JOHN CLARKE and JOHN BUFFONE Department of Geography, Carleton University, 1125 Colonel By Drive, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada K1 S 586 MANIFESTATIONS OF IMPERIAL POLICY: THE NEW SOUTH WALES SYSTEM A N D LAND PRICES IN UPPER CANADA IN 1825 This paper traces the introduction into Upper Canada of elements of the New South Wales System. The most significant development was the institution in 1825 of a sales policy, at the instigation of the imperialgovernrnent. Using data drawn from PRO/ co 47, stepwise multiple regression analysis is used to describe the 'upset' price of land in relation to six independent variables. Population density, the number of mills, and distance to road are identified as the most significant variables in the minds of those who set land prices. Dans cet article, on fait le soivi de certains Cle'rnents du systeme 'New South Wales' d partir de leur introduction dans le Haut-Canada. Leplus important fait2 signaler est /'institution en 7 825 d'une politique des ventes par le gouvernernent impkial. A I'aide de donnbes tire'es du PRO/CO 47, une analyse de rggression multiple pas-&pas ('step-wise') est utilisee afin de caracte'riser la mise prix des terres par rapport d six variables indgpendantes. L'analyse dgmontre que la densite' de population, le nombre de moulins et la proximite de la route e'taient les variables les plus significatives dans I'esprit des gens qui e'tablissaient les prix des terres. While various researchers have seen the development and settlement of Upper Canada in terms of the im- portance of accessibility (Clarke 1970, 1978; Gentil- core 1972a, 1972b; Brunger 1973), military direction (Gentilcore 1975), the role of the physical environment (Wood 1960, 1961 ; Brunger 1972; Clarke 1972; Centilcore 1972; Clarke and Finnegan 1984; Finnegan 19841, the operation of Government land policy (Patterson 1921 ; Riddell 1937; Craig 1963; Wilson 1968; Gates 1968; Clarke 1971 ;Johnson 1971 ), the importance of land speculation (Clarke 1970, 1975, 1982, 1983; Cagan 1978; Widdis 1979,1982; Shannon 1989; Wood 1992), and the social dimension of settlement (Armstrong 1978; Brunger 1982a, 198213; Marr 1984; Johnson 1989; Clarke 1991 1 , insufficient attention has been devoted to theeconomic factor. In particular, the priceof land, which must have affected so many settlement decisions has been especially ignored. Such work as does exist is concerned only with partof the province rather than thewhole. Thus, Norton (1964) has described land prices in Simcoe County, Ennals (1 978) and Gagan (1 981) touch upon this important theme in their respective work on Hamilton Township and Peel County, and Brunger (1 988) describes prices in the Peterborough area. Russell (1 989) summa- rizes similar data for Emily Township before 1840, and Gray and Prentice (1 982, 1984) describe Wellington County prices from the 1830s to the 1860s. Clarke and Brown (1 982,1987) in a seriesof papersdescribechanges in prices from 1788 to 1850, and cross-sectionally, for Essex County in 1825 and 1851/52. What is needed, however, is a comprehensive study of land prices at particular points in the past, This is in order to guide academic work and to understand the process of European settlement. It also has an important contempo- The Canadian Geographer / Le Gkgraphe canadien 40, no 2 (1 996) 121-36 0 / 1996 Canadian Association of Geographers / L'Association canadienne des geographes
Transcript
JOHN CLARKE and JOHN BUFFONE Department of Geography, Carleton University, 1125 Colonel By Drive, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada K1 S 586
MANIFESTATIONS OF IMPERIAL POLICY: THE NEW SOUTH WALES SYSTEM AND LAND PRICES IN UPPER CANADA IN 1825
This paper traces the introduction into Upper Canada of elements of the New South Wales System. The most significant development was the institution in 1825 of a sales policy, at the instigation of the imperialgovernrnent. Using data drawn from PRO/ co 47, stepwise multiple regression analysis is used to describe the 'upset' price of land in relation to six independent variables. Population density, the number of mills, and distance to road are identified as the most significant variables in the minds of those who set land prices.
Dans cet article, on fait le soivi de certains Cle'rnents du systeme 'New South Wales' d partir de leur introduction dans le Haut-Canada. Leplus important fait2 signaler est /'institution en 7 825 d'une politique des ventes par le gouvernernent impkial. A I'aide de donnbes tire'es du PRO/CO 47, une analyse de rggression multiple pas-&pas ('step-wise') est utilisee afin de caracte'riser la mise prix des terres par rapport d six variables indgpendantes. L'analyse dgmontre que la densite' de population, le nombre de moulins et la proximite de la route e'taient les variables les plus significatives dans I'esprit des gens qui e'tablissaient les prix des terres.
While various researchers have seen the development and settlement of Upper Canada in terms of the im- portance of accessibility (Clarke 1970, 1978; Gentil- core 1972a, 1972b; Brunger 1973), military direction (Gentilcore 1975), the role of the physical environment
(Wood 1960, 1961 ; Brunger 1972; Clarke 1972; Centilcore 1972; Clarke and Finnegan 1984; Finnegan 19841, the operation of Government land policy (Patterson 1921 ; Riddell 1937; Craig 1963; Wilson 1968; Gates 1968; Clarke 1971 ;Johnson 1971 ), the importance of land speculation (Clarke 1970, 1975, 1982, 1983; Cagan 1978; Widdis 1979,1982; Shannon 1989; Wood 1992), and the social dimension of settlement (Armstrong 1978; Brunger 1982a, 198213; Marr 1984; Johnson 1989; Clarke 1991 1, insufficient attention has been devoted to theeconomic factor. In particular, the priceof land, which must have affected so many settlement decisions has been especially ignored. Such work as does exist is concerned only with partof the province rather than thewhole. Thus, Norton (1964) has described land prices in Simcoe County, Ennals (1 978) and Gagan (1 981) touch upon this important theme in their respective work on Hamilton Township and Peel County, and Brunger (1 988) describes prices in the Peterborough area. Russell (1 989) summa- rizes similar data for Emily Township before 1840, and Gray and Prentice (1 982, 1984) describe Wellington County prices from the 1830s to the 1860s. Clarke and Brown (1 982,1987) in a seriesof papersdescribechanges in prices from 1788 to 1850, and cross-sectionally, for Essex County in 1825 and 1851/52.
What is needed, however, is a comprehensive study of land prices at particular points in the past, This i s in order to guide academic work and to understand the process of European settlement. It also has an important contempo-
The Canadian Geographer / Le Gkgraphe canadien 40, no 2 (1 996) 121-36 0 / 1996 Canadian Association of Geographers / L'Association canadienne des geographes
122 John Clarke and John Buffone
rary application, as the Native population seeks compen- sation for past grievances. Such a study is now under way, and this paper is part of that larger study in which we are engaged. It deals not so much with the actual price of land within the territory of Upper Canada as with the price that the government of the day established as the ‘upset’ price to dispose of its vacant land.’ The paper seeks to establish not only the suggested ‘upset’ price, but also to detect what, if anything, influenced that price. Notwithstanding that the land was undeveloped, it s t i l l might well be that the prices established did not in fact reflect the real market value. It was, after all, the role of the government to see Upper Canada developed; to that end it might literally ’have given it away‘.
Certainly, that was largely the case until 1825 and the institution of a sales policy.2 Until then, ‘official grantees’ received land in compensation for their services to the state. These were freed of settlement duties and subject only to a set of ’fees’. These people included members of the civil establishment and United Empire Loyalists and their descendants, as well as those who had served in the armed forces and received the bounty of the state com- mensurate with their rank. Others got land upon the receipt of a location ticket and the completion of settle- ment duties. These varied through time and from place to place but usually involved erection of a dwelling, the clearance of the road in front of the lot, and a specified acreage. Upon testimony that these duties had been performed, settlers were issued a land patent giving them title to the property. After 1825, this system of grants existed side by side with a sales policy: the patent or instrument of legal entitlement issued upon completion of a cash or credit tran~action.~
In itself, this must say something about the economic and political circumstances in the colony. There was obviously still a need to serve those who had in turn served thecrown, and the economywas such that it was possible to envisage monetary sales. The years following the War of 181 2 were years of severe deflation and acute depres- sion, which ended only in 1822. The 1820s were years of recovery and concomitant emigration to Upper Canada that laid the basis of a dominantly agrarian economy, although as McCalla (1993) points out, wood products were roughly equal to wheat exports between 1828 and 1839. Yet farming affected more lives directly. Increas- ingly, it was directed to the production of wheat for commercial export. This view of the importance of wheat, represented in the literature by the work of McCallum (1 980) has recently been challenged by that of Mclnnis (1984, 1989, 1992a, 1992b), by McCalla (1979, 1983, 1993) in the ’Upper Canada Trade’ and most especially in
his ‘Planting a Province’. McCalla denies the existence of a subsistence economy in the strict sense and uses the records of farms and businesses to demonstrate the exist- enceof an exchange economy, almostfrom the beginning of Ontario. A changing government policy permitting a mixed mode operation of grants and purchases must surely testify to the beginnings of sustained incremental change.
Muchoftheimpetusforthechange in land policy came from outside and from a Colonial Office seeking to move the responsibility for growth and for defence onto the shoulders of the colonies themselves (Wilson 1968, 57 and 73). To that end, the Colonial Office’s undersecretary of state, R.J. Wilmot Horton, had been preparing a vast imperial sales scheme that would emerge by 1825 as the New South Wales System (hereafter, NSW). In July 1825, the colonial secretary, the Earl Bathurst, relayed the NSW
rules for land granting to Sir Peregrine Maitland, the lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, and his Executive C ~ u n c i l . ~ He was, in fact, soliciting opinion about the suitability of the scheme to Upper Canada. In particular, Bathurst was seeking the advice of his friend, John Beverley Robinson, whom he had introduced to British society and who was in England at the time. As a former attorney-general, solicitor-general, and the leader of the government party, Robinson was well acquainted with the Upper Canadian circumstances and with the constant threat of economic collapse and depression in the post 181 2-1 4 War era. With some lumbering but little indus- trial or mercantile development, Upper Canada was to a considerable extent dependent on the disposal of land as the basis of its economy (Wilson 1968, 57).
The NSW model contained 20 points; two relating to the use of convicts in achieving remittance of the original purchase price and (in the case of a grant of land) or redemption of Quit Rent credits, were without meaning in Upper Canada. Robinson suggested the addition of legal interest for instalment buying and proposed that the scheme be administered through the Upper Canadian Township,whichwould be50squaremiles,exactlytwice the size of a New South Wales parish. He recommended the addition of the Upper Canadian practice of reserving mines, minerals, and white pine, reduced the maximum size of grant to be made from the 2560 acres recom- mended for New South Wales to 1200 in Upper Canada and the minimum from 320 to 100 acres. Basically, he accepted the proposal that purchases by individuals be limited to 10 000 acres dispensed in quantities of 100 acres; the NSW conditions allowed 9600 acres in lots of 1920. The Upper Canadian insistence on smaller grants presumably reflected a more grain-oriented economy
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 40, no 2 (1 996)
New South Wales System and Land Prices in Upper Canada, 1825 123
than in NSW, alreadypassing into pastoralism (jeans 1972). After pointing out the peculiar circumstances of Upper
Canada resulting from its relationship with the territories that became the United States and the need to provide for military claimants and United Empire Loyalists (UELS),
Robinson saw fit to support the proposal.
The few alterations that it occurs to me to Suggest will perhaps be most conveniently presented to consideration in a paper framed upon that referred to me and adapted according to my Judgement to Upper Canada. This I have therefore taken the liberty of doing with the desire of avoiding all unnecessary deviation, because the more uniform Such a System can be made throughout the Colonies, the better and I think the principles and details of the one before me appear to have been well considered. His Excel- lency, the Lieutenant-Governor and the Council to whose con- sideration the change of System will most probably be Submitted before it is acted upon will be able I dare say to Suggest Some Valuable improvements?
The ExecutiveCouncil relayed a positive recommenda- tion to the lieutenant-governor on 29 October 1825, pointing out that the rules for New South Wales and Van Diemen‘s land ’with the modifications Suggested by Mr. Robinson, which almost entirely anticipate those which have occurred to the Board, may be adopted with Great advantage in this province’. Upon examination by the Council,’ the following had been concluded: (1 ) the proposed system would not militate against emigration, since land could still be obtained on grants against a quit rent of 5 percent per annum; (2) the system offered ’an advantage to Capitalists’. In this way, ‘a commerce in lands may be gradually opened highly beneficial to the Province, and married Men be induced by a fair prospect of gain to Settle among US'^; (3) given the base population and the rate of natural increase, natural reproduction would put pressures on a diminishing land base even without emigration. Given this, ‘the Same reasons for promiscuous grants do not now exist, that may have induced them heret~fore’.~
This policy, adopted officially in January 1826’O and effectively in July of that year (Patterson 1921, 145), put into place a dual system of land grants and sales. The lat- ter had been advocated as early as 1798 by Governor Prescott and most recently, for the Crown Reserves, by Robinson (Patterson 1921,143-45; Wilson 1968,72-74). Application for grant or purchase had to be made on a prescribed form at a prescribed fee, and all correspond- ence had to go through a single office. No one was to receive a grant of over 200 acres unless the government was satisfied of his ability to expend a capital equal to half
The Canadian Geographer / Le Ceographe canadien 40, no 2 (1996)
its estimated value; grantees under 200 acres had to reside upon and improve their property. Proof of meeting these stipulations was required, and the land was to be forfeit if they were not met. The terms for grants was to be a quit- rent of five pounds per cent per annum, redeemable within the first 25 yearsfora sum of20 times thequit-rent. Annual payments were not due until after the first seven years of occupation. In recommending this policy, the Executive council noted that:
_.. any Man disposed to labour may with the utmost confidence comply with the conditions required, for if, for example, he take upone hundred acresatfourshillingsperacre, thewholeamount i s twenty Pounds on which he pays nothing for Seven years after which the annual Quit Rent is only One Pound, with the right of redemption, for paying up the twenty Pounds any time within twenty five years from the date of each Grant.”
If the same person wanted another grant, he had to pay the quit-rent on it from the beginning. Those who sought to buy could pay in quarterly or annual instalments, but a 10 percent discount was to be offered for ‘ready money’. On final payment, a grant in fee simple would issue to the purchaser at government expense. Those seeking pur- chases of more than 10 000 acres could apply to the secretary of state. Compensation would have to be pre- pared for those officials who had lived by the older system of grants.12 To make the plan operational, the land had to be evaluated before being sold at advertised auctions to the highest bidder; if the assessed value was not met, no sale would occur.
In 1825 and the early part of 1826, the government asked the members of the legislature, the District Land Boards, the surveyors, the Grand Jurymen, the Magistrates in Quarter Sessions, and Colonel Thomas Talbot13 to evaluate the townships in their respectivedistricts in terms of soils, situation, previous cash and credit sales based on instalments in the last five years, and how much they thought the land was worth. Where townships had not yet been surveyed or open to location, it was recommended that the value fixed upon by the Legislature in 181 1 , 1 4 as the basis of assessment, be used for a minimum price. In such circumstances, it was thought expedient to admit 40 or 50 settlers at two shillings per acre; from their interac- tion, a future price might be fixed. Such action would absorb those emigrants who had come presuming the old circumstances still applied. This would occur before the change would be known in the chief recruiting area for settlers, namely the United Kingdom.
Not to dampen emigration, the price in the new town- ships should be set at less than the average valuation so as
124 John Clarke and John Buffone
to encourage sales of government land rather than pur- chases from individuals. Population could be used as a surrogate for land value ‘when positive evidence is want- ing’. In the older townships, after ascertaining the general value of land, a price could be fixed and the land sold at public auction to the highest bidder.15 It i s within these guidelines and the resultant evaluations, that data can be obtained, to study what the individuals involved with the administration of the colony thought vacant land to be worth.
Source Materials and Method
Theresultofthis inquirywasareportmade to theColonial Office using the township as the basis of evaluation,\16 Three variables were reported for price: previous cash sales or ‘ready money’, credit sales made by instalments, and the assessors’ personal view on a fair price for land. Not all categories were returned for any one township. Given this and the fact that 61 individuals of varying backgrounds and experience, as well as institutions such as the Land Boards and the judiciary, were involved, a fair degree of variability exists in the data.” Table ‘I is illustrative. It representsasummaryofthetownshipsofthe Midland District by the deputy surveyor, William Conger, and two government bodies represented by the Land Board and the Magistrates of the Quarter Sessions. Not all the assessors gave values for each of three categories or all townships within the district. Only William Conger gave a value for land sold on cash. Some individuals who went into greater detail gave prices in ranges for good and bad lands, depending on the situation. For example, the Land Board gives a range of values based on credit because of the lot location within the area (co 47, 226).
In qualitative terms, in the document (co 47), some individuals including William Allan (member of the Leg- islative Assembly for the Home District) and Samuel Wilmot (Deputy Surveyor in the Newcastle District) in- cluded their own land transactions to report their values (co 47, 160 and 266). Some individuals noted their reservations about placing one value for land price at the scale of the township. The Land Board of Midland District stated that ‘the true value depends on local circum- stances’ (co 47, 225). Richard Wright of Newcastle Dis- trict wrote that he also thought it was ‘morally wrong‘ for him to give his own assessment (co 47, 152). Anthony Swallwell, deputy surveyor in theOttawa Districtthought that local woodsmen would provide better appraisals of land (co 47, 234).
In quantitative terms, there were fewer reports of cash price (2 = 2.80, s.d. = 1.49, n = 167) than of credit (R =
4.34, s.d. = 2.60, n = 202) or reports of ’personal opinion’ (2 = 4.92, s.d. = 2.58, n = 21 7), perhaps because of the greater need for credit. This might also point, however, to the dedication of the particular assessor. It is important to recognize that for individual townships, the number of values given was not very high. One hundred and ninety- six of a total of 586 observations in all categories were fewer than three. At the other extreme, there was one township with 12 observations- Pelham Township in the Niagara Peninsula. In terms of the actual prices paid, the credit price per township was higher on average and morecommon (R= 133.31 pence,s.d.= 102.46,n=876) than that of the cash price (2 = 108.45, s.d. = 157.55, n = 466),18 but this was in turn higher than that assessed by particular individuals and the Executive Council (% = 93.87, s.d. = 76.47, n = 1067).19 Given the general variability in thesefigures, the Executive Council came to a reasonable conclusion:
The Council have had under its considerations the Returns received from the different Districts respecting the value of the ungranted lands of the Crown in each.
These afford a good deal of information but it i s necessary to remark that they are found in some instances to vary [our emphasis] So much; and without any apparent reasons and in others to fall so far short of the known value of the land, that the Council have felt obliged to exercise its own judgement, and to recommend such a valuation as it considers just towards the Government and at the same time reasonable in regards the purchasers, as exhibited by the Grant Schedule.20
Using the coefficient of variability, it was found that hard cash showed the largest variability (cv = I&), followed by ‘personally assessed values’ (cv = 0.81 ) and credit sales (cv = 0.77).*’ At the district scale, some variability was also exhibited. Table 2 shows the means and standard deviations for each of the three variables and for those partsof theeleven administrativedistricts for which returns were made (Figure 1). Coefficients of variability were also calculated for these data. The credit priceof land exhibited the least variability within six of the eleven districts. The Home District showed a great deal of variability across the three price categories, which may be a result of the inclusion of the provincial capital, York.22 Other districts, including the Eastern and Western Dis- tricts, showed no differences in extent of variability across price ranges. As can easily be seen, the Executive Council was correct with respect to the variability in the data. Such variability mightwell reflect thesmall number of observa- tions on which cash and credit values were established or it might simply reflect differences resulting from varying
The Canadian Geographer / Le Ceographe canadien 40, IX) 2 (1 996)
New South Wales System and Land Prices in Upper Canada, 1825 125
Table 1 Land Values for the Midland District and for Selected Assessors
Credit Cash Personal prices prices opinion Assessor
Eastern Western Ottawa Bathurst Johnstown Gore Home London Midland Newcastle Niagara
25 6 5 - -
31 142
19 71
1 1 1 56
112.02 158.33 1 1 6.40
-
- 137.61 106.18 85.82
127.01 46.75
196.88
38.97 78.59 33.03
- -
78.57 254.46 50.76 67.81 25.01
119.21
42 32
7
3 94
216 59
139 138 146
-
136.86 45.94
137.14
121.67 144.31 121.14 96.07
151.88
227.62
-
61.53
52.46 19.43 48.55
27.54 73.23 27.54 36.89 77.25 41.36 98.43
-
30 45 1 5 9 7
1 1 1 246 1 76 128 146 154
89.70 33.97 56.73 50.67 68.14
1 1 3.53 91.93 67.37
108.52 43.77
174.03
34.07 16.33 29.45 5.29
11.58 95.46 68.01 36.05 68.60 23.65 96.33
combinations of experience in the townships that com- pose the districts. Because of this variability, it seemed to the authors that the personal opinions of observers in the field, mitigated by the insights of the Executive Council, would provide thesingle best measure of price-although all three variables were interrelated.23 Consequently, the Executive Council’s opinion of the value of land in townships not reported by the assessors was included in the variable ’personally assessed value’.
Maps of the three variables expressed in pence per acres (240 to the pound) were prepared. The results were similar, although the zone in which credit prices were granted was spatially more extensive; because of this and because they represent the views of those administering the land system, the personally assessed values have been presented here (Figure 2). They will be discussed under ‘Analysis.’ The pattern suggested several variables worth consideration - most especially population density, a
frequent surrogate for demand and mentioned as such in thedocument itself.24 Linked tothisnotion is that a market was within reach. Thus, distance to market was also c0nsidered.2~ The markets chosen were taken from the work of Power (1 974, 12) on the connectivity of urban ares by road in Upper Canada in 1826. His choice of urban places placed an importance on linkage between urban centres and potential interaction.26
Accessibility to road and water were also included, the former as a density function,*’ the latter as distance from the centre of the township to the nearest water body or the coast.28 Distances were measured on the same map as that for distance to market.
Specific sites with certain functions were also seen to influence land values - including the presence of taverns, schools, and mills. The appendices of the journals of the House of Assembly of Upper Canada (JHA) provided systematic data on just oneof these-the number of mills
The Canadian Geographer / Le Ceographe canadien 40, no 2 (1 996)
New South Wales System and Land Prices in Upper Canada, 1825 127
4 Johnatown
LAKE ONTARIO
10 London 11 Western
TOWNSHIPS
Figure 1
-allowing for the inclusion of a site attribute in this way. The final variable included was length of time since first Settlement; it was expected that price might be inversely related to time. In this way, six variables were included in a stepwise multiple regression. The dependent variable was price per acre; the independents were (1) population density per square mile, (2) road density, ( 3 ) distance to nearest market, (4) distance to the nearest water body, (5) number of mills per township, and (6) length of time from first settlement.
Analysis
Figure 2 shows the distribution of land prices per acre in Ontario at this time as seen through the eyes of govern- ment, its personnel, and informants. The results reflect a
well-established pattern consequent upon particular his- torical events - the development of road networks and the flows of people. The map is, in many ways, that of population and accessibility seen in the work of Centilcore (1 972a) and of core areas and corridors exem- plified in that of Whebell (1 969). The highest prices are shown to have been in the Niagara Peninsula and in the townships of Kingston, Ernestown, Fredericksburgh, and Adolphustown (Figure 1). By examination, the lowest values were to be found in the Western District, in the townships of Camden West and Dover (Figure l ) , and in the rear parts of the Newcastle District. Secondary cores of relatively high prices are shown on this map around the townships of Cornwall and even more extensively around York. The regional dimensions of this distribution are only too obvious. Table 2 summarizes this in terms of the
The Canadian Geographer / Le GBographe canadien 40, no 2 (1 996)
128 John Clarke and John Buffone
Figure 2
administrative structure of the day. In terms of the third variable, ‘personally assessed land value’, a series of ’t’ testson ranked districts showed fourgr~upings.~~Thefirst of these consisted of the Niagara District30; the second, the spatially separated Gore and Midland district^.^' Group three consisted of the Home, Eastern, Johnstown, London, Ottawa, Bathurst, and Newcastle Districts - and there was a fourth -the Western
As indicated above, all threesetsof pricewereanalyzed using stepwise multiple regression and six independent variables. The total number of cases for which all data were available was 147 out of a potential 21 7 townships. All the variables, except for date of first settlement, were positively skewed. Regressions of logarithmically trans- formed and untransformed data were explored. Since the results of the untransformed data set were conceptually simpler and thevaluesofP higher, thisdata setwas used. The results can be found on Table 3.
Three variables were not sufficiently robust statistically
to enter the analysis (Table 3). These were ’distance to market’ and ‘distance to water body‘ and ’the length of time since first settlement’. It might simply be that, given the stage of economic development, these are not the best indicators and that the variables of population density, road density, and number of mills are better surrogates for an, as yet, maturing economy. There may also have been problems making these operational. Distances were com- puted in a straight-line rather than a real-world manner, and the centres that Powers identified as appropriate for his study may not be the most meaningful in determining price at a more local scale.
For instance, co 47, speaking through the voice of one of the regional assessors, Thomas Smith, indicates that the real market in the Western District was Amherstburg, rather than Sandwich. Amherstburg had the population, the military presence, a suitable soil for agriculture in i ts hinterland, and even a stone quarry (co 47,136 and 142). Sandwich is mentioned by both assessors but is not seen
The Canadian Geographer / Le Ceographe canadien 40, no 2 (1 996)
New South Wales System and Land Prices in Upper Canada, 1825 129
Table 3 Regression Results of Cash Land Prices in Upper Canada, 1825-26
Equation R2 n F
Cash Price P = 49.33 t 3179 CX,) 0.73 103 1 1 2.4**
Personally Assessed Value P = 35.71 + 1941 (X , ) t 45.61 (X,) t 1.81 (XI) 0.88 127 133.96**
‘Where Y* is the price in the respective class, XI is the population density, X2 is the road density, and XI is the number of mills. **significant at the 95 percent confidence level
NOTES:
as a major factor, and the village of Chatham is not referred to at all, although Power, using the criterion of potential interaction, regarded it as important - even though its period of great growth lay ahead. On the other hand, co 47 identifies places at the local level, which would not meet any provincial standard -for example, St. David’s in the Niagara District (co 47, 53).
It may be that the real measure of market was much more local than the design permitted or that specific referees had an inflated sense of some local phenomenon with which they were particularly familiar. Again, poten- tial or actual land use in the surrounding area would have played a part in setting prices (McCalla 1993, 68). In the same way, co 47 makes reference to a number of rivers, creeks, and streams of local import. These are not explic- itly included in our research design, which is premised on the provincial level. Examples include the Petite Nation and Rivihres aux Raisons in the Eastern District (co 47, 185, and 229) and Twelve Mile, Chippewa, and Lyon’s Creek in the Niagara District (co 47, 37, and 41). More- over, the absence of a return for the Bathurst District and the limitation to one return for the Ottawa and Johnstown Districts may have affected the outcome.
In all three relationships, population density was the most important criterion; indeed, with respect to cash transactions, it was the only one. Number of mills ap- peared as a second descriptor in credit transactions, and in the analysis of personally assessed values, all three variables were deemed significant. Population ’ex- plained’ 85.1 percent of the variance in this third, most meaningful, relationship. Population i s here a surrogate for demand, and where it was high, any unsettled land would have a high value attached to it. Accessibility, albeit to a relatively primitive system (Burghardt 1969; Power 1974) added only 1.8 percent to the explanation and mills an additional 0.6 percent. Mills, as Gentilcore
(1 972a, 23-44) noted, were places where farmers congre- gated; other services were offered in close proximity and mill sites often grew into villages. Elsewhere, Gilmour (1 972) has shown that the movement of mills documents changes in the economy, and, presumably thereby, changes in land values. In fact, all three variables are part of a more general settlement process.
Figure 3 represents the distribution of standardized residuals greater or less than one for the above equation. The extreme residuals all lie within or close to the early core areas of settlement in the province. Niagara, the Western District, the Bay of Quinte, and Cornwall arewell represented on this map. Positive residuals represent areas where the assessors placed a higher value on land than would seem justified by the level of population density, road density, or number of mills. Negative residuals represent areas where the equation predicted higher values commensurate with development but the assessors felt a lower figure was justified. The question i s what did the assessors know about these particular areas that mightjustifytheirdecisions? In thecaseofthe positive residuals, these lie in and around what we currently call the Golden Horseshoe, which in 1825 was in the process of ‘becoming’. Certain areas were, in the view of the assessors, worth more than their existing conditions justi- fied. These included areas where the Welland Canal was to be built, a development which, along with the cutting of Hamilton’s harbour bar, was expected to transform the regional economy (Gentilcore 1972 a, 32-33).
The negative residuals in Essex may have resulted from the realization of the county’s remoteness from the bur- geoning economic centres, increasingly focused upon Niagara and York. They may also be due to the growing awareness of its limited agricultural future, given i ts physical endowment, and to the personal views of the surveyors, Rankin and Smith, who made the return.
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 40, no 2 (1 996)
130 John Clarke and John Buffone
Figure 3
Similarly, remoteness and endowment may have affected evaluations at the other end of the province in Cornwall, Charlottenburg, Osnabruck, and Finch townships (Figure 1 ). For example, given Cornwall’s population density and its access to Montreal and to a road network, it might seem that the price of land here should have been higher than it was.
The residuals located around the Long Point area in the London District may have resulted from the shift of the District capital to the town of London in 1826 (Whebell 1968, 105; 1992). Developments in this direction were facilitated by the extension of Dundas Street to the new capital, Talbot’s superintendence of a successful settle- ment in the area, a fire in the gaol and courthouse in the old district capital, and the operation of the Canada Land Company in the immediate and adjoining areas (Gentilcore 1972a, 34). Could the negative and positive residuals in the area represent knowledgeofthesecircum- stances? Whebell (1972, 11 1) discusses how local elites
did a good deal of manoeuvring to obtain this new designation for their own areas because new political functions attracted other services, in much the same way as mills (Whebell 1972).
As for negative residuals, there i s a large cluster within the District of Newcastle. It was here that, in 1825, the Honourable Peter Robinson began his settlement of Ro- man Catholic Irish in the north-central townships of the district (Brunger 1982b, 275). The town of Peterborough was also being established at this time. How this settle- ment scheme affected land values can be interpreted in several manners. Was the land undervalued by the asses- sors because of this particular settlement process, the Irish being in part a ‘captive’ market? Their desires for propin- quity with kin, which Brunger describes, may have placed a greater importance on price than the assessors would allow (Brunger 1982b, 276). Were the Irish the reason for the relatively poor assessment of the area? Other social forces affecting the perception of price in this area may
The Canadian Geographer / Le Chgraphe canadien 40, no 2 (1 996)
New South Wales System and Land Prices in U p p e r Canada, 1825 131
have been the existence of land speculation. Certainly, Richard Birdsall, thedeputy-surveyor, commented that in Cramahe, Haldimand, Hamilton, and Monaghan Town- ships (shown as negative residuals), there was a large amount of absentee ownership (co 47, 242).
Generally, land speculation may have affected the views of the assessors throughout the province and in particular parts. This involved individuals within the political structure who contributed to reports of land value- most notably, William Allan, a member of the so- called Family Compact (Johnson 1971,42). Such activity has been well documented for Essex (Clarke 1975,1982, 1983). Individuals mentioned by Clarke and appearing in the source document include Mahlon Burwell, Roswell Mount, Thomas Smith, William Allan, and the Honour- able Thomas Clark. These people also operated through- out the province, and their advice may have been affected by their desire for land - although it is also possible that they were best qualified to give such advice, knowing their own business. There were others among the asses- sors who might also have speculated; the list of assessors for the province included a much larger body known to the authors for their land and entrepreneurial dealings (e.g., Richard Beasley, John Clark, Augustus Jones, George Keefer). Although the degree of land speculation is difficult to assess, it undoubtedly affected land value.
The physical environment may be also considered germane to the analysis of residuals. In the case of the Newcastle District, Brunger (1 982) describes how the physical resources of the area were not fruitful for agricul- tural activity. Physical phenomena were not placed in the original analysis, because the nature of the data was too generalized at the township scale. Soils were too often described as ‘good‘ or ’bad’ and only sometimes as ‘rich grey mould’ or ‘clay’. A chi-square analysis of residuals was used to resolve this problem by comparing negative and positive residuals versus good or bad soil as desig- nated by the assessors. The chi-square value was insuffi- cient to reject the null hypothesis. If there was no statisti- cal relationship to land price, this may be because the value of land was based on its capacity to produce wheat, and in the early part of the century this was thought to be possible everywhere. It was only gradually that climatic and edaphic limits for the province became known (Kelly 1974).
Personally Assessed Values versus Actual Land Values
The Colonial Office report summarizes the information on vacant land values, collected by certain individuals. How did their values compare to the actual land values at
that time? The deed books provide the best source of information for this data. Within these volumes, the date, the grantor and grantee, the amount of money, the acre- age, and even its location are all given - as would be expected in a document recording the legal documenta- tion of all land transactions. Even indentures, which in reality could be any number of types of transactions, can be clearly identified in the deed books as a land sale. In this manner, they are more advantageous than the com- monly used Abstract Index to Deeds. For the purposes of this exercise, only ‘bargain and sales‘ transactions were used. These prices were compared to actual sale prices in selected townships across the Province33 for which prices were most readily available. The summary statistics of the personally assessed values and the actual -from here on, called REAL values- are given in Table 4. Not surprisingly, there was a great degree of variability between the number of occurrences found in each township. It was common to find the same lot being sold more than once in the two-year time period chosen. Only transactions that were dated January 1, 1824 to December 31, 1825 were considered.
Table 4 shows some general trends. The most obvious is that the REAL land value was of a higher magnitude than that of the personally assessed land values. One reason for the difference is that the REAL values may represent areas that already have houses, farms, stables, docks and I or roads that come with the property when sold. The person- ally assessed land values are for lands that are vacant and for sales over a longer period of time.
Conclusion
Regardless of the dependent variable, population density clearly explained at least 70 percent of the variance. This variable of demand and of development clearly shows that land values would be higher where there was a prior form of settlement. In two of the regressions, the number of millsalsoaccountedforasmall amountofthevariance, indicating that local infrastructure was also an important consideration. For example, a measure of accessibility to roads appeared only in the regression of personally as- sessed data. Others that were considered (notably, dis- tance to market and water) might have been measured other than in straight lines.
The residuals from regression (Figure 3) were closely related to the core areas of settlement described by Whebell. Other factors, such as land speculation and policy decisions that established, for example, Robinson settlers in the Newcastle District, may also account for their distribution. The physical environment was not
The Canadian Geographer / Le Ckographe canadien 40, no 2 (1996)
132 John Clarke and John Buffone
Table 4 Comparison of Personal Assessed Data to Actual Land Sales
Dist Township X
REAL
s.d. n Personal Assessors’
X s.d. n
BATH
EAST
EAST
EAST
EAST
LOND
LOND
LOND
LONO
LON0
LOND
LOND
LOND
LOND
LOND
LOND
LOND
LONO
NEWC
NEWC
NEWC
NEWC
NEWC
NEW
NEWC
NEWC
NEWC
NEWC
NEWC
NEWC
NEWC
WEST
WEST
WEST
WEST
WEST
WEST
WEST
March Matilda Mountain Williamsburg Winchester Aldborough Bayham Carradoc Dorchester. N. Dorchester. S. Dunwich Lob0 London Malahide Mosa Southwold Westminster Yarmouth Asphodel Belmont Cramahe Emily Haldimand Hamilton Harvey Monaghan Murray Otonabee Percy Seymour Smith Colchester Gosfield Maidstone Malden Mersea Rochester Sandwich
District Code: BATH = Bathurst, EAST = Eastern, LONO = London, NEWC = Newcastle, WEST = Western
soum: Calculations by authors
identified statistically as a factor, and this may reflect the fact that the edaphic and climatic limits on agriculture may not yet have been clearly established. On the other hand, the assessors simply described soils as ‘good‘ or ’bad’-a nominal level that may not beuseful analytically. Yet, in the source document, some of the assessors noticed this and gave a rangeof land values dependingon the local soil situation. The fact that the source of the data was provided in a report by the individuals who are part of the several processes mentioned above is interesting
and leadstothequestionofwhyland incertainolderareas was undervalued or overvalued.
This study has shown that those who purported to know about the price of vacant Crown land in Ontario believed land to be worth 94 pence per acre on average, and that in 68 percent (1 s.d.) of the cases , it varied between 17 pence (1 s / 5d) and 1 70 pence (1 4sI2d). The data on cash transactions suggested that this value should be higher and that, on credit, the average price was about 11 shillings (1 33.31 pence). Because of the smaller number
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 40, no 2 (1996)
New South Wales System and Land Prices in Upper Canada, 1825 133
of cases for each township, it seems to these authors that the contemporary experts, possessing personal insights, probably provided the best approximation of land value at this time. The analysis of the data they generated revealed a larger set of forces, denoting the importance its creators attached to population, to accessibility via road and to proximity to mill. The statistics of this study shows only what they may have thought important. Having said that, it is important to point out that, with the exception of the members of the Executive Council, who as recipients of the report had an overall perspective, the view of most assessors was local. The continuity implied by the authors of the present paper may or may not therefore be correct.
Even if the figures obtained for particular townships are discrete quantities there is no absolute evidence that they were obtained in a particular instance. As pointed out earlier, land was sold at auction against a minimum upset price determined by the government representatives in an, as yet, unidentified manner.The ExecutiveCounciI, as seen in the excerpts taken from the Land Books, thought the report to contain both good and bad information. co 47 may have been used to guide such decisions. Only comparison with actual sales at auction would permit such comparison of the suggested 'upset' price and the price actually obtained. The study prompts such work in the Upper Canadian context. Equally interesting might be some direct comparison with Upper Canada's antipo- dean parallel, New South Wales.
Even in a Canadian context, the data could be studied in other ways. The assessors could be divided into differ- ent groups by their occupations - for example, deputy surveyors; positions in the political, judicial, and admin- istrative structure of the time; and even by their cultural background (ethnic background or religious affiliation). The individual assessments themselves may reveal addi- tional comments on attitudes towards land. For example, Anthony Swallwell in the Ottawa District (co 47, 236) mentions that Canadians were more likely than Europe- ans to settle on particular types of land depending on the soil composition. However intriguing, it is to the study of actual land prices in 1825 that we will turn in the immediate future.
What of the fate and impact of this policy begun in 18262 Itwassubjecttocriticism, includingthefactthatthe grant system continued to serve 'favourites' and promoted 'clientage'. The time taken to make the assessments was a source of discontent. Moreover, many were unhappy with the 'upset price' when this was eventually an- nounced. Individuals had to accept what the Crown lands commissioner, appointed under the new scheme, chose to put on the market. At auction, these same people could
be outbid by a speculator who often ignored his 'pur- chase' if he could not find someone to turn it over to at a profit. He was assisted in doing so by the existence of creditterms and the fact that no deposit was needed. lfthe speculator was successful against a potential settler, the lattermighthavetopayapremiumof$50to$lOOthenext day to secure the land. Criticism of the policy continued, although it had been introduced by the Imperial Govern- ment to reduce criticism.
There was opposition from the beginning from the Canada Land Company, which held that government should not be in competition with private business in retailing land. Their opposition to the 'quit-rent' system, introduced by Wilmot-Horton to assist British paupers, was probably strong enough to secure the abolition of 'quit-rents'in 1831,theyearinwhichthetimeallowedfor instalment paying was reduced from five years to two (Gates 1968, 179). The Company also felt aggrieved that the terms offered to purchasers of 10 000 acres were superior to those which it had received in its dealings with the government. In fact, between January 1826 and June 30, 1838, only about 100 000 acres of Crown land was sold - less than one-third of the amount granted to discharged soldiers and sailors in the same period. Addi- tionally, Gates asserts, more than ten times this amount went to United Empire Loyalists and Militia claimants (Gates 1968; 139, 173).
All of this was sufficient to keep land before the public as a source of discontent. It was argued by the 'Reformers' who opposed the government that for the Crown to benefit from the enhanced value of land and to appro- priate revenue without the agreement of the House of Assembly was to tax without consent. What they sought was recognition that the resources of the province were provincial and not imperial capital. Land and land policy constituted an important part of the circumstances lead- ing to rebellion in this province in 1837.
Acknowledgments
E . Clement, I. Wallace, C.F.J. Whebell, C. Vogel; the anonymous referees and the editors of this journal; and, in part, the financial assistance of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC).
Notes
1 The original documentation reproduced in J. Clarke and I. Buffone (1994) speaks of 'waste' and 'unappropriated' land.
2 For a larger discussion of land policy before 1825 and the institution of a sales policy in 1825, see 1. Clarke and 1. Buffone (1994).
3 National Archives of Canada, Executive Council Records, RC 1, 11, vol31, Upper Canada Land Minute Book M, 420-23, microfilm reel C-104, Letter& Opinion oflohn Beverley Robinson, Esquire, Attorney
The Canadian Geographer / Le Ceographe canadien 40, no 2 (1996)
134 John Clarke and John Buffone
General (addressed to R. Wilmot Horton)on the Prospects of adopting in Upper Canada, the Rules established for Granting Lands in New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land, London, 7 July 1825
5 Brode (1 984); Saunders (1 976); Robinson was disposed to the needs of capital andcapitalists to an extent which Weaver suggests probably affected his judgment as a member ofthe judiciary. See, for example, Saunders (1990) and Cook (1976).
6 NAC, Rcl, ~ 1 , vol 31, 420; Letter and Opinion of John Beverley Robinson, Esquire, Attorney-General, on the prospects of adopting in UpperCanada, the Rulesestablishedfor Granting Lands in New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land. The letter written from 56 Cower Street was addressed to the colonial secretary, R. Wilmot-Horton on 7 July 1825.
7 NAC, RC 1, t1, vol 31, 424; Executive Council to His Excellency, Sir Peregrine Maitland, Executive Council Chamber, Saturday, 29th October 1825. Those present on 29th October 1825 when the issue was discussed were the Chief Justice, the Honorable William Campbell, the Honorable James Baby, the Honorable Samuel Smith and the Honorable and Reverend Doctor John Trachan.
8 Ibid. 426, 29 October 1825 9 Ibid. 425,29 October 1825
10 NAC, RC 1, ~ 1 , vol 31, 45658; W. Campbell to His Excellency Sir Peregrine Maitland, K.C.B., Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Upper Canada and Major-General Commanding His Majesty’s Forces, Executive Council, 21 November 1825; Notice to be pub- lished in the Upper Canada Gazette on the new Arrangement for Grants on the Waste Lands of the Crown to take effect 1 January 1825, Ibid., 459-61.
12 NAC, RC 1, ~1,607; Minutes of the Executive Council, 14 March 1826. 13 Talbot argued that the new sales system did not guarantee the
improvement of land and was not suited to poor settlers. He was able to ensure that the legislation did not affect the areas he supervised (Gates 1968,171-72).
11 NAC,RC1,Ll,V0131,425.
14 NAC, RG 1, ~1,457, 21 November 1825 15 Ibid., Campbell to Maitland, 21 November 1825 16 PRO, RG 47, vol 1 15 (hereafter, co 47). The terms of the Schedule by
which these data were to be gathered are given in NAC, RC 1,~1,501, 16 December 1825.
17 Ofthe 61 assessors, seven were institutional and 54 were individuals. Of the 54, 39 were land surveyors and 24 were politicians or public servants. These 54 individuals held 114 occupations or offices up to 1825.
18 t = 3.1, with 1342 df; significant at 0.05. 19 t = 1.9, with 1531 df; significant at 0.05. 20 NAC, RC 1, ~ 1 , vol 31, 9 June, 1826, 640. 21 The coefficient of variability is defined as the standard deviation
divided by the mean (McCrew and Monroe 1993,47-49). 22 For example, the cv for cash price for the Home District was 2.4, the
equivalents for credit price and ’personally assessed value’ were 0.23 and 0.74, respectively.
23 Credit versus cash and cash versus value produced Rs of 0.87 and 0.76, significantat95 percent, with 165 df;creditversusvalueyielded 0.93, significant with 200 df at the 95 percent confidence level.
24 NAC, Appendices to the journals of the House of Upper Canada for 1828; Journal and Appendices of the Parliament of Upper Canada, Session 128, 15 January 1828 to 25 March 1829.
25 Distance was measured in miles in a straight-line fashion on a 1 :1,000,000 map of Southern Ontario (Department of Energy, Mines and Resources, 1969, MCR~O).
26 These centres included Sandwich, Amherstburg, Chatham, Port Talbot, London, St. Thomas, Dundas, Hamilton, St. Catharines, Do- ver, Fort Erie, Niagara, Queenston, York, Newmarket, Port Hope, Cobourg, Belleville, Bath, Kingston, Cananoque, Brockville, Perth, Prescott, and Cornwall. Montreal was also added by the authors because of its proximity to the Eastern Townships of the province and because of its financial and political importance.
27 Density was measured with the aid of a dot screen on a manuscript map provided by C.F.J. Whebell. See Whebell (1969).
28 The nearest major water routes included the Great Lakes system, Rideau River, Ottawa River, St. Lawrence River, Niagara River, Thames River, and the Detroit River. The Rideau River was included because there had been a considerable discussion of the need for a canal following the War of 181 2 to facilitate the movement of troops away from the St. Lawrence. The construction of the canal com- menced in 1826. This may have contributed to the perceptions of land values in this area.
29 In substantive terms this appears sensible. In statistical terms it is arguable that ANOVA procedures be used. In fact this was done and Fof41.38,significantwith lOand 1056dfwascalculated.Tukey’stest supported the argument of significantdifferences and groupings in the data.
30 t = -5.1 1, which with 263 df proved significantly different from Gore District, at the 95 percent confidence level.
31 With a t = 0.48 and 237 df, Gore and Midland proved statistically alike at the 95 percent confidence level. Midland was different from the Home District; t = -2.23 and 372 df.
32 The ‘t’ statistic for Newcastle and Western Districts was 2.59 for 189 df.
33 PAO, Upper Canada Land Book M, Volume M (Reel c-104); PAO,
Surveyor’s Reports - 1826, PRO Colonial Office Record Group 47, vol 115, [Reel b-2191; PAO, Carleton County, Deeds, vol 1-60, 1824- 1827, [Reel GS35991; PAO Middlesex County, Deeds, vol B, 181 7- 1828, [Reel (3201 1; PAO, Northumberland County, Deeds, vols D-E, 1819-1826, [Reel GS47821; PAO, Dundas County, Deeds vols A-B, 1800-1 839, [Reel GS3799-38001. Data were collected systemically from entries dated january 1 st, 1824 to January 1 st, 1826.
References
ARMSTRONG, F.H. 1978 ‘The oligarchy of the Western District of Upper Canada, 1 788-1 841 ’ Canadian Historical Association, Historical Pa- pers 3-38
BRODE, P. 1984Sirlohn Beverley Robinson: BoneandSinewoftheCompact (Toronto: University of Toronto and the Osgoode Society)
BRUNGER, A.C. 1972 ‘Analysis of site factors in nineteenth-century Ontario settlement’ lnternational Geography 1, 400-402
- 1973 ’A spatial analysis of individual settlement in Southern London District, Upper Canada, 1800-1 836’ PhD dissertation, University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario
- 1982a ‘Geographical patternsof early settlement: Social institutions on the frontier of Upper Canada’ Bamberger Geographische Schrifren 4, 275-84
- 1988 ’The evolving pattern of land value in Upper Canada: The case of Duoro Township’ paper presented at Annual Meeting of the Eastern Geography Association, Williamsburg, Virginia, November 1988
BURCHARDT, A.F. 1969 ’The origin and development of the road network of the Niagara Peninsula, Ontario, 1770-1851’Anna/softheAssociation of American Geographers 59, 41 7-40
CLARKE, I. 1970 ’A geographical analysis of colonial settlement in the Western District of Upper Canada, 1788-1 850’ PhD dissertation, University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 40, no 2 (1996)
New South Wales System and Land Prices in Upper Canada, 1825 135
- 1971 ‘Documentary and map sources for reconstructing the history of the reserved lands in the Western District of Upper Canada’ The Canadian Cartographer 8,75-83
- 1972 ’Spatial variations in population density, Southwestern Ontario in 1851 ’ lnternational Geography 1, 408-1 1
- 1975 ‘The role of political position and economic linkage in land speculation in the Western District of Upper Canada‘ The Canadian Geographer 19, 1 8-34
- 1978 ’Aspects of land acquisition in Essex County, Ontario, 1 790-1 900‘ Histoire Sociale 1 1, 98-1 18
- 1982’TheactivityofanearlyCanadian landspeculator in EssexCounty, Ontario: Would the real John Askin, please stand up‘ in Canadian Papers in RuralHistory, ed D.H. Akenson (Gananoque: Langdale Press) 84-1 09
- 1983 ‘Geographical aspects of land speculation in Essex County to 1825: The strategy of particular individuals’ in The Western District, eds K. Pryke and L. Kulisek (Windsor: University of Windsor and Essex County Historical Society)
- 1991 ‘Social integration on the Upper Canadian frontier: Elements of community in Essex County, 1790-1 850’ journal of Historical Geog- raphy 17,39@412
CLARKE, I., and BROWN, D.L., 1982 ‘Land prices in Essex County, Ontario, 1798 to 1852’ The Canadian Geographer 26, 300-1 7
-1987‘PricingdecisionsforOntario Land:Thefarmcommunityand the speculator in Essex county during the first half of the ni neteenth century’ The Canadian Geographer 31, 169-77
CLARKE, I., and BUFFONE, I. 1994 ’Colonial land policy: The ’New System‘ in Upper Canada in 1825’ (Ottawa: Carleton University, Geography Discussion Papers 12)
CLARKE]., and FINNEGAN, C.F. 1984 ’Colonial survey records and the vegeta- tion of Essex County, Ontario‘ journal of Historical Geography 10, 1 19-38
COOK, T. 1976 ’John Beverley Robinson and the Conservative Blueprint for the Upper Canadian Community‘ in Historical Essays on Upper Canada, ed J.K. Johnson, 82, 338-61
CRAIG, G.M. 1963 Upper Canada: The Formative Years, 1784-184 7 (To- ronto: McClelland and Stewart)
ENNALS, P. 1978 ’Land and society in Hamilton Township, Upper Canada, 1791-1 861‘ PhD dissertation, UniversityofToronto, Toronto, Ontario
FINNEGAN, G.F. 1984 ‘Cognizance of land quality: Surveyor, speculator and settler in Fitzroy Township, Ontario, 1822-1 861 ’ M.A. thesis, Carleton University, Ottawa, Ontario
CAGAN, 0. 1978 ‘Property and interest: Some preliminary evidence of land speculation by the Family Compact in Upper Canada, 1820-1 849‘ Ontario History 70, 63-69
- 1981 Hopeful Travellers, Landandsocial Change inMid-Victorian Peel County, Canada West (Toronto: University of Toronto Press)
GATES, L.F. 1968 Land Policies of Upper Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press)
GENTILCORE, R.L. 1972a ’Settlement‘ in Studies in Canadian Geography: Ontario, ed R.L. Gentilcore (Toronto: University of Toronto Press)
- 1972b ‘Change in settlement in Ontario, 1800-1850: A correlation analysis of historical source materials’ lnternational Geography 1, 41 8-1 9
- 1 975 ‘A military colony in the wilderness’ in Perspectiveson Landscape andSeftlementin Nineteenth-Century Ontario, ed J.D. Wood (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, Carleton University Library Series)
CENTILCORE, R.L., and WOOD, I.D. 1975 ’A military colony in the wilderness‘ in Perspectives on Landscape and Settlement in Nineteenth-Century Ontario, 32-50
GILMOUR, I. 1972 Spatial Evolution of Manufacturing: Southern Ontario, 7851-7897 (Toronto: University of Toronto, Department of Geogra- phy)
GRAY, E.c., and PRENTICE, B.E. 1982 ’Trends in the price of farm real estate in central Wellington County (Ontario) since 1 836‘ School ofAgricultural Economics Extension Education, University of Cuelph, Guelph, On- tario
- 1984 ‘Exploring the price of farmland in two Ontario localities since letterspatenting’inCanadianPapersinRuralHistory,edD.H.Akenson (Gananoque: Langdale Press) 226-39
IEANS, 0. 1972 An Historical Geography of New South Wales to 7907 (Sydney: Reed Education)
JOHNSON, J.K. 1989 Becoming Prominent: Regional Leadership in Upper Canada, 1797-7847 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s Univer- sity Press)
JOHNSON, LA. 1971 ’Land policy, population growth and social structure in the Home District, 1793-1 851 ‘ Ontario History 63, 41 -60
KELLY, K. 1974 ‘Practical knowledge of physical geography in Southern Ontario during the nineteenth century’ in Physical Geography: The Canadian Context, eds A. Falconer, B.D. Fahey, and R.D. Thompson (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson) 10-1 8
MARR, w. 1984 ’Tenant vs. owner-occupied farms in York County, Ontario‘ in Canadian Papers in Rural History, ed D.H. Akenson (Gananoque: Langdale Press) 50-71
MARR, w., and P A ~ E R S O N , D.C. 1980 ’Agricultural development in Central Canada’ ch 4 in Canada: An Economic History (Toronto: Macmillan) 74-1 16
MCCALLA, D. 1979 The UpperCanada Trade, 7834-7872(Toronto: Univer- sity of Toronto Press)
- 1993 Planting the Province: The Economic History of Upper Canada, 7784-7870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press)
MCCALLUM, I. 1 980 Unequal Beginnings: Agriculture and Economic Devel- opment in Quebec and Ontario until 7870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press)
MCCREW, JR., J.C. and MONROE, C.B. 1993 An lntroduction to Statistical Problem Solving in Geography (Dubuque: W.C. Brown Publishers)
MCINNIS, R.M. 1984 ’Marketable surpluses in Ontariofarming, 1860’Social Science History 8, 395-424
- 1989 ‘The size structure of farming, Canada West’ Research in Economic History, supplement 5, 8, 31 3-29
- 1992a ‘The early Ontario wheat staple reconsidered ch 1 of ‘Perspec- tives on Ontario Agriculture, 181 5-1 930’ in Canadian Papers in Rural History, ed D.H. Akenson (Gananoque: Langdale Press) 17-48
- 1992b ’Ontario agriculture at mid-century’ ch 2 of ‘Perspectives on Ontario agriculture, 181 5-1 930‘ in Canadian Papers in Rural History, ed D.H. Akenson (Gananoque: Langdale Press) 49-84
NORTON, W.A. 1964 ‘Rural land values and land use patterns’ M.A. thesis, Queen‘s University, Kingston, Ontario
PRO, Colonial Office Record Group 47, Vol 11 5 PATTERSON, c. 1921 Sixteenth Report of the Department of Archives (To-
ronto: Clarkson w. James) POWER, P. 1974 ‘A graph theoretical analysis of the changes in the Upper
Canadian Road Network: 1825-1 850’ BA thesis, Carleton University, Ottawa, Ontario
RIODELL, R.C. 1937 ’Astudy of the land policy of the Colonial Office, 1763- 1865’ Canadian Historical Review 18, 385405
SAUNDERS, R.E. 1976 ’Sir John Beverley Robinson’ Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol 9 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press), 668-78
- 1990 ’While equity slumbered: Creditor advantage, a capitalist land market, and Upper Canada’s missing court’ O s g d e Hall journal 28, 871-914
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 40, no 2 (1 996)
136 Barbara Welch
SHANNON, w. 1989 ‘Brokers, land bankers, and “birds of evil omen”: The effect of land policies on settlement in Upper Canada Collingwood Township, 1834-1 860’ MA thesis, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, On- tario
WHEBELL, C.F.I. 1968 ‘Core areas in intrastate political organization‘ The Canadian Geographer 12,99-106
- 1969 ’Corridors: A theory of urban systems’ Annals ofthe Association ofAmerican Geographers 59, 1-26
- 1972 ‘The political-territorial structure’ in Studies in Canadian Geog- raphy: Ontario, ed R.L. Gentilcore (Toronto: University of Toronto Press)
- 1992 ‘The London stratagem’ in Sirncoe’s Choice: Celebrating Lon- don’s Bicentennial, 1793-1993, ed G. St. Denise (Toronto: Dundurn Press)
WIDDIS, R.W. 1979 ‘Motivation and scale: A method of identifying land speculators in Upper Canada’ The Canadian Geographer 23,337-51
- 1982 ’Speculation and the surveyor: An analysis of the role played by surveyors in the settlement of Upper Canada‘HistoireSociale30,443- 58
WILSON, A. 1968 The Clergy Reserves of Upper Canada: A Canadian Mortmain (Toronto: University of Toronto Press)
WOOD, 0. 1992 ’Reflections on Administering a Forested Agricultural Frontier’ The Canadian Geographer 36, 254-79
WOOD, I.D. 1960 ’The stage is set: Dumfries Township, 181 6’ Waterloo Historical Society 48, 40-50
- 1961 ’The woodland-oak transition zone in the settlement of Western Upper Canada’ The Canadian Geographer5,4348
Received 08/94; Revised 03/95; Accepted 05/95
BARBARA WELCH Department of Geography, McGill University, Burnside Hall, 805 Sherbrooke Street West, Montreal, Quebec, Canada (e-mail: [email protected])
H3A 2K6
TABLE D’HOTE OR A LA CARTE? FRENCH AND COMMONWEALTH APPROACHES TO DEVELOPMENT IN THE CENTRAL LESSER ANTILLES
In the 1960s, distinctive strategies were employed by British Commonwealth and French administrations to effect improvements in production and living standards in Eastern Caribbean territories. Commonwealth territories favoured ad hoc schemes, locally generated; French Antillean departements were subject to comprehensive four- or five-year plans, formulated in Paris. This paper examines how far these two strategies reflected deep- seated cultural, philosophical, or ideological convictions,
as opposed to idiosyncratic responses to specific sociopo- litical circumstances. An appraisal is made of the records of both approaches in achieving positive results.
Dans les ann4es soixante, des strategies gouvernemen- tales visant d ameliorer la productivite et le niveau de vie aux Petites Antilles variaient selon /’affiliation des iles, soit d la France soit au Commonwealth britannique. Les territoires du Commonwealth poursuivaient des projets
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 40, no 2 (1 996) 13647 0 / 1996 Canadian Association of Geographers / L’Association canadienne des geographes
