Marx/Engels Internet Archive

Written: July 1870 - May 1871First Published: 1871Source: English Edition of 1871Translated: from the FrenchTranscription/Markup: ZodiacOnline Version: Marx/Engels Internet Archive (marxists.org) 1993, 2000

Contents:

Introduction 23 k

[The Begining of the Franco-Prussian War] 13 k

[Prussian Occupation of France] 22 k

[France Capitulates & the Government of Thiers] 31 k

[Paris Workers' Revolution& Thiers' Reactionary Massacres]

22 k

[The Paris Commune] 42 k

[The Fall of Paris] 31 k

Appendix:

The Civil War in France

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Engels 1891 PostscriptMarx's Letters to Dr. Kugelmann (April, 1871)Timeline of the Civil WarPicture GalleryNews stories describing some of the last massacres

Marx/Engels Library

The Civil War in France

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Frederick EngelsThe Civil War in France

Introduction

Written by Karl Marx as an address to the General Council of the International, with the aim ofdistributing to workers of all countries a clear understanding of the character and world-wide significanceof the heroic struggle of the Communards and their historical experience to learn from. The book waswidely circulated by 1872 it was translated into several languages and published throughout Europe andthe United States.

The first address was delivered on July 23rd, 1870, five days after the beginning of the Franco-Prussianwar. The second address, delivered on September 9, 1870, gave a historical overview of the events aweek after the army of Bonaparte was defeated. The third address, delivered on May 30, 1870, two daysafter the defeat of the Paris Commune detailed the significance and the underlining causes of the firstworkers government ever created.

Publication Information: The Civil War in France was originally published by Marx as only the thirdaddress (here comprising Chapters 3 through 6) separated into four chapters. In 1891, on the 20thanniversary of the Paris Commune, Engels put together a new collection of the work. Engels decided toinclude the first two addresses that Marx made to the International (Chapters 1 and 2) in this wayproviding additional historical background to the Civil War; Marx's account of the Franco-Prussian (Julyto September, 1870). In this publication, basic titles have been provided for each chapter in brackets, togive the unfamiliar reader a basic guide to the historical events each chapter discusses. Also, Engels 1891introduction has been separated into two parts: an introduction (below) and a postscript.

1891 Introduction by Frederick EngelsOn the 20th Anniversary of the Paris Commune

[Historical Background &Overview of the Civil War]

Thanks to the economic and political development of France since [the French Revolution of] 1789, for50 years the position of Paris has been such that no revolutions could break out there without assuming aproletarian character, that is to say, the proletariat, which had bought victory with its blood, would

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advance its own demands after victory. These demands were more or less unclear and even confused,corresponding to the state of evolution reached by the workers of Paris at the particular period, but in thelast resort they all amounted to the abolition of the class antagonism between capitalist and workers. It istrue that no one knew how this was to be brought about. But the demand itself, however indefinite it stillwas in its formulation, contained a threat to the existing order of society; the workers who put it forwardwere still armed; therefore the disarming of the workers was the first commandment for the bourgeois atthe helm of the state. Hence, after every revolution won by the workers, a new struggle, ending with thedefeat of the workers.

This happened for the first time in 1848. The liberal bourgeoisie of the parliamentary opposition heldbanquets for securing reform of the franchise, which was to ensure supremacy for their party. Forcedmore and more, in their struggle with the government, to appeal to the people, they had to allow theradical and republican strata of the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie gradually to take the lead. Butbehind these stood the revolutionary workers, and since 1830,[A] these had acquired far more politicalindependence than the bourgeoisie, and even the republicans, suspected. At the moment of the crisisbetween the government and the opposition, the workers opened battle on the streets; [King] LouisPhilippe vanished, and with him the franchise reform; and in its place arose the republic, and indeed onewhich the victorious workers themselves designated as a "social" republic. No one, however, was clear asto what this social republic was to imply; not even the workers themselves. But they now had arms intheir hands, and were a power in the state. Therefore, as soon as the bourgeois republicans in control feltsomething like firm ground under their feet, their first aim was to disarm the workers. This took place bydriving them into the insurrection of June 1848 by direct breach of faith, by open defiance and theattempt to banish the unemployed to a distant province. The government had taken care to have anoverwhelming superiority of force. After five days' heroic struggle, the workers were defeated. And thenfollowed a blood-bath of the defenceless prisoners, the likes of which as not been seen since the days ofthe civil wars which ushered in the downfall of the Roman republic. It was the first time that thebourgeoisie showed to what insane cruelties of revenge with will be goaded the moment the proletariatdares to take its stand against them as a separate class, with its own interests and demands. And yet 1848was only child's play compared with their frenzy in 1871.

Punishment followed hard at heel. If the proletariat was not yet able to rule France, the bourgeoisie couldno longer do so. At least not at that period, when the greater part of it was still monarchically inclined,and it was divided into three dynastic parties [Legitimists, Orleanists and Bonapartists] and a fourthrepublican party. Its internal dissensions allowed the adventurer Louis Bonaparte to take possession of allthe commanding points army, police, administrative machinery and, on December 2, 1851,[B] toexplode the last stronghold of the bourgeoisie, the National Assembly. The Second Empire opened theexploitation of France by a gang of political and financial adventurers, but at the same time also anindustrial development such as had never been possible under the narrow-minded and timorous system ofLouis Philippe, with its exclusive domination by only a small section of the big bourgeoisie. LouisBonaparte took the political power from the capitalists under the pretext of protecting them, thebourgeoisie, from the workers, and on the other hand the workers from them; but in return his ruleencouraged speculation and industrial activity in a word the rise and enrichment of the wholebourgeoisie to an extent hitherto unknown. To an even greater extent, it is true, corruption and massrobbery developed, clustering around the imperial court, and drawing their heavy percentages from thisenrichment.

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But the Second Empire was the appeal to the French chauvinism, the demand for the restoration of thefrontiers of the First Empire, which had been lost in 1814, or at least those of the First Republic.[C] AFrench empire within the frontiers of the old monarchy and, in fact, within the even more amputatedfrontiers of 1815 such a thing was impossible for any long duration of time. Hence the necessity forbrief wars and extension of frontiers. But no extension of frontiers was so dazzling to the imagination ofthe French chauvinists as the extension to the German left bank of the Rhine. One square mile on theRhine was more to them than ten in the Alps or anywhere else. Given the Second Empire, the demand forthe restoration to France of the left bank of the Rhine, either all at once or piecemeal, was merely aquestion of time. The time came with the Austro-Prussian War of 1866; cheated of the anticipated"territorial compensation" by Bismarck, and by his own over-cunning, hesitating policy, there was notnothing left for Napoleon but war, which broke out in 1870 and drove him first to Sedan, and then toWilhelmshohe [prison].

The inevitable result was the Paris Revolution of September 4, 1870. The empire collapsed like a houseof cards, and the republic was again proclaimed. But the enemy was standing at the gates [of Paris]; thearmies of the empire were either hopelessly beleaguered in Metz or held captive in Germany. In thisemergency the people allowed the Paris Deputies to the former legislative body to constitute themselvesinto a "Government of National Defence". This was the more readily conceded, since, for the purpose ofdefence, all Parisians c