i

The Structure of Seri Stephen A. Marlett

This is my 1981 doctoral thesis (University of California, San Diego) with only minor corrections. Some chapters contain postscript notes which refer the reader to later publications that draw on or expand on the topic of those chapters. My special thanks go to Linda Brock for volunteering to keyboard the original thesis.

NOTE: Since this dissertation was written, various aspects of the analysis have been revised, and some corrections of fact have been made. These are presented in the Gramtica which appears as part of the trilingual Seri dictionary: Mary B. Moser and Stephen A. Marlett (compilers) 2005 Comcac quih yaza quih hant ihip hac: Diccionario seri-espaol-ingls. Mexico City and Hermosillo, Sonora: Plaza y Valds and Universidad de Sonora (950 pp).

This thesis is dedicated to the memory of two people on whose shoulders I have had the privilege to stand: Flora S. Marlett and Edward W. Moser.

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Table of Contents

The Structure of Seri .............................................................................................................................. i Table of Contents................................................................................................................................... ii List of Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................ vi Introduction..........................................................................................................................................vii Postscript to the Introduction.............................................................................................................. ix Introduction to the grammar................................................................................................................ x Abstract ................................................................................................................................................. xi Chapter 1 Phonemes and Certain Low-level Processes...................................................................... 1

1.1. Phonemes ..................................................................................................................................... 1 1.2. Low-level processes..................................................................................................................... 3

Postscript to Chapter 1........................................................................................................................ 18 Chapter 2 Prefix Morphology and Morphophonemics .................................................................... 19

2.1. Overview of prefix morphology ................................................................................................ 19 2.2. Mood prefixes ............................................................................................................................ 19 2.3. Morphophonemics of mood prefixes ......................................................................................... 26 2.4. Person prefixes........................................................................................................................... 31 2.5. Miscellaneous verb prefixes ...................................................................................................... 39 2.6. Nominalizers.............................................................................................................................. 55 2.7. Noun prefixes............................................................................................................................. 64 2.8. Frozen and nonproductive prefixes............................................................................................ 70 2.9. Rule ordering summary ............................................................................................................. 73

Postscript to Chapter 2........................................................................................................................ 74 Chapter 3 Suffix morphology and morphophonemics ..................................................................... 75

3.1. General suffixes ......................................................................................................................... 75 3.2. Stress-bearing suffixes ............................................................................................................... 79 3.3. Switch reference markers........................................................................................................... 79 3.4. Suffixes occurring primarily on nominals ................................................................................. 80 3.5. Auxiliary verb particles and related items ................................................................................. 82 3.6. Conjunctive and subordinating suffixes and particles ............................................................... 85 3.7. Suffix and particle order ............................................................................................................ 88

Chapter 4 Stem morphology and morphophonemics....................................................................... 89 4.1. Subject number agreement......................................................................................................... 89 4.2. Action number marking ............................................................................................................. 95 4.3. Morphophonemics of number suffixes ...................................................................................... 97 4.4. Stem suffixes............................................................................................................................ 104 4.5. Noun pluralization ................................................................................................................... 106

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Chapter 5 Irregular verbs................................................................................................................. 110 5.1. Stress-retracting verbs.............................................................................................................. 110 5.2. The verbs come and go ............................................................................................................ 115

5.3. The verbs /-aa/ know and /-ee/ give ......................................................................................... 115 5.4. Pseudo-short low vowel roots.................................................................................................. 116

Postscript to Chapter 5...................................................................................................................... 116 Chapter 6 Topics in Seri phonology................................................................................................. 117

6.1. The abstract consonant............................................................................................................. 117 6.2. Interpretation of phonetic vowel length................................................................................... 122

Postscript to Chapter 6...................................................................................................................... 123 Chapter 7 The noun phrase .............................................................................................................. 124

7.1. Definite articles........................................................................................................................ 124 7.2. Indefinite articles ..................................................................................................................... 126 7.3. Demonstratives ........................................................................................................................ 126 7.4. Relative clauses........................................................................................................................ 127 7.5. Adjectives ................................................................................................................................ 128 7.6. Quantifiers ............................................................................................................................... 128 7.7. Material.................................................................................................................................... 128 7.8. Coordinate noun phrases.......................................................................................................... 129 7.9. Compounds .............................................................................................................................. 129 7.10. Pronouns ................................................................................................................................ 130 7.11. Relational nouns .................................................................................................................... 131

Postscript to Chapter 7...................................................................................................................... 135 Chapter 8 Word order and foregrounding...................................................................................... 136

8.1. Basic word order...................................................................................................................... 136 8.2. Foregrounding strategies.......................................................................................................... 136 8.3. Postposing rules ....................................................................................................................... 139 8.4. Interrogatives ........................................................................................................................... 140

Chapter 9 Nominalizations and complementation.......................................................................... 142 9.1. Nominalizations as main clauses ............................................................................................. 142 9.2. Nominalizations as oblique clauses ......................................................................................... 143 9.3. Nominalized object complements and Equi ............................................................................ 143 9.4. Pseudo-complements ............................................................................................................... 145

Chapter 10 Transitivity ..................................................................................................................... 148 10.1. First person singular subject prefix........................................................................................ 148 10.2. Infinitive prefix ...................................................................................................................... 148 10.3. Second person imperative ...................................................................................................... 149 10.4. First person plural imperative ................................................................................................ 149

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10.5. Nonfuture action/oblique nominalizer ................................................................................... 149 10.6. First person restrictive ........................................................................................................... 149 10.7. Coalescence ........................................................................................................................... 149 10.8. Unspecified subject prefix ..................................................................................................... 149 10.9. The object marker .................................................................................................................. 150

Chapter 11 Subject raising ............................................................................................................... 151 11.1. Arguments that a downstairs subject is the final upstairs subject .......................................... 152 11.2. Arguments that the downstairs clause is not a final 2............................................................ 154 11.3. Arguments for a raising analysis............................................................................................ 155 11.4. Raising of non-final subjects ................................................................................................. 158 11.5. Other uses of the prefix X .................................................................................................. 158

Postscript to Chapter 11.................................................................................................................... 159 Chapter 12 Advancements ................................................................................................................ 160

12.1. 3-2 Advancement in absence of notional 2............................................................................ 160 12.2. 3-2 advancement in ditransitive clauses ................................................................................ 162 12.3. The notion 3 ....................................................................................................................... 165 12.4. Personal passives ................................................................................................................... 170 12.5. Impersonal passives ............................................................................................................... 172

12.6. The object marker /i-/ ............................................................................................................ 180 Postscript to Chapter 12.................................................................................................................... 183 Chapter 13 Clauses with unspecified direct objects ....................................................................... 184 Chapter 14 Augmented verbs ........................................................................................................... 188

14.1. Impersonal verb plus experiencer .......................................................................................... 188 14.2. Stative verb plus experiencer ................................................................................................. 189 14.3. Sensory verb without experiencer.......................................................................................... 190 14.4. Causative construction........................................................................................................... 191 14.5. Help construction ............................................................................................................... 192 14.6. Other ...................................................................................................................................... 193

Chapter 15 Switch reference............................................................................................................. 195 15.1. The notion first subject........................................................................................................ 196 15.2. Switch reference and the Final 1 Law.................................................................................... 198 15.3. Switch reference and coreference .......................................................................................... 199 15.4. Adjacent clauses .................................................................................................................... 200 15.5. Finite relative clauses ......................................................................................................... 201

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Postscript to Chapter 15.................................................................................................................... 201 Chapter 16 Text ................................................................................................................................. 202 Postscript to Chapter 16.................................................................................................................... 219 Appendix 1 Verb paradigms............................................................................................................. 220 Appendix 2 Irregular verb paradigms............................................................................................. 225 List of References............................................................................................................................... 227

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List of Abbreviations

ABIL abilitative ABS absolutive AUG augment AUX auxiliary particle Cho chmeur D detransitivizer DECL declarative DIST distal EMPH emphatic FOC focus IMP imperative INF infinitive INTERR interrogative IRR irrealis M mora MULT multiple action NEG negative NOM nominalizer O object Ob oblique OM object marker P possessive; predicate relation PASS passive pl / PL plural PRO pronoun PROX proximal REST restrictive RL realis s / SG singular S subject SR switch reference US unspecified subject UT unspecified time X times

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Introduction

The name Seri, of Spanish origin according to Gilg (di Peso and Matson 1965), is used today to refer to the remnant of what was six or more large groups comprised of loosely organized units speaking perhaps three mutually intelligible dialects (Moser 1963, Spicer 1962, Griffen 1961, Bahre 1967). While these peoples nomadic way of life in an inhospitable area of Mexico shielded them for centuries, devastating outside pressures eventually had their impact, reducing the Seri numerically as well as linguistically (McGee 1898, Spicer 1962, Sheridan 1979). By the year 1920, fewer than two hundred speakers, consisting primarily of only one dialect group, remained (Moser 1963). Fortunately, however, just as they had adapted themselves to their harsh physical environment (see references under Felger and Moser), the Comcaac [kokk] people, as the Seri call themselves, have shown their ability to control to a great degree the ever-encroaching technological world. Livelihoods based on fishing and fine artistry (Ryerson 1976), as well as a strong ethnic pride, have enabled them to continue as a coherent cultural entity. Today virtually all Seri, whose population has more than doubled in the past twenty-five years, live on the Seri ejido in the coastal area west of Hermosillo, Sonora, and speak Seri as their first, if not only, language.

The relationship of Seri to other languages is uncertain, although general consensus places it within the Hokan stock as an isolate with closest affiliation to the Yuman family (Kroeber 1915, 1931; Langdon 1974; Crawford 1976). Comparative studies so far have been cursory at best, and further investigation is necessary.

The first known work on the Seri language began with the arrival of Adamo Gilg, a Moravian-born Jesuit priest. Gilg attempted to learn the language, and apparently compiled a Seri vocabulary list and didactic grammar during the last decade of the seventeenth century (Di Peso and Matson 1965). Unfortunately, these valuable documents are not known to exist at present.

A few vocabulary lists were composed during the nineteenth century. The following information regarding them is from McGee 1898. Diego Lavandera sent the Mexican government a very short list in 1850 to disprove belief that Seri was a dialect of Arabic. United States Boundary Commissioner John Bartlett made a second, longer list in 1852. A list obtained by D.A. Tenochio around 1860 was used by Francisco Pimentel in his classification of the Seri language. Alphonse Pinart made yet another list in 1879 which was used by Albert Gatschet (1883) in his comparison of Seri and the Yuman languages. Joaquin Loustaunau made an extensive list in 1885 for the government of Mexico. In 1898 W. J. McGee published a vocabulary list (collected by himself in 1894) in his report for the Smithsonian. All of these vocabulary lists were written in Spanish with the exception of Bartletts and McGees, which were in English.

The hunter and naturalist Charles Sheldon (1979) visited the Seris in the winter of 1921-22. Besides making careful and objective anthropological observations, Sheldon compiled a short vocabulary list (unpublished). A. L. Kroeber spent six days with the Seri people in 1930, but his linguistic interests were primarily comparative rather than descriptive (Kroeber 1931).

The first comprehensive linguistic work on the Seri language began with the arrival of Edward and Mary (Becky) Moser in 1951. Under the auspices of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, and in cooperation with Mexicos Secretara de Educacin Pblica, the Mosers completed the first phonemic analysis (1965) and developed a practical orthography which has been used for the publication of various books in the Seri language, including a small dictionary (1961). Other aspects of the language which were described include noun pluralization (Moser and Moser 1976), and switch reference (Moser 1978b). In addition, the Seri language has been used extensively in procuring data for various

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ethnographic and ethnobotanical publications (see references under Moser, Bowen and Moser, and Felger and Moser), and in the publication of books of the New Testament.

By human standards this significant work was prematurely interrupted by the death of Edward Moser in 1976. A wealth of carefully, even tediously, collected data, accumulated and organized over more than twenty-five years, was left. As my soon-to-be mother-in-law inherited other new responsibilities, it came about that I would compile this grammar. The grammar itself is based on data, often reanalyzed, collected by the Mosers. It will be noted that my analysis of the phonology of Seri differs from that of Moser and Moser 1965 due to the different framework in which the work was conducted. Much of the syntactic analysis is based on fieldwork which I did between 1976 and 1981 to supplement and verify Mosers notes. This fieldwork was supported in part by grants from the Office of Graduate Studies and Research, University of California at San Diego, and the National Science Foundation (grant no. BNS-8001985). I also gratefully acknowledge the receipt of a research assistantship under David Perlmutter through a National Science Foundation grant to the University of California at San Diego, and a dissertation fellowship from the University of California at San Diego.

I hope that I have indicated sufficiently the profound debt I owe to the work of Edward and Becky Moser; I have also profited immensely from discussions with Becky Moser, whose intimate knowledge of the language has been invaluable. I thank her for her patience with me. Deepest gratitude is due to all those people who so willingly taught me their language, especially Roberto T. Herrera Marcos (born ca. 1917) who worked closely with Edward Moser for many years and has also been my main teacher. I also appreciate having been able to work with his son Lorenzo Herrera Casanova and with Sergio Mndez Mndez.

I also wish to express my sincere appreciation to all those at the University of California, San Diego, who contributed in different ways to my training in linguistics. Special thanks go to the members of my committee, Margaret Langdon, David Perlmutter, and Sanford Schane.

Finally, I thank my family, especially my wife Cathy, for their unfailing support and encouragement.

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Postscript to the Introduction

In the past fifteen years the linguistic and anthropological work on Seri has continued. Since the linguistic work will be referred to in the postscripts to later chapters, I mention here only the anthropological publications.

An impressive amount of information about the plants of the Sonoran desert and their uses by the Seri people appeared in the ethnobotany by Felger and Moser (1985). A presentation of the kinship terms appeared in Moser and Marlett (1989). Cullar, Jos Arturo. 1980. La comunidad primitiva y las polticas de desarrollo (El caso seri).

Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico. Felger, Richard, and Mary B. Moser. 1985. People of the desert and sea: ethnobotany of the Seri

Indians. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Moser, Mary B. and Stephen A. Marlett. 1989 Terminologa de parentesco seri. Anales de

Antropologa 26:367-88. Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico.

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Introduction to the grammar

This thesis describes, in varying degrees of detail, the structure of the Seri language. In particular, it includes the major aspects of the segmental phonology, the morphology, and the syntax of the language. The attempt is made to present the facts as lucidly as possible while maintaining the explicitness and precision that are provided by describing the facts within some theoretical framework. It will be seen that many times, however, the frameworks do not provide much help, due primarily to the scope of the facts.

The phonology is described mainly within the framework of standard generative phonology. Basically, it is assumed that, where possible, morphemes have one underlying representation. Spell-out rules provide the segmental string, applying from the root outward. A linearly ordered set of phonological rules, some with morphological conditioning, apply to this string to produce the phonetic representation. Unless otherwise stated, the rules are word-level. This framework permits the extraction of what seem to me to be significant generalizations and helps to elucidate the complex morphological structure. To be sure, however, many potentially interesting areas are not explored.

To a great degree the morphology and syntax is purely descriptive. Certain aspects are dealt with explicitly within the framework of relational grammar, with which some familiarity is presumed. This framework, unlike others which were also examined, provides the notions which are necessary for the statement of significant generalizations with respect to the distribution of morphemes. Comparison with other frameworks has not been a major goal of this thesis, however; such is left up to the reader or to be the topic of future studies.

The final chapter of the thesis consists of a Seri legend. The orthography used in this chapter and the rest of the thesis might be characterized as partially phonemic and partially morphophonemic.

In this and the following paragraphs, some general characteristics of the Seri language are outlined in traditional terms. Seri is an SOV language which is quite synthetic in structure. By means of prefixes on the verb such things as subject person and number, object person and number, oblique person, negation, unspecified subject, unspecified object, passive, causative, imperative, and mood are indicated, among other things. By means of suffixes is indicated subject and action number as well as a variety of other things which defy broad classification. (Root-internal changes also indicate subject and action number.) Nominalized verbs of various types are formed through the use of nominalizing prefixes.

An outstanding characteristic of Seri verb morphology is the amount of allomorphy which exists. Even after the allomorphs which can be accounted for by phonological rules are eliminated, it is often the case that two, three, four, or more suppletive allomorphs remain, with a variety of types of conditioning environments. Allomorphy dependent on the superficial transitivity of the clause is common.

Seri nouns are not marked for case. Numerous definite articles exist which are historically derived from verbs and which indicate position or direction of movement of the item.

Nominalized verbs are common since embedded clauses, both relative and complement, are obligatorily nominalized. They also occur commonly in dependent and independent clauses. Personal and impersonal passive clauses (all based on transitive verbs) occur. The impersonal passives occur under either of two conditions: one, when the notional object is plural; two, when an oblique nominal occurs in the clause. The switch reference system indicates a change in subject (usually notional subject, but see chapter 15) between clauses of certain types.

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Abstract

The structure of Seri, a Hokan language of north-western Mexico, is described. Included are the major aspects of the segmental phonology, the morphology, and the syntax. An analyzed text is also included.

The phonology is described mainly within the framework of standard generative phonology. Chapter 1 presents the phonemes and low-level rules. Morphophonemic rules are presented in the chapters dealing with the affixes. This analysis differs in many important respects from an earlier, structural analysis of the phonology. It is argued that Seri has both long and short vowels in addition to vowel clusters, that it does not have geminate consonants, that nasalization is predictable, and that glottal stop functions as a sonorant. Arguments are also presented (in chapter 6) in favor of an abstract underlying consonant, the features of which cannot be determined synchronically.

Chapters 2, 3, and 4 present most of the prefixes and suffixes which occur in the language as well as the rules accounting for their allomorphs. By means of prefixes on the verb such things as subject person and number, object person and number, oblique person, negation, unspecified subject, unspecified object, passive, causative, imperative, and mood are indicated, among other things. By means of suffixes is indicated subject and action number as well as a variety of other things which defy broad classification. The essentials of the complicated root-internal changes which also indicate subject and action number are also explained. Nominalized verbs of various types are formed through the use of nominalizing prefixes. An outstanding characteristic of Seri verb morphology is the amount of allomorphy which exists. Even after the allomorphs which can be accounted for by phonological rules are eliminated, it is often the case that two, three, four, or more suppletive allomorphs remain, with a variety of types of conditioning environments. Allomorphy dependent on the superficial transitivity of the clause is common.

Chapter 5 discusses the characteristics of irregular verbs, primarily stress-retracting verbs. Chapters 7, 8, and 9 discuss the make-up of the noun phrase, word order, foregrounding,

nominalization, and complementation. Nouns are not marked for case. Numerous definite articles exist which are historically derived from verbs and which indicate position or direction of movement of the item. The dominant word order in the clause is SOV. Nominalized verbs are common since embedded clauses, both relative and complement, are obligatorily nominalized. They also occur commonly in dependent and independent clauses.

Chapter 10 discusses the notion of transitivity which is necessary to account for numerous facts in Seri. It is shown that a definition of transitivity with respect to the clause is necessary. Since the framework chosen for the presentation of certain aspects of Seri syntax is relational grammar, it is shown that the notions of transitive/intransitive strata provided in that framework, together with certain proposed universals and analyses, make correct and interesting predictions about the syntax of Seri.

Chapter 11 discusses the subject raising construction in Seri which, together with the switch reference marking system (chapter 15), provides an argument for the unaccusative hypothesis and the notion first subject.

Chapter 12 discusses clauses involving 3-2 advancement and passive clauses. Personal and impersonal passive clauses (all based on transitive verbs) occur. Arguments are presented in favor of a bistratal analysis of passive clauses in general and an advancement analysis of impersonal passives.

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Chapter 13 briefly discusses the syntax of clauses with unspecified direct objects. Chapter 14 discusses the syntax of clauses with verbs preceded by the augment prefix. No one syntactic or semantic generalization is found to describe all of the occurrences of this prefix.

Chapter 15 discusses the switch reference (change of subject) marking system. It is shown that it is neither a change of surface or deep subject which is marked. A notion of first subject is proposed.

Chapter 16 is a morpheme by morpheme analysis of a text consisting of one hundred multiclause sentences.

Two appendices of verb paradigms are included.

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Chapter 1 Phonemes and Certain Low-level Processes

1.1. Phonemes

The following segments are the significant segmental units in Seri. The status of the parenthesized consonants will be discussed below.

Consonants stops p t k (k) fricatives f []

(W) s

s x ()

nasals m n lateral resonant (l) glides y abstract (Q) Vowels i i

e [^] e [^] o o

a a

Loanwords from Spanish also include the flap r. Recent loans also involve other Spanish consonants. Moser and Moser 1965 gives evidence for the contrasting sounds listed above except for the abstract consonant, which will be discussed below. Other differences between this phonemic inventory and that of Moser and Moser 1965 will also be noted below.

1.1.1. The plain stops

According to Moser and Moser 1965, the plain stops contrast at labial, dental, velar, and glottal points of articulation (p. 53). Glottal stop will be treated in this thesis as a glide, however, for reasons that will become apparent below. Usually unaspirated in utterance-final position, the stops vary freely to unreleased or nasal release, except k which is usually unreleased following a vowel in this position, and slightly aspirated when following a consonant in this position. (See Moser and Moser 1965 for discussion of the fronted and backed allophones of the consonants.) Contiguous identical consonants are pronounced as a long consonant. In the case of stops, this means that the articulators are simply held longer before release.

1.1.2. The fricatives

According to Moser and Moser 1965, the fricatives contrast at labial, alveolar, alveopalatal retroflex, velar, and back velar points of articulation. The lateral fricative has a voiced offglide before a vowel. The back velar , as well as , feature marked trilling of the uvula (p. 53). The fricative W is slightly spirantized voiceless w.

1.1.3. The round consonants

The round consonants k, , and W contrast taxonomically. In the majority of cases, however, they can be shown to be derived from underlying sequences of /ko/, /o/, and /ox/ (or /ok/) respectively. The syncope rule is discussed in 4.1.2. Some occurrences of // are generated by a rule of coalescence by which /()o + o/ become ()a. This rule is discussed in 2.3.5. Nevertheless, a few instances of each of these segments cannot be derived synchronically by any rule and therefore these

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segments are included in the inventory of segments above. According to Moser and Moser 1965, the offglide of k is voiced before vowels and /y/,

voiceless otherwise, although it is noted that in utterance final position the labialization of /k/ is barely released, if at all (53). The offglide is not always noticeable before strident consonants, as some faulty transcriptions in Moser and Moser 1965 testify. They also note that for some speakers k is optionally pronounced as [k] utterance finally. I take this to be the aspirated release noted for plain stops above. It is also noted that // has a slight voiced off-glide before vowels; before consonants or silence it is voiceless throughout. The labialization may be actualized as simultaneous lip rounding rather than off-glide (pp. 54-55). W may also have a voiced offglide before a vowel.

Moser and Moser 1965 posits a contrast between the unit k and the sequence kW. I claim, however, that this contrast is spurious. What was claimed to be / kW/ I demonstrate should actually be analyzed as /kx/. See 1.2.13.

1.1.4. The nasals

The nasals contrast at labial and dental points of articulation. Moser and Moser 1965 also posited a velar nasal phoneme, but it is shown below that virtually all occurrences of velar nasals are derivable from m. See 1.2.7-9.

1.1.5. The voiced lateral

The contrast between the voiced and voiceless laterals is virtually lost in modern Seri. Words with the voiced lateral are rarely found and are typically place names or words in which voiced and voiceless l alternate, the variant with being the more common. Two words in which a voiced lateral occurs without any alternation are palemek, a species of cone shell, and lam, a species of fish. While it appears that the contrast between l and is marginal today, the historical development of this situation is unclear.

1.1.6. The abstract consonant

A case is presented in 6.1 for positing an abstract underlying consonant, the features of which cannot be determined synchronically. The symbol Q has been arbitrarily chosen to represent this segment.

1.1.7. The vowels

I have posited long as well as short vowels, whereas Moser and Moser 1965 analyzed the long vowels as geminates. The evidence against the latter interpretation will be summarized in 6.2. I posit underlying long vowels only in the following three positions: root[C0___, root[C0V___. and in certain prefixes (for reasons discussed in chapter 2). These positions are directly correlated with the placement of primary and secondary stress. Underlyingly long vowels are shortened in direct relation to the degree of stress that occurs on them phonetically.

The vowels e, e, a, and a function phonologically as low vowels and the others as nonlow, as will be seen repeatedly in chapter 2. The vowels also divide into front and back vowels with respect to all phonological rules. As described in Moser and Moser 1965, i is a high close front vowel which tends to vary freely with [iv] in unstressed single vowel position. It is sometimes backed to [e] before . What is represented as e() is a mid open front vowel which has a phonetic quality varying between [] and []. Although in some circumstances a higher variant occurs, o() is typically a mid close back vowel. An o has a definite tendency to glide when it occurs before a low vowel, and sometimes before

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a high vowel, under conditions that have not yet been investigated. a() is a low open central vowel (p. 55). There is no glottal or aspirate onset before utterance initial vowels. There is also no transitional phenomenon separating vowels which occur in clusters. Sequences of identical vowels are articulated as one long vowel.

1.1.8. Features

The following features will be used to refer to the segments of Seri. p t k k f W s s

x

l m n y Q

syllabic sonorant + + + + + ? consonantal + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + ? labial + + + ? coronal + + + + + + ? high + + + + + + ? back + + + + + + ? nasal + + ? round + + + ? continuant + + + + + + + + + + ? lateral + + ? voiced + + + + ? a a e e i i o o syllabic + + + + + + + + low + + + + (high) + + back + + + + long + + + + The feature [high] is redundant but is used in at least one low-level rule.

1.2. Low-level processes

Several low-level processes will be discussed below, the effects of which will not be represented in surface forms in later chapters.

1.2.1. Post-tonic lengthening

Consonants and vowels are noticeable lengthened under certain conditions. Lengthened consonants are often 150-230 msecs. long in normal speech, which is one and a half to two and a half times longer than unlengthened consonants. Lengthened vowels are 250-350 msecs. in length, which is two to four times longer than short stressed vowels and much longer than stressed long vowels. The length is directly correlated with the degree of stress which occurs on the stressed vowel.

A consonant is lengthened if it follows a stressed vowel nucleus of a certain type and precedes a vowel. The stressed vowel nucleus referred to may be composed of a single vowel (long or short) or a short vowel followed by another short vowel. Likewise, a vowel is lengthened if it follows the same type of vowel nucleus and a single consonant and precedes a consonant. If a short vowel can be

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characterized as being one mora (M), and two short vowels as one long vowel consisting of two morae, the rule can be more easily stated. The rule, given as (1), also correctly states that if a long vowel is lengthened, such as for indicating intensity (very), the post-tonic lengthening will not occur. There is one condition on these lengthening processes: The segment to be lengthened may not be part of a suffix. The final segment of the environment may occur in a following word, however.

(1) Post-tonic Lengthening: [syllabic] [+long] / M (M) ____ (##) [-syl] [+str] Condition: The substituendum may not be part of a suffix.

This rule is intended to have the following expansion

(2) a. [+syl] [+long] / M (M) C ___ (##) C [+str]

b. [-syl] [+long] / M (M) ___ (##) V [+str]

No lengthening occurs when the vowel or consonant is followed by any other environment. The following words illustrate the operation of this rule on both post-tonic consonants and vowels.

(3) aox [aox] shore ota [ ota] sea currents enox [enox] hummingbird (sp.) ktam-ia [ktamia] It is a man.

The following examples illustrate that lengthening occurs when the stressed nucleus consists of two distinct vowels.

(4) k-oipa-im [koipaim] what is crossways k-oeke-kam [koekekam] what hangs down ktoia [ktoia] desert whiptail lizard

The following examples illustrate that stressed nuclei with more than two morae do not condition Post-tonic Lengthening.

(5) k-o-k-o-i-ia [kokoiia] He is winning. k-ao-ia [kaoia] It is fluted. kaixox [kaixox] manta ray katixa [katixa] duck (sp.) [a keo] somewhat reddish (intens.)

The following examples illustrate that a) the segments to be lengthened must be in the same word as the stressed vowel, b) they need not belong to the stem or to the same morpheme as the stressed vowelsome prefixes occur post-tonically due to stress retraction (see chapter 5), c) they cannot belong to a suffix, and d) the conditioning consonant or vowel may be in the next word.

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(6) a. ai kop [ai kop] the wind s-a ka-a [sa kaa] She will grind it. b. mo-k-a-t [mokat] who come k-am-a [kama] Dont accompany him! c. k-a-tim [katim] who grinds (mult.) ko-tax [kotax] guitarfish (pl.) d. -to kix [ to kix] his eye

This lengthening rule provides supportive evidence for the componential analysis of words. The fact that the form kaiax what is strong/difficult is phonetically [kaiax] supports the analysis that the stem -aiax is composed of the bound root -ai plus the suffixes --a (cf. 4.4). This process also provides evidence for the analysis of stem allomorphs of both nouns and verbs to be developed in chapter 4. The following forms illustrate this matter. (7) Singular Plural

sakam [sakamak] female youth s p [s pik] male youth a [aaxam] water tp [tpok] sea shell (sp.) posx [posika] fishing line ko [kooox] carrying net

The lexical forms of these nouns should be analyzed as /sakama/, /sipi/, and /tipo/, etc., for two reasons: first, the post-tonic vowel is not predictable; second, the post-tonic vowel cannot be analyzed as part of the suffix because suffix vowels do not lengthen.

Post-tonic Lengthening is not completely automatic since a large number of loanwords from Spanish do not undergo it. Instead, the stressed vowel is usually lengthened.

(8) [toro] bull [pasato] shoe [troki] automobile

It may be easily shown that Post-tonic Lengthening is productive in spite of the data in (8). One way to indicate disbelief in Seri is by using the appropriate intonation and adding the suffix /-a/ to a word.1 The interrogative suffix /-ya/ also often follows and is included in the following examples.

(9) stak stak-a-ya pumice

1 Other superficial exceptions to Post-tonic lengthening also exist for which a similar explanation is possible but for which the case is less clear.

(i) k-oitom which are five k-aitom who speaks k-ato who fights

Such exceptions, as well as the nonphonetic restrictions on Post-tonic lengthening, are probably what led Moser and Moser (196562) to posit geminate clusters in phonemic contrast with single consonants in medial position.

6

The effect of this morpheme is to change a word such as stak into something equivalent to the English Pumice? Ha! or Pumice, my eye!. The phonetic realization of stak-a-ya is as expected: [stakaya]. If a consonant cluster immediately follows the stressed vowel nucleus (which has the same restrictions as for Post-tonic Lengthening), however an a is infixed following the first consonant of that cluster, as shown below. (This rule also provides one piece of evidence that /k/ and // are units at the level at which it applies.)

(10) ast [asataya] stone ptkamn [ptkamanaya] lobster yekts [yekatsaya] Yaqui a [aaaya] clam (sp.) ktoikka [ktoikakaya] lizards (sp.) k-kt [kkataya] they who kill

Therefore the morpheme also triggers the following infixation rule. 2

(11) a-Infixation (morphologically-triggered) a / M (M) C ___ C [+str] Condition: The first C may not be suffixal

This rule feeds Post-tonic Lengthening, but the a itself does not lengthen; I assume this is because as an infix it is treated like a suffix. And just as suffix consonants cannot undergo Post-tonic Lengthening, so this functionally-related infixation rules does not insert a vowel after a suffix consonant, as illustrated by the following forms.

(12) sa-ka [sakaya] caves

1.2.2. Glottalization and Nasal-Glottal metathesis

A sequence of a consonant followed by glottal stop is realized phonetically as a glottalized version of the consonant. This process is observed in the phonetic realization of sequences of k plus : k--a-s Give him/her (something) to drink! [kas]. The labialization is what leads into the articulation of the vowel.

A nasal consonant and a following glottal stop metathesize.3 (That metathesis and not coalescence is involved is established in 2.4.1.). This metathesis applies with some variability across the stronger boundaries.

(13) i-m-e-i [imeia] It is not red. im-e [ime] It is red. i-s-a-p-im a-i [isaplim ai] ~ [isaplimai] I will break it. ktam im-kop [ktam kop] that man

The relative ordering of the glottalization rule and the metathesis rule is probably a moot point since a glottalized nasal and a glottal-nasal sequence are indistinguishable. In 2.4.1 this fact takes on more significance.

2 This suffix is most likely a reduced form of the auxiliary particle a (cf. $3.5.1). 3 The examples in (13) all involve m. Since n is not used as a prefix in Seri, metathesis involving n

would necessarily involve a stronger intervening boundary. It is attested, however.

7

1.2.3. Rounding and Velarization

Back consonants become round when they follow a round consonant. This phrase-level, iterative process is illustrated by the forms in (14).

(14) k-sok [ksok] which are four s-apWx ka-a [sapW kaa] He will tremble.4 k-o-pans [kopans] He ran like him! an k-a-tikpan [an katkpan] who works a lot simWxk epe iti k-om-ya [s mk epe iti konya] When was it launched?

Forms such as [ktotox] Was it dried up? show that other consonants do not become round.

(15) Rounding (phrase-level, iterative): C [+round] / C ___ [+bac] [+round]

What might be considered the same process as Rounding applies when a p follows k. The p becomes k, the resulting geminate cluster being realized as a long segment. This velarization of the p occurs much less across word boundaries, however, unlike Rounding. The examples in (16) illustrate these facts.

(16) a. k-po-pans [kkopans] when he runs like him...

b. im-si-k pa ta- [insk pa ta] if you are going to kill him

The rule is formalized as (17).

(17) Velarization: C [+rd ] / C ___ [-son] [+bac] [+rd ] [+lab] [-cnt]

1.2.4. Diphthongization

As described in Moser and Moser 1965, a vowel immediately preceding a round consonant in the same word becomes a diphthong; a nonlow round offglide agreeing in the feature [high] with that vowel is inserted. Some examples are given in (18) and the rule is formalized in (19). 5

(18) a [ao] cherry stone clam k-i-k-t [kukt] they who kill it a-keWxk [akeoWk] firewood a k-i-fp [a kfp] his arrival there

4 The x of sapWx kaa deletes by a rule which is discussed in 1.2.13. 5 I assume that the diphthongization is not noticeable following a round vowel ok [ok]

wood. The offglide does not figure into the mora count with respect to Post-tonic lengthening.

8

(19) Diphthongization: [-syl ] / V ___ C [+son] [hi] [+rd ] [-cns ] [-rd ] [hi ] [-lo ] [+bac] [+rd ]

1.2.5. Nasalization

Nasalization is noncontrastive in Seri. Nasalized vowels are derived by the interaction of two rules. Nasal lenition (20) feeds a rule that subsequently nasalizes nonconsonantal continuants which follow the nasal glide resulting from that rule. The formulation of the lenition rule as given in (20) presupposes rules of syllabification which will not be developed here.

(20) Nasal lenition: m becomes following a tautosyllabic back stop. (21) Nasalization:

[cns] [+nas] / [cns ] ___ [+nas]

(22) k-mi-fp [kwfp] He is coming to him. kmike [kwke] person; Seri i-s-km-ai a-a [iskwaiaa] I wont do it. i-t-akmoka [itakmoka] Did they put it?

Moser and Moser observed the lenition rule as it was spreading through the lexicon and the speech community, and they contrasted forms to which the rules had applied with forms to which the rules had not yet applied. Therefore they considered nasalization phonemic, although considerable alternation was noted (1965:55). Since then, the rules have generalized to the entire lexicon for younger speakers.

1.2.6. m-Assimilation

A word-initial m or an m following an unstressed vowel assimilates to the general point of articulation of a consonant that follows it.6 This process and others to be described below generate virtually all occurrences of [] in the language. It appears to apply less obligatorily to word-final ms.

(23) m-Assimilation (phrase-level): m [point] / ## () ___ C V [point] [-str]

The effect of this rule is illustrated by the following forms. The optional glottal stop is necessary for forms such as (24f).7

6 It is not clear what is the actual point of articulation of a nasal before y. 7 This complication would be avoided if, as Franois Dell has suggested (p.c.), the glottal and nasal

had coalesced into one unit before (23) applied. This possibility is discussed further in 2.3.4. As the phonetic transcription of (24f) shows, I perceive the nasal as being syllabic in this position.

9

(24) a. i-m-a [ima] who is not grinding b. i-m-pi [imp] who is not tasting it c. i-m-si [ins] who is not smelling it d. i-m-ya [inya] who does not own it e. i-m-ka [ika] who does not look for it f. ma--m-sa [manss a] I am talking to you. g. k-iam-t [kant] who fear it

h. kotpam ki [kotpaki] the sardine (sp.) i. a m-s-in a-a [a nsnaa] He will return soon.

The m in the root /-msisn/ pitiable never assimilates, however.

(25) [momsisn] He is pitiable. [kamsisn] he who loves

Other morpheme-internal ms assimilate. The exceptional nature of /-msisn/ is therefore especially anomalous.

(26) komkak [kokak] people; Seris amkanon [akanon] pan

An underlying n does not assimilate to labial or velar points of articulation.

(27) s-o-men ka-a [somen kaa] He will winnow si-iskan ka-a [siskan kaa] It will be hard.

An m which is preceded by a stressed vowel (in the same word) does not assimilate.

(28) s-im ka-a [sm kaa] He will sleep. s-a-sim ka-a [sas m kaa] It will be nice.

Old word lists indicate that in the 19th century this assimilation rule did not exist. Pinart (1879) and Bartlett (1852) both give komkak for komkak [kokak] people; Seris. McGee (1898), however, gives kun-kak. For tomkox k-k-i [tonkox kk] which are seven, Pinart gives tomkaXkue, and Tenochio (1860) gives tomkuikcui. For komkai [kokai] old woman, however, McGee gives kunkai and Tenochio konkabre.8

1.2.7. The verb /-om/ lie

The m of the commonly used verb /-om/ lie, be prone assimilates even when the preceding vowel is stressed. Compare the following forms. (29) lie swallow (unspec.)

-om -o-am [komia] [komia] He is ... [konya] [komya] Is he ...? [sokaa] [som kaa] He will ...

8 See the preface for information regarding these word lists which are reprinted in Hernndez 1902.

10

These facts might be accounted for by a minor rule which would apply only to the verb /-om/ lie, or this verb could be marked as a positive exception to m-Assimilation.

1.2.8. Other occurrences of []

There are two (other) interesting positive exceptions to the m-Assimilation rule. Phrases serving as demonstratives are composed of a locative plus an article. The underlying form of there is seen in the form im i-t-akat leaving it there... (there OM-RL-leave). In a demonstrative expression the stress occurs on the locative morpheme.

(30) m-intika tok ko-nt- m-a [mintika tok kontma] that=one there he=went There he went.

ktam m-kop [ktam kop] that man

Obviously the problem is that the m has assimilated to the velar point of articulation even though the preceding vowel is strongly stressed. These demonstratives are also unusual in that they are exceptions to Post-tonic Lengthening. The a-Infixation rule is able to apply to these forms, separating the [n] from the conditioning consonant.

(31) [ktam akopaya] That man, my eye! It is not clear how these facts should be accounted for.

The second positive exception is the name of a certain species of duck [ktok], which is obviously onomatopoetic.9

1.2.9. Backing

Another rule generating [] is characteristic of younger speakers especially. By this rule an m following an unstressed vowel becomes [] when it occurs before pause. This rule could be stated as in (32). It does not apply to n.

(32) Backing: m / V ___ || [-str]

Thus words like kotpam sardine (sp.) are usually pronounced [kotpa] utterance finally. Words such as esen ironwood do not have such alternates.

1.2.10. Influence of secondary stress on rules affecting m

The assimilation and backing rules are blocked by secondary stress which is assigned by three rules. The first rule assigns secondary stress to a vowel immediately following a vowel with primary stress. (I will discuss primary stress placement in chapter 2.)

(33) V [2 stress] / V ___ [l stress]

9 One other occurrence of a velar nasal that is not derived by any regular rule is in the (almost

onomatopoetic) verb meaning to speak wrong. In this case it is a labialized velar nasal [sau kaa] He will say it wrong. This lexical item refers to Nasal lenition (20).

11

Therefore s-aom ka-a he will beg becomes [saom kaa] epe kyaim-tox they threw him in the sea becomes [epe kyamtox]. m-Assimilation (23) does not apply.

Secondary stress is also generated during compound word formation, including the formation of some idioms. In compound words the stress on the first member is reduced, resulting in a loss of vowel length.

(34) op Bursera microphylla -n its hands [opn] Bursera hindsiana napa buzzard (sp.) k-Qm he who throws at it [napa kkm] who has poor luck begging

There are many other obviously compound words although they may have undergone further phonological change, most commonly the loss of a consonant or vowel in a cluster.

(35) epe sea, tide ano in kay horse epenokay mythological sea creature k-ak which are big opkak Bursera laxiflora panams seaweed [panamsak] sargassum a-kam husband k-ka who looks for it [akamkka] bird (sp.)

It should be noted that in words such as panamsak above, the m follows a vowel with secondary stress and thus does not assimilate to the following consonant. It is expected that as the internal structure of compound words becomes more opaque, the m-Assimilation rule will apply. A possible example pointed out to me by M. Moser is the initial unanalyzable sequence in the words in (36).

(36) omkaft [okaft] oregano bush omkaoix [okaoix] Opuntia reflexispina omesis10 [oesis] ocotillo

More obvious are the examples in (37), all of which have the sequence (morpheme (?)) am- which has to do with fire (cf. amak campfire).

(37) amkanon [akanon] pan amke [ake] skewer amkaat [akaat] smoke

Higher level rules do not regard vowels with secondary stress as stressed vowels; therefore in subsequent chapters [-stress] means the absence of primary stress.

10 According to M. Moser (p.c.), this word has an idiolectal variant moesis.

12

1.2.11. i-Lowering

A high front vowel is lowered when it is followed by a low vowel (only a will occur in this positioncf. 1.3.3).

(38) i-Lowering: i [+lo] / ___ V [+lo]

(39) i-mi-am [imeam] They said to him. i-si-a [isea] He will order him. i-ax [eax] its vertebra i-as [eas] my mothers father k-ona [konea]11 whoi washes hisi hands

Words such as k- ta what is sharp/pointed show that this lowering rule does not apply if the vowels are not contiguous.

1.2.12. e-Raising

The speech of younger Seri speakers can be partially characterized by a rule which applies less frequently in the speech of older speakers. A post-tonic e becomes i under the following conditions.

(40) e-Raising (optional): e i / i C0 ___

As far as I know, in all cases there is only one consonant separating the vowels. An e does not occur immediately following i nor with a consonant cluster separating it from the i.

(41) kmike [kwki] person; Seri k-ipe [kpi] what is good m-me [mmi] It is all gone.

1.2.13. x-Lenition and x-Deletion

A velar fricative lenites to [W] after k. The only example of this lenition process which I know of is in the word a-yakx [ayaokW]. This is the word on the basis of which Moser and Moser (1965) set up a contrast between /k/ and /kW/ (cf. 1.1.3). The application of a-Infixation (11) ayakx is the evidence for underlying x and not W: [ayaokaxaya] Anklebone, my eye!.

In 4.3.5 it is argued that some forms have a near surface representation ending in Wxk. These are phonetically [Wk]. The x is also absent in other forms which I write as ending in Wx (cf. (14) above). The rule which accounts for these facts is not the same as the lenition process described above, and is not a low-level rule. This is shown by the fact that, unlike the x in ayakx anklebone, the x of the following types of words cannot be made to appear phonetically by means of the rule of a-Infixation (11): kiteWxk who is thin, kaWxk what is dry, and kWxkim which barks (repeatedly) at it.

11 I am positing underlying /ia/ for morpheme internal sequences of [ea] also since there is a rule that changes the sequence ea to ee. (cf. 2.7.1). In 4.1.3.4 additional justification for this is found with respect to certain morphemes at least.

13

1.2.14. Degemination

Nonnasal geminate clusters as well as clusters such as kk tend to degeminate when the second consonant is not followed by a stressed vowel. (The effects of degemination have not been shown in the phonetic representations above.) Degemination has applied in the examples in (42) but not in those in (43).

(42) ip-p-a-ap [ipaap] when I am cold... s-amok ka-a [samokaa] It will be dark. po-pans- [popans] if he runs...

(43) i-m-mokepe-a [immokepea] He is not sick. si k-kap [s kkap] thing that flies (airplane) s-amok k-e-ya [samok keya] Will it be night?

1.2.15. Sibilant assimilation

An s assimilates to a following s. (As far as I know, the sequence ss is not generated by any processes in the language.) Therefore when the s of the independent irrealis prefix is followed by a root beginning with s, it also becomes s: s-sat a-a [ssataa] It will be thorny.

1.2.16. Phrase and clause stress

I have already mentioned that underlying as well as derived vowel length is in direct correlation with the degree of stress which occurs. One process affecting stress is the way in which compound nouns are formed (cf. 1.2.10).

Another factor affecting the degree of phonetic stress is the rule which reduces primary stress on words in a phrase except for the final primary stress. The phrase ka komkak k-ms pak (things Seris NOM-resemble some) some Indians has the most noticeable stress on the word kmis. The degree of post-tonic lengthening on ika and the contrastive vowel length on komkak are reduced significantly. In noun phrases the tendency is to maintain the right-most primary stress while reducing the others, as was the case in compounding.

The stress on the verb of a dependent clause is commonly reduced, apparently obligatorily so, when it is immediately preceded by a stressed particle with which it is associated semantically. (Many of these are the relational nouns discussed in 7.11.) The stress in (44a) is on iti, in (44b) on ant, in (44c) on ano. The stress in (44d) is retained on the verb since another morpheme occurs between the particle and the stressed morpheme of the verb.

(44) a. ti m-p-om if you lie on it... b. ant mp-om if you lie down... c. sa kix ano po-skim when the sun goes in (sets)... d. iti m-s-kam-om a-a You shouldnt lie on it!

1.2.17. Other

For other details of the phonetics of Seri, including basic intonation patterns, see Moser and Moser 1965. Kroebers (1931) claim that Seri is a tonal language is incorrect.

14

1.3. Phonotactics

Discussion of the consonant and vowel clusters of Seri was the primary focus of Moser and Moser 1965. In this section I will present some of the facts in a different way as well as present some new observations. 12

1.3.1. Initial consonant clusters

As many as four consonants can be observed to occur together in word-initial position (preceded by pause), as illustrated by the word k-s-tamt there will be many.... To my knowledge, all of these (which are few) involve some verb form with the third person oblique prefix (cf. 2.4.3). They are therefore a restricted type of variation based on the more common three-consonant clusters which will be discussed below.

I will discuss clusters in terms of the following classes: stops (S), fricatives (F), nasals (N), and glides (G) (including glottal stop). I will ignore the voiced lateral. The attested utterance-initial two-consonant clusters are listed in (45). (45) Attested Unattested

SS FS NS GS SF FF NF GF SN FN NN GN SG FG NG GG

The unattested clusters all involve an initial sonorant. The following observation holds true for all surface forms.

(46) A sonorant-consonant sequence is always preceded by a vowel.13 Either of two epenthesis rules, discussed in 2.3.4 and 2.3.6, applies to potential violations of this generalization.

Of the sixty-four possible initial three-consonant clusters, only a few actually occur. They are shown, with some examples in (47). While most arise through verb inflection, some are attested in monomorphemic words.

12 Many of the results of Moser and Moser's study would have to be changed under the revised phonological analysis presented in this thesis. For example, they counted [k] as two consonants whereas it is clearly only one, k. They also have utterance-initial clusters beginning with glottal stop. As far as I can tell, however, these glottal stops are either preceded by an epenthetic i (cf. 2.3.4) or not present at all phonetically.

13 The form [manss a] I am talking to you is not accomodated by a strict interpretation of this generalization. The nasal is syllabic, however, as was noted in 1.2.6.

15

(47) SSS : ptkamn lobster k-p-ko-yo they who taste it SSF : k-t-simpa Was it moldy...? SSN : t-kmamat Is it a female? SSG : k-t-yeno Did he have a face like him? k-t-e Was it red...? SFS : t-tamt Was it a lot? k-s-ko-mt they who like it SFF : k-sok he who hacks at it SFN : k-nois what is cluttered SFG : k-s-yeno He will have a face like him. k-s-emt It will stink...

FSS : s-ktamot It will be a male. pkim (nickname) FSN : s-kmamat It will be a female. FFS : s-tamt It will be a lot.

I assume that the remaining clusters which do not violate (46), namely FFF, FSF, FFG, FSG, and FFN are accidental gaps.

1.3.2. Final consonant clusters

As many as four consonants can be observed to occur together in word-final position (preceding pause). These will be discussed below. First I will discuss two-consonant clusters which occur in final position. The attested and unattested clusters are listed below. 14 (48) Attested Unattested

SS NS SN SG SF NF FN FG FS NN NG FF GS GN GG GF

Of the unattested clusters, the three involving nasals are the most relevant since such clusters are generated as the result of Syncope (cf, 4.1.2). A rule inserting i (cf. 4.3.6) is the most common way in which such clusters are prevented from surfacing. The following observation holds true for all surface forms.

(49) The consonants of a coda agree in nasality. Since it is not likely that the absence of glide-final clusters is accidental, the following generaliza-

tion is stated.

(50) Glides occur only contiguous to a vowel.

14 The glide y does not occur in any coda clusters. In fact, it does not occur at all as a syllable coda except in the loanword kay horse. Therefore the glides referred to in (48) are all glottal stops.

16

Were it not for the fact that a syllable can end in a cluster consisting of two nasals, one could say that sonorants occur only contiguous to a vowel. Such a generalization would make (46) and (50) both unnecessary.

Of the possible three-consonant clusters, only the following are attested word-finally.

(51) SSF : yekts Yaquis -aptx be wide

FS : takk porpoises -apxk wear around neck

FF : -kap be sour keps sand crab senapsx heron (sp.)

FF : -afs be lightweight -as15 cough

SS : -askt lung

SF : koftx coral snake -ap be mad at

FS : ak arrow points -asxk white lice

SF : -amtx tendon -anp return home

FS : -tamk temple (of head) -amxk bring

FF : -in be empty

FF : -pes be shallow -mis slip

FS : -a-mk make smooth (pl.) GSF : i-t-at- when they saw it...

The absence of the clusters SSS, NSS, and GSS is probably an accident. The observations noted above account for the remaining clusters which do not occur.

To any dependent verb with three final consonants could be added the suffix /-/ (cf. 3.1.7), creating a four-consonant cluster: i-po-mxk- if he brings it.... A nominalized verb (cf. 2.6.1) could also be followed by the definite article ki (cf. 7.1) which has the allomorph [k] in utterance final position. This construction would add another consonant to any final cluster. An example is [kanp k] (NOM-return the).16

15 Utterance-finally this cluster occurs as [s] the Cluster n, as in kin what is empty does not exhibit this metathesis, however.

16 The four-consonant clusters occurring stem-internally that I know of all involve a W followed by xk -oWxk be upright (pl.), -tipWxk squeeze, -amWxk overturn (pl.), and tamapWxk

17

1.3.3. Vowel clusters

A few observations will be made here with respect to unattested vowel clusters. Moser and Moser 1965 notes that the cluster ae does not occur. A more general constraint is perhaps in force, however, since the cluster aC0e does not occur either (cf. 2.3.5), while aC1e does occur. (See also 6.1.1.)

Moser and Moser 1965 notes also that only one occurrence of the cluster ei was found: [ateikti] rag. However, this is a compound based on -a-tai (loin)cloth and i--ktim (3P-NOM-be=cut) piece of. Other than in this word, the sequence does not occur phonetically, although it does occur phonologically. See 2.7.1.

I have personally observed that pretonic e does not occur and that where it is expected (cf. 2.3.5 and 4.1.4) a occurs instead.17 Important exceptions to this generalization are the first and second person oblique prefixes (cf. 2.4.3). Except for these prefixes and the independent pronouns, the vowel e() appears to be restricted to either of the following positions: ___ C1 ___. [+str]

I have also observed that the sequence ia does not occur morpheme-internally underlyingly, with only one exception, /-iam/ be spacious. The sequence arises through the juxtaposition of morphemes and as a result of a minor ablaut rule, however. This sequence does not even occur phonetically word-internally.18 Word-internal sequences of ia surface as [ea] (cf. 1.2.11) or [iya] (cf. 5.3). Also, the sequence ie does not occur on the surface. Finally, with the exception noted above, the sequence iV does not occur morpheme-internally in underlying representations where V is a vowel other than i().19 Derived sequences of the latter type do occur, however, as in -onam my hat, from underlying /i-aonam/. rainbows. The x does not occur phonetically in this position, however, and so these are not good examples of four-consonant clusters (cf. 1.2.13).

17 One exception is the common pronunciation of i-kekt my parent-in-law which is [ekekt]. 18 This sequence arises with certain suffixes and particles, however, such as those noted in Moser

and Moser 1965 ai-a-a it is really windy, i-s-ai a-a [isaiaa] he will do it. 19 Moser and Moser 1965 incorrectly analyzed root-initial sequences of yV as iV. They are most

definitely consonant-initial roots as prefixation patterns indicate.

18

Postscript to Chapter 1

A somewhat more conservative position about the place of the round consonants is taken in Marlett 1988. This article also presents a much more complete discussion of the syllable structure of Seri. I also now am convinced that W should be understood phonologically as a labialized velar fricative, x, as suggested by an anonymous IJAL referee sometime in the past.

The abstract consonant is discussed in Marlett 1981 and Marlett and Stemberger 1983. The latter proposes that the abstract consonant facts should be analyzed as resulting from an empty consonant position.

I have observed since writing this thesis that Velarization (17) is not obligatory for all speakers of Seri.

The pronunciation of the word mentioned in note 17 actually has a lengthened e [] in the first, unstressed syllable, which is very odd since vowels are not contrastive in unstressed position, and are not long in pre-stress position.

Finally, I have decided in more recent technical publications to use the symbol rather than e for the low front vowel since it is too easy for readers to incorrectly interpret the short-hand representations that were used earlier. I also regret the choice that I made in the thesis of trying to write words at an intermediate phonological representation which is probably likely to be misinterpreted in various ways. For example, the representation of [nt] as mt in those places where we know that the nasal comes from an underlying m is too likely to be misunderstood as being phonetically [mt]. Marlett, Stephen A. 1981. The abstract consonant in Seri. Proceedings of the Berkeley Linguistics

Society, pp. 154-165. Marlett, Stephen A. 1988 The syllable structure of Seri. International Journal of American Linguistics

54:245-78. Marlett, Stephen A., and Joseph P. Stemberger. 1983. Empty consonants in Seri. Linguistic Inquiry

14:617-639.

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Chapter 2 Prefix Morphology and Morphophonemics

2.1. Overview of prefix morphology

Finite verbs in Seri are minimally marked for person and number of the final subject and direct object (if any), for person of oblique nominals (with certain conditions), and for mood. (The agreement rules are given more precisely in 2.4 and developed in later chapters.) Other verb markings which occur as prefixes on finite verbs include: directionals (cf. 2.5.14); object marker (OM) (cf. 2.5.1); unspecified subject (US) (cf. 2.5.11); negative (cf. 2.5.2); first person restrictive (cf. 2.5.9); passive (cf. 2.5.5); detransitivizer (D) (cf. 2.5.4 and chapter 13); an augment prefix (cf. 2.5.6 and chapter 14) which indicates a causative meaning, among other things; and a prefix meaning times (X) (cf. 2.5.10 and chapter 11). Imperative and infinitival forms, which involve special prefixes, have the same structure as finite verbs except that the following prefixes do not occur on them (cf. 2.5.3,7-8): subject prefix, object marker, unspecified subject, and first person restrictive. The negative prefix also never occurs on infinitival forms. The structures of nominalizations are slightly different and are discussed in 2.6.

The relative order of these prefixes is given in (1).20 (1) Obliq.-Direct.- Object - Subj.-Mood - Neg.- First - Pass. - Augment - root

Marker Restr. Imperative Detr. X times Unspec. Object Infinitive Subject

The brackets in (1) indicate some of the restrictions on these morphemes. The mood prefixes, which structurally and semantically form a class, are discussed in the next

section.

2.2. Mood prefixes

The prefixes in (2), which indicate primarily mood, occur on finite verbs. (Discussion of the imperative mood is postponed until 2.5.7.) One of these prefixes occurs on every finite verb. (2) Realis21

(Neutral) /t-/ (RL) Emphatic /o-/ (EMPH) Distal /yo-/ (DIST) Proximal /mi-/ (PROX) Irrealis Abilitative /tm-/ (ABIL) (Dependent) /po-/ (IRR) (Independent) /si-/ (IRR)

20 [New footnote: This diagram corrects an error in the dissertation, in which the unspecified

subject prefix was incorrectly placed preceding the negative prefix.] 21 I use the terms realis/irrealis basically in the same sense as actual/potential. Parameters which do

not affect these moods in Seri are negation and interrogation. Both realis and irrealis clauses therefore occur negated and as questions. Were it not for certain uses of the mood prefixes, it would be possible to view the distinction as nonfuture/future.

20

I use the term dependent clause to refer to a finite clause which cannot normally stand alone grammatically as a complete sentence. Adverbial clauses in English would be considered dependent clauses by this definition. Complement clauses are excluded from classification as dependent or independent since these are nominalized in Seri. The only mood prefixes which occur on finite verbs in dependent clauses are the neutral realis /t-/ and the dependent irrealis /po-/. The prefix /t-/ also occurs on verbs in independent clauses.

In the following sections I will illustrate briefly the usage of the mood prefixes. In 2.3 I will discuss the rules which account for their allomorphs.

2.2.1. Neutral realis

The realis prefix /t-/ is the most neutral of all the realis prefixes. It is the only mood prefix which occurs in both independent and dependent clauses. It is the only realis prefix used in questions. It occurs with the negative prefix, unlike the proximal realis. It is the only realis prefix used in dependent clauses. When it occurs before a non-interrogative verb in an independent clause, however, a suffix generally also occurs. The examples in (3) illustrate the use of this prefix in dependent clauses, those in (4) its use in interrogative clauses, and those in (5) its use in non-interrogative independent clauses.22

(3) a. ap ki t-oi ma yo-p-ait deer the RL-die SR DIST-PASS-eat When a deer died (was killed), it was eaten.

b. /mi-matx/ ai kop ap t-ap- im-matx air the outside RL-stand-UT PROX-hot When the air comes out, it is hot.

c. /mi-om/ t-im a m-om RL-sleep there PROX-lie Hes lying there sleeping.

d. /m-t-im /ika-im/ /mi--amso/ im-t-im o ik-im mi-mso ki 2sS-RL-sleep although INF-sleep 2P-NOM-want the

/ma-tm-akat-o/ ma-t-km-akat-io 2sO-RL-NEG-leave-o Although you slept, your desire to sleep didnt leave you.

e. /p-yo-im/ t-apka ma p-y-im RL-rain SR lsS-DIST-sleep While it rained I slept.

22 When the underlying form of a verb is different from the intermediate form given in an example,

it is given in slashes above the intermediate form. The underlying form of the verb stem will not be given, however.

21

f. /mi-emt/ t-oi m-emt RL-die PROX-stink When it died it stank.

g. /yo-askam/ iap t-apa ma yo-skam days RL-three SR DIST-arrive/PL They arrived three days ago.

(4) a. koi t-a-tikpan-o still RL-AUG-work-o Is he still working?

b. so t-p-ai how RL-PASS say What is it called?

c. /m-t-a-pasirox/ moma ki im-t-a-pasirox yesterday the 2sS-RL-AUG-stroll Did you take a stroll yesterday?

d. t-m-afp RL-NEG-arrive Didnt he arrive?

(5) a. /ika-o-ait/ /-t-m-amso-o/ ik-o-it i-t-km-amso-o INF-D-eat lsS-RL-NEG-want-o I dont want to eat.

b. /im-t-m-aax-o/ e xefe i im-t-km-aax-io lPRO chief ii lsO-RL-NEG-know/PL-o Although I was chief, they dont know me.

c. /t-mi-e/ t-m-afp t-em-e RL-NEG-arrive t-PROX-say Hei didnt arrive, hej said.

d. /t-pokt-i/ an t-pokt-ii much RL-full-i How full it is!

e. /t-aptx-a-a/ t-apatx-a-a RL-wide-a-DECL It is wide!

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f. /i-t-m-Qaktim-o/ totWxk kix sat k-isil ki i-t-kom-Qaktim-io cholla the NOM-small the OM-RL-NEG-touch-o Children dont (shouldnt) touch the cholla cactus!

2.2.2. Emphatic realis

The prefix /o-/ indicates a nonfuture action or state which the speaker is emphatically asserting (not questioning).23 The clause is always independent.

(6) a. /mo-o-m-a/ im-o-m-a toward-EMPH-NEG-move Hes not coming!

b. si so -o-m-ait thing a lsS-EMPH-NEG-eat I havent eaten a thing!

c. /o-apl/ -ap- EMPH-cold Its cold!

d. /o-oit/ an i-sa ant ait much lP-spirit down EMPH-descend I am very happy!

2.2.3. Distal realis

The prefix /yo-/ signifies that the action took place in the past, generally a more distant action in terms of time or distance than one marked by the prefix /mi-/ described in 2.2.4. It is also used in clauses indicating habitual action. This prefix does not occur in interrogative or in dependent clauses.

(7) a. si i-pasi ka t-asox ma- yo-p-ait thing 3P-flesh the/FOC RL-alone SR-UT DIST-PASS-eat Only meat was eaten.

b. /im-yo-yox/ apis ki an im-y-yox tobacco the much lsO-DIST-give/PL They gave me lots of cigarettes.

c. /p-t-im/ /i-y-otx/ ip-t-im i-y-atx ko ka- lsS-RL-sleep lP-NOM-arise all the/FOC-UT

23 Interestingly, there is a suffix of this same shape which adds emphasis to an assertion about a

future event (cf. 3.1.1).

23

/-yo-asi/ kafe ki -yo-si coffee the lsS-DIST-drink After sleeping, arising, I always drink coffee.

2.2.4. Proximal realis

The realis prefix /mi-/ indicates that the event described in the clause has already occurred or that it is presently occurring. This prefix does not cooccur with negation. It occurs only in affirmative, non-interrogative independent clauses, as in (8). (This and the distal realis prefix do occur, however, in a highly restricted type of adverbial clause, as described in 3.6.3-4.)

(8) a. /p-mi-eexim/ ip-m-eexim e kma-aa lsS-PROX-old lPRO now-? Now I am old.

b. /i--aktim/ /-mi-ka/ simet ki i--ktim ki -m-ka bread the 3P-NOM-be=cut the lsS-PROX-look=for I look for pieces of bread.

c. /-mi-ak/ /i-o-akim/ /mi-ipe/ ap ki -mi-k -o-kim mi-ipe deer the lsS-PROX-kill lP-NOM-throw PROX-good I killed deer; I was a good shot.

2.2.5. Abilitative irrealis

The prefix /tm-/ signifies that the event related by the clause, which must be yet in the future, is able to or is permitted to transpire. An imperative meaning is often implied. The clause is always independent, non-negative, and non-interrogative.

(9) a. ant po-fi ta tm-a-ap land IRR-? SR ABIL-PASS-dig=up Tomorrow it can be dug up.

b. /im-m-tm-a-patxk-is/ im-m-tkm-a-patxk-is lsO-2sS-ABIL-AUG-loose-is OK, untie me!

c. /a-tm-o-kos/ /mi-eyo/ -tkm-o-kos a m-eyo 1plS-ABIL-D-rob and PROX-say/PL Lets rob, they said.

d. /isi-mi-ai /ko-ma-tm-oi/ o-a isi-mi-i tok k-ma-tkm-oi thus-FOC 1plO-PROX-say there 3Ob-2plS-ABIL-be/PL Thus he told us: You all stay there!

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2.2.6. Dependent irrealis

The irrealis prefix /po-/ occurs on verbs in dependent clauses which relate unaccomplished events, future or past. The events in (10a-e) are future, and those in (10f-i) are past.

(10) a. /po-ap/ kototax so ant s i-ti po-p ta boojum a land a 3P-on IRR-stand SR If there is a boojum tree somewhere,

/m-po-ao/ /ko-mi--siixim/ m-po-o anta k-mi--siixim isa 2sS-IRR-see near 3Ob-2P-NOM-move concessive if you see it, even though you move near it,

/m-po-m-a-aktim/ i-tak so m-po-m-a-ktim 3P-trunk a 2sS-IRR-NEG-AUG-be=cut you shouldnt cut its trunk,

/ko-m-si-m-xiit/ ast so ko-m-s-kom-xiit a-a stone a 3Ob-2sS-IRR-NEG-hit AUX-DECL you shouldnt hit it with a stone.

b. /m-po-ait-/ /m-si-mokepe/ im-po-it- im-s-mokepe a-a 2sS-IRR-eat-UT 2sS-IRR-sick AUX-DECL If you eat it, you will get sick.

c. kma po-amok ta now IRR-night SR When it is night (i.e., tonight),

/si-m-ix/ piest ant s-m-ix k-e-ya fiesta land IRR-NEG-sit NOM-say/D-INTERR wont there be a fiesta?

d. /po-apa/ iap popa ta days IRR-three SR When the days are three (i.e., in three days),

/ko-si-itoix/ me k-s-itoix k-e-ya 2PRO 3Ob-IRR-leave/PL NOM-say/D-INTERR will you (pl.) leave?

e. /-po-okta/ i-po-kait ta i-p-okta oke OM-IRR-spear SR 1sS-IRR-look=at I=wish How I would like to see him spear it!

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f. /im-po-a/ im-p-a i-m-ata-ia 1sO-IRR-accompany NOM-NEG-go-DECL He didnt go with me.

g. /po-a-sim-a/ p-a-sim-a a yo-m-a IRR-AUG-like-true just DIST-NEG-be It wasnt very pretty.

h. /a-po-amlaxk/ /ko-a-si-italax/ pak a-po-mlaxk k-a-s-italax a ta some 1plS-IRR-bring/PL 3Ob-1plS-IRR-sell/PL and AUX If we brought some (lobsters) back,

a-t-amxk 1plS-RL-think/PL we intended to sell them.

i. ptkamn so po-tamt ta i--m-aktox-ia lobster a IRR-abundant SR 1P-NOM-NEG-kill/PL-DECL We didnt kill many lobsters.

2.2.7. Independent irrealis

The prefix /si-/ signifies that the event related by the clause has not yet occurred. In an independent clause, a verb marked with this prefix must be followed by one of a variety of suffixes or particles (cf. 3.5), as shown in (11). Verbs with this prefix also occur in a very restricted type of complement clause, exemplified in (10h) and discussed in 9.4.

(11) a. /p-si-m-aptim-o /p-si-m-ata/ ip-s-km-aptim-o ip-s-km-ata aa 1sS-IRR-NEG-pack-EMPH 1sS-IRR-NEG-go AUX-DECL Im not going to pack! Im not going to go.

b. /si-a-tikpan-is/ s-a-tikpan-is IRR-AUG-work-is Of course hell work.

c. /si-sat-o/ mi-n ki s-sat-o 2P-fingers the IRR-have=thorns-EMPH Your fingers will get thorns in them.

d. /-si-amo/ mos i-s-mo a-ya again 1sS-IRR-say AUX-INTERR Shall I say it again?

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e. /i-si-ak/ i-si-k po-o OM-IRR-kill IRR-o He will kill it perhaps.

f. /p-si-itat-i/ a kma p-s-itat-i just now 1sS-IRR-gather=tor