors for children by practising and

reinforcing traditional values and appropriate behaviours

• By participating in community-sponsored programmes that enhance parenting skills.

It should be critically mentioned that learners are not passive participants in the process

but have specific responsibilities in taking an active interest in learning their heritage and

assuming responsibility for their role as contributing members of the family and

community in which they live. The youth can nurture their own cultural well-being in the

following ways:

• By learning all they can about their family, kinship relations and community history

and cultural heritage


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• By participating in subsistence activities with parents, community elders and other

members of the community and by learning the stories and lessons associated with

those activities

• By becoming actively involved in local activities and organizations that contribute to

the quality of life of the community

• By showing respect for the elders in the community by assisting them in any way they

can

• By becoming involved in district, provincial, national, continental and global issues

and organizations that impact on one’s community

• By making healthy choices in one’s lifestyle that contribute to the wholeness and

well-being of others

• By always being a good role model, showing respect and providing support to others

• By participating in apprenticeships with cultural experts in the community and

acquiring traditional conflict resolution skills

• By seeking to acquire knowledge and skills associated with cultural standards for

learners

• By associating with friends that can act as healthy role models and make a positive

contribution to one’s growth and development towards adulthood.

6.2 Community elders and schools

It is critical for communities to provide a healthy and supportive environment that

reinforces the values and behaviours its members wish to instil in future generations.

Communities can help nurture culturally healthy youth in the following ways:

• By recognizing that the children of the community are its future and ensuring that

every child grows up secure in the knowledge of who they are and confident in their

ability to make their own way in the world

• By strengthening the parenting roles reflected in traditional kinship structures by

adopting child-rearing as a collective responsibility and ensuring that children know

their kinship roles and responsibilities


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• By sponsoring regular parent/youth talking circles in the community

• By promoting healthy community activities and supportive organizations and

involving members of the youth as board members and participants in all functions,

meetings, workshops and events related to community well-being

• By organizing local and district planning meetings that lead to consensus on strategies

for consistent support of young people from all sectors of the community in the

various aspects of their lives (including home, school, community elders, church,

community organizations, cultural events and the media)

• By being a good role model for the youth and engaging them in all aspects of

community life, including involvement in youth-run organizations and councils and

participation in native corporation and tribally sponsored activities

• By fostering family- and community-oriented activities on a regular basis by

suspending television and other forms of distraction for one night a week

• By recognizing and supporting the accomplishments of community members,

including the youth

• By greeting young people and adults in the community and acknowledging their

existence

• By fostering traditional knowledge, values and beliefs in all aspects of community life

and institutional practices

• By publishing and distributing posters, announcements, buttons, calendars and other

daily reminders of culturally appropriate rules of behaviour and child-rearing

practices as valued by the elders

• By implementing tribal courts that incorporate traditional healing, restorative justice

and rehabilitation practices to deal with members of the youth that have committed

serious infractions of community rules, expectations and protocols

• By incorporating the cultural standards for communities and parents into daily life

• By ensuring that all youth-oriented programmes and services are administered by

local community-controlled organizations at the most local level possible.


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Established schools should be fully engaged in the life of the communities they serve so

as to provide consistency of expectations in all aspects of learners’ lives. Schools may

help nurture culturally healthy youth in the following ways:

• By establishing a readily accessible repository of culturally appropriate resource

materials and a reliable process for the daily involvement of knowledgeable expertise,

including respected elders, from the community

• By including the voices of representatives from the local culture in the curriculum

materials used in schools

• By providing developmentally appropriate curricula that take into account the cultural

variability of the social, emotional, intellectual and spiritual needs of each child and

community, especially during the critical period of identity-formation that takes place

during the adolescent years

• By utilizing the natural environment of the community to move educational activities

beyond the classroom as a way of fostering place-based education and deepening the

learning experiences of students

• By supporting the implementation of an elders-in-residence programme in each

school and classroom and teaching respect for elders at all times

• By providing an in-depth cultural orientation programme for all new teachers and

administrators

• By promoting the incorporation of the standards for culturally responsive schools in

all aspects of the school curriculum and demonstrating their applicability in providing

multiple avenues for meeting government contents standards

• By utilizing elders and teachers from the local community to acquire a comprehensive

understanding of all aspects of the local, district and national context in which the

learners live, particularly as it relates to the well-being and survival of the local

culture

• By making use of locally produced resource materials (including reports, videos,

maps, books and tribal documents) in all subject areas and working in close

collaboration with local agencies to enrich the curriculum beyond the scope of

commercially produced texts.


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CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION

Parents, educators, education administrators and community members in South Africa

and Africa in general continue to raise concerns and questions about the appropriate

choice of relevant instruction and materials for learners at school. They are concerned

about the future of the quality of education centred on Africa and at the same time raise

questions about the relevance of the education given to African children. The mission of

providing quality education is not simple, whether through the medium of indigenous

languages or foreign languages. The issue needs to be tackled in an integrated way in

order to produce and promote a balanced literacy approach for the learner.

The balanced literacy approach, also known as the comprehensive literacy programme, is

firmly established on the basis of the whole language philosophy. It integrates reading,

writing and content subject areas into thematic units. Learners need to be immersed in a

literate environment. This holistic approach emphasizes learning within the whole context

rather than through parts. Learners learn to read meaningful and zestful texts instead of

completing tiresome worksheets. Skills are developed through comprehension, rather

than drill and practice.

Whole language and balanced literacy also involve learners in using all modes of

communication – speaking, listening, reading, writing, observing, illustrating,

experiencing, doing and creating. Learners are not only learning to read by reading and

learn to write by writing; but they also have numerous opportunities to learn how to

express themselves in different ways. Last but not least, holistic learning encourages

learners to use higher order thinking skills, such as the three cueing systems (namely,

semantic, syntactic and graphophonic), which require learners to use analytical thinking

processes.

The holistic approach to literacy development is very appropriate for Africa centred

learning programmes, since the designed learning programmes must help foster learners’

comprehensive development. Learners not only learn how to read and write, but also


76

learn to speak and to listen with understanding. For instance, there is a realization that

even though most of the rural learners speak an indigenous African language as a first

language, many do not speak the language fluently. Furthermore, even if they are fluent

speakers of a language, children are continuously developing their language skills.

The underlying theme is that to keep music going, we must use it in our daily activities at

home and in the community so that it is transmitted and acquired naturally. Schools serve

a supportive role by providing appropriate music arts performance immersion

programmes that strengthen the school-community relations. This is the opportune place

for the musical arts, given their expressive nature and practice.

Throughout this dissertation, community elders are recognized as the primary sources of

musical arts education expertise and cultural knowledge. The identification of elders as

culture-bearers is not simply a matter of chronological age, but a function of the respect

accorded to individuals in each community who exemplify the values and ways of life of

the local culture and who have the wisdom and willingness to pass their knowledge on to

future generations. Respected elders serve as the philosophers, professors and visionaries

of a cultural community. In addition, many aspects of cultural knowledge can be learned

from other members of a community who have not yet been recognized as elders, but

seek to practise and teach local ways of life in a culturally appropriate manner.

Nzewi (2003:13) points out that the term musical arts “reminds us that in African cultures

the performance arts disciplines of music, dance, drama, poetry and costume art are

seldom separated in creative thinking and performance” and that “in the African

indigenous musical arts milieu, a competent musician is likely also to be a capable

dancer, visual-palstic artist, lyricist, poet and dramatic actor”. It is disappointing to see

how the current curriculum is robbed of the opportunity of cross learning, with the result

that most scholars tend to have split learning and reflectional capabilities. Mme Magoro’s

discourses on the musical arts indicate the level of the endemic in this regard. There are

definitely other people like Mme Magoro who have not been offered a space to showcase

their potential and draw their expertise into the current learning environment.


77

This dissertation has attempted to showcase the expertise of Mme Magoro as a composer,

artist, dancer, dramatist, poet and costume artist. The style used in this discourse, as

indicated at the start, is rather ‘strange’, as it defies the usual format and style of

academic writing. The author is well aware of this and has attempted faithfully to

represent a voice that has not yet been heard but definitely should be.

Current scholars are faced with the challenge of re-thinking and recasting their interest in

and motives for pursuing any research on African musicology. Given current

developments in musical and scientific research, scholars are challenged to research back

with the intention of crediting and acknowledging indigenous scientists such as Mme

Magoro. Undeniably, African musical research debates and issues should be accountable

to African communities. The current locus operandi of the indigenous plebes should

decentralize the ivory towers and allow the indigenous plebes themselves to be

considered as centres of excellence. This challenge to grapple with local critical minds is

undoubtedly demonstrated in the work of Mme Magoro. Local creative minds should be

given space to make a contribution. I believe this to be both an intellectual and a social

obligation. It is within these boundaries of creative energy that such efforts are translated

into both intellectual and social advancements for ongoing engagement situated in

‘grounded scholarship’. The route to practising relevant intellectuality with regard to

music means that there must be an openness to learn from and with the local people.

Many scholarly institutions are not open to what learning from local intellectuals entails,

as compared to their needs. In this regard, there must be a willingness and actual efforts

by music educators to be present with local scholarship. Much education and training in

Africa takes place without any empathy for and understanding of the actual situation in

which people find themselves.

Another central feature of education is the critical attitude, which should also be the case

in musical arts education. There must be a critical awareness of the possibilities and

potential of African music. However, as with all cultures and cultural phenomena, such

awareness should lead to the identification of the enrichment of music and music


78

education that comes about through influences from other cultures It is true that

intercultural influences do not take place in a vacuum, and that such interchanges and

interactions bring about new hybrid forms, both of the kinds of music that people develop

and produce and the strategies for education that they develop.


79

GLOSSARY OF TERMS

Associated royalties: The share paid to an author or composer from the profits derived

from the sale or performance or use of the author’s creation in collaboration with

other individuals or groups. A share paid to the creator for the right to use his/her

invention or services.

Authenticated: Established as being genuine; proven to be the real thing.

Author: A person who creates or originates an idea or work; not limited to written

creations.

Biographical information: Important information that summarizes a person’s life and

work. Generally it includes information on birth, ethnic heritage, cultural

experiences, education, research, community activities or any other matters that

would be of importance to the readers.

Clearinghouse: A location or group through which information or materials regarding a

cultural group or groups is collected and distributed to others.

Consent form: A signed form granting permission for a person or entity to conduct

research or other activities and indicating how the work will be performed or

published.

Copyright: A form of legal protection for both published and unpublished ‘original

works of authorship’ (including literary, dramatic, musical, artistic and certain

other intellectual works), so that they cannot be reproduced without the copyright

holder’s consent. Under current law, copyright is usually held by an individual or

an organization, although efforts are underway to address the issue of copyright

protection for community-shared cultural property.

Cultural accuracy: Cultural information that is accepted by the members of a particular

society as being an appropriate and accurate representation of that society.

Cultural context: The cultural setting or situation in which an idea, custom, skill or art

was created and performed.

Cultural experts: Members of a particular society, with its own cultural tradition, who

are recognized by the rest of the society as knowledgeable of the culture of that

society, especially in the area of arts, beliefs, customs, organization and values.


80

Cultural integrity: With regard to research, the researcher is obliged to respect his/her

informants and the information they provide so that it is presented to others in an

accurate, sensitive and integrated manner.

Cultural perspective: The views generally accepted by elders and knowledgeable

practitioners of a culture.

Cultural responsibilities: The responsibilities that members of a particular society with

its own cultural system have to carry out to understand, promote, protect and

perpetuate cultural information and practices such as language, art, social rules,

values and beliefs; they must do so in an honest and sincere manner.

Culture: A system of ideas and beliefs that can be seen in indigenous peoples’ creations

and activities, which over time come to characterize the people who share in the

system.

Curriculum: A course, or series of courses, in an educational programme. It may include

stories, legends, textbooks, materials and other types of resources for instruction.

Definition: A description that shows how something is like others in a general category,

but also how it is different or distinct from others in that group.

Elders-in-residence: A programme that involves elders in teaching and curriculum

development in a formal educational setting (often a university), and is intended

to impact the content of courses and the way the material is taught.

Explicit acknowledgement: Contributors to materials or information provided by

members of a cultural group must be openly and clearly indicated. This

acknowledgement should include their names, ethnic background and

contributions. Researchers should allow contributors to review the information

provided by them, prior to publication, to ensure that is accurately reflects what

they said or intended.

Guidelines: A set of rules, regulations or suggestions that are set out for those who will

carry out some activity such as preparing a curriculum, writing, reviewing or

organizing materials.

Indigenous community member: A member of an indigenous society, as distinguished

from a stranger, immigrant or others who are not considered full members of the

indigenous society.


81

Indigenous knowledge system: The unified knowledge that originates from and is

characteristic of a particular society and its culture.

Indigenous language specialist: A speaker of a language who is recognized by other

speakers of the language as being fluent in the language and has the ability to

translate and interpret the language correctly.

Informed consent: Consent that is granted only after one understands all that the consent

permits or prohibits and the implications and possible effects of granting that

consent. Appropriate translation services need to be provided for persons to be

truly ‘informed’ when more than one language is involved.

Legal protection: Protected by the laws of a government or society; does not always

have to be in written form (some native laws are passed on through oral tradition

and customary practice).

Manuscript: A written document that may be presented to a publisher or others.

Password protected: A method of protecting access to information; requiring a person to

know a password to gain access to particular information.

Placed-based education: An educational programme that is firmly grounded in a

community’s unique physical, cultural and ecological system, including the

language, knowledge, skills and stories that have been handed down through

generations.

Public domain: Something that is owned by the public and is free from any legal

restriction such as a copyright or patent.

Public information: Information that no longer belongs to an individual or group, but

has become public property, which the general public is allowed to use.

Informants and/or members of a cultural group have a right to understand the use

that will be made of their contributions before cultural knowledge is shared and

allowed to become public information.

Release form: A signed form allowing the performance, sale, publication, use or

circulation of information or a creation. The conditions and future use of the

information or creation must be clearly expressed and explained to the contributor

prior to signing any release. This information should include copyright and

trademark or other ownership rights.


82

Repository: A place where things are placed for safekeeping such as archives, libraries

or museums.

Sensitive cultural information: Cultural information or details that are delicate in nature

and are not meant to be shared with the general public or those outside a particular

cultural group.

Standards for culturally responsive schools: Guidelines developed for schools and

communities to evaluate what they are doing to promote the cultural well-being of

the young people whom they are responsible for educating.

Traditional names: Names that have a history of being commonly used by indigenous

and/or local communities; indigenous names are those derived from the language

of the people who have inhabited the area for countless generations and are

preserved in that language.

Transcript: A written copy of information that has been shared orally; usually in printed

form, including typewritten copies or copies stored in a computer, on disk or in

any other electronic storage and retrieval system.


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