Since President Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s dramatic departurefrom Haiti on February 29th and the installation of a US-ledmultinational peacekeeping force, the media spotlight hasleft the island as quickly as the pre-dawn flight that tookAristide to exile in the Central African Republic. While theUnited States and much of the international community isfocused on the June 30th transferof power in Iraq, another transferof power will occur on June 1st

in Haiti: the scheduledreplacement of the current US-led force of multinationalpeacekeepers by a UnitedNations peacekeeping force.

The US Southern Command’sofficial title for the currentmultinational effort is“Operation Secure Tomorrow,”which numbers 1,940 US troops,825 French, 500 Canadians and330 Chileans. The multinationaltask force has been training theHaitian police in disarmament,cleaning the streets of waste,securing aid deliveries and providing a much-neededpresence in the streets. The ground, air and maritime forcesare mostly concentrated in the capital city of Port-au-Prince.

meaningful debate and genuinepluralism.”

Hamid concurred, “There was a lackof any meaningful campaign wherepeople could make an informeddecision.” The overwhelming successof United Russia—Mr. Putin’s

unofficial party—in the DecemberDuma election fractured party supportfor many of Putin’s challengers.

Russian voters unabashedlyexpressed a preference for the stabilityproffered by Mr. Putin whileinternational observers questionedtheir awareness of alternatives.

Despite Russian campaign laws thatofficially provide for equal mediaaccess for candidates and restrict

Prime Minister Gerard Latortue, left, with interimPresident Boniface Alexandre.

An Interview withCongressman Tom Lantos

SAIS Student/StaffDiscounts Pg. 6,11

SAIS Student Observes ‘Non-Election’

TheObserver

May 6, 2004 The Newspaper of The Johns Hopkins University Nitze School of Advanced International Studies Volume 2 No. 6

In ThisIssue

Regan onClarke

Pg. 8

.On March 14th, Russians took to thepolls and elected the third presidentof the Russian Federation. Theelections, which were preceded byreports of a disappeared candidate,Lenin’s hometown voting “against all”in the December Duma elections, andthe elimination of many privately-owned television stations, provided anopportunity to examine the health ofRussia’s nascent democracy.

In western Siberia, 52 hours by rail fromMoscow, first-year SAIS student MishHamid sought to ensure free and fairelections as an observer for theOrganization for Security andCooperation in Europe (OSCE)mission. Partnered with a 65-year oldSwedish woman with a penchant forvodka, Hamid described the encounteras “the biggest non-election I’ve everobserved.” Russia was Hamid’s thirdobservance, having monitoredUkrainian Parliamentary elections in2002 and Kosovo Assembly electionsin 2001.

What OSCE observers found mostunsettling about the RussianPresidential election was not Miami-Dade county voting irregularities, butrather the striking absence of anycampaign. Although voters couldselect from seven candidates, anyevidence of a contest (posters,debates) against the heavily-favoredPresident Vladimir Putin was scarce. Apost-hoc OSCE press release issuedon March 15th deplored the “death of

After the Dust Settled:Sorting Out Haiti, Post-Crisis

AP

Continued on page 11

Bergen onSecurity

Pg. 2

By Levi Tillemann

campaign spending, Gallup polls weresuperfluous in predicting this outcome.Word on the street suggested thatPutin would receive 70 percent of thevotes. He actually did better, bestingthe field with 71 percent of the vote. Ina country of 145 million, the lack of asignificant plurality distressedobservers.

In spite of this lopsided result,Russians take their electionsseriously. In one Novosibirsk precinct,polling station officials heatedlyexchanged words for four hours tosettle a discrepancy of six votes. Ofcourse, they exhausted themselvesbefore they began the tedious hand-counting of ballots, resulting in early-morning carelessness. Nonetheless,the OSCE reported a genuinely well-administered election upon the basisof 340 observers hailing from 39countries.

This feat is technically impressiveconsidering the introduction ofcomputerized touch-screen balloting inMoscow and St. Petersburg. In nearly1,000 such stations, the OSCE reportedonly one instance of an officialattempting to tamper with tabulatingequipment. Elsewhere, irregularitieswere more commonplace, however.Husbands assisted their wives incasting their ballots and open voting

By Christopher Hattayer

President Putin contemplates the future of‘Democratic’ Russia.

By Katherine ShaferBrazil has committed 1,470 troops to arrive in July and remainfor six months as part of the UN effort. Other Latin Americannations to commit forces are Argentina, Chile and Peru.The UN hopes to build a force of several thousand troops.

Haiti’s interim prime minister, Gerard Latortue, assessed thecurrent situation in Haiti as “a state of total bankruptcy.

The state is totally demolished.”Mr. Latortue pleaded for moreinternational aid to help rebuildthe ravaged nation, which is thepoorest in the hemisphere andcontinues to be plagued byviolence, unemployment,disease and a complete lack ofinfrastructure.

So far, the United Nations hasreceived only $7 million of the$35 million in emergencyhumanitarian assistance itrequested for Haiti. The Bushadministration has promised $9million to the Organization ofAmerican States to promotedemocracy in Haiti, in addition

to its annual foreign assistance of $55 million. Accordingto Reginald Dumas, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan’sspecial envoy, massive and sustained aid is required inHaiti for up to twenty years.

Tom Lantos is the rankingDemocrat on the InternationalRelations Committee. Born inHungary to Jewish parents in1928, Lantos is the onlyHolocaust survivor ever to servein the U.S. Congress. Thefounding member of theCongressional Human RightsCaucus, he has often drawn on his personal history whenanalyzing U.S. foreign policy. Lantos has been relentlessin his pursuit of humanitarian objectives, ranging fromthe fight for Tibetan independence to the struggle againstHIV-AIDS. He has represented Southern San Francisco,California’s 12th District, for the past 24 years.

You obviously have a unique history. You are the onlyHolocaust survivor who as ever been a member of theU.S. Congress. Can you tell us a little about how yourWWII experience has influenced your world view?

Well that’s a very fair question. Obviously my WWIIexperience made me convinced that one’s life should havea purpose far beyond oneself.

I take the cliché very seriously that we should leave theworld better than we found it. I devoted some 30 years ofmy adult life, 32 years to be exact, to University teaching,and now 24 years to serving in the U.S. Congress. It is afootnote, though not an inconsequential one, that mypension would be almost identical to my salary. So I’mclearly not continuing my Congressional service at age76 for financial reasons, but because of the opportunityto make an impact.

For a Holocaust survivor to have the privilege of servingin Congress as the top Democrat on the InternationalRelations Committee is nothing short of a miracle.

Three weeks ago you pushed a piece of legislationthrough the International Relations Sub-Committee toremove Russia from the G8. You recently returned froma Congressional delegation to Russia. Why did youintroduce this legislation, and did it have any effect onyour trip?

That’s an excellent question. You should know that in thehistory of the Congress, I am the only member whopersonally owes his life to the Russian, at that time Soviet,army. I was in Budapest in mid-January 1945 when theSoviet Army liberated Budapest from Nazi occupation. Ihave a profound sense of gratitude for the Russians andtheir enormous sacrifice during the Second World War.Millions of Russians were killed – in fact the figure isprobably in the neighborhood of 20 million.

I had the privilege of being [Boris Yeltsin’s] host on hisfirst visit to our nation’s capital . . . and I strongly favoredthe efforts of the G7 (U.S., U.K., Italy, Germany, Canada,Japan, and France) to expand its boundaries to encompassRussia. This was done in the hopes that Russia wouldcontinue to develop along democratic lines, and that itwould develop into a significant industrial power, whichit is not. Its GDP is relatively equivalent to that of Belgium.Under Putin, Russia has moved in the opposite direction.He has destroyed the free media and free television, whichis the principle means for Russians to obtain news. He isnow putting business people who are critical of Putin inprison.

Continued on page 7

Continued on page 10

AP

Keep It Simple

This is the last issue of the SAIS Observer for the ’03-04school year. We can review our accomplishments of thepast 12 months with a measure of pride. There havebeen real improvements made at SAIS – and at theObserver. Part of the credit for school improvementsmust go to the current Student Government Association.They have questioned, agitated, and criticized on ourbehalf. Their outstanding efforts have not goneunnoticed.

The SGA has been the vanguard of addressing issuesconcerning the improvement of SAIS. They haveinstilled a healthy level of spunk and discontent intothe student body.

However, on the 22nd of April, I opened an SGA missivethat contained the following message:

FYI:Join the March to Save Women’s Lives on April25th.Support Choice, Justice, Access, Health,Abortion, Global and FamilyPlanning. The health of women across the globeis at stake! Assembly beginsat 10am on the mall. Visitwww.marchforwomen.org for details

At the bottom of this column you will see written clearlythat this paper does not represent the views of the schoolor its administration. Because of this, we are able toespouse and publish a diverse range of views on variousmatters. However, SGA is supposed to be a body thatrepresents the students of Johns Hopkins UniversitySAIS. I do not know who within our school is “pro-life”or “pro-choice,” and based on how explosive theabortion issue is, I refuse to place my own opinion herewithin these pages. I do not wish my personal judgmentsto be confused or conflated with those of my fellow

In Their Own WordsAn Interview with Peter Bergen, Adjunct Professor

editors and writers. I do, however, believe it myresponsibility to call out the Student Government on itswholly inappropriate action. My viewpoint is explainedeloquently in a letter to the SGA copied to the our NewsEditor Levi Tillemann by Matthew Tocks. Tocks comments:

Representatives,

Great idea to let students know about politicalactivity around the city. Rallies and protests can be,after all, meaningful parts of the DC experience.

However, the SGA absolutely should not endorse oropine on issues totally unrelated to the business ofSAIS. To avoid bias towards any particular issue, orany one side of an issue, you take on theresponsibility of informing students of ALL large-scale rallies or protests.

I may be there Sunday, but the SGA’s message shouldhave been limited to providing subject, date, time andlocation.

Your humble constituent,Matt Tocks

Some might argue that reproductive issues are intimatelyrelated to the work we pursue at SAIS and should beaddressed and supported by an active SGA. But askyourselves this: would it be appropriate if the SGA usedtheir school-sanctioned authorities, privileges and fundingto promote a certain presidential candidate? A politicalviewpoint? Or a religion? In a word, no. The SGA makes nomention of other similar events happening this weekend(e.g. the rally against the World Bank and IMF, or thecounter-protest organized by www.operationwitness.com).

We elected them to be our advocates with the administration,not to take sides on divisive issues. Had each member ofSGA sent an email to the student body with his or her nameattached signifying his or her own personal opinion, this

Q: Your book Holy War, Inc.: Insidethe Secret World of Osama bin Ladenwas a New York Times bestseller andhas been recognized by many authorsand scholars as the definitive workon al Qaeda. What prompted you towrite this book?

A: Basically interest. You can’t write a book unless you’reinterested in the subject. When I started writing the book,I resigned from CNN in November of 1999, and while I wasinterested in the book, no other people were. Nobody caredmuch about al Qaeda or bin Laden, but I cared about it. It’snot so much that I cared about it, but I thought it was aninteresting story and so I can’t pretend that I wasclairvoyant.

Q: You were the first television journalist to interview Osamabin Laden. How risky was it for you to conduct thisinterview in 1997 and can you briefly explain the trip youtook to arrive face-to-face with bin Laden?

A: Even in 1997 bin Laden was very paranoid about security,so we met with him somewhere near Jalalabad in EasternAfghanistan. The whole thing was difficult—for instance,the Taliban had banned filming just the week before wearrived, and that was obviously a problem. They had variouspeople who took us along the way, and once we got toJalalabad the media advisor told us that we couldn’t useour cameras, we had to use their camera because even thenthey had the notion that a camera could be used as a weapon.They told us to bring nothing—not even a watch. Theywere really concerned that we would have some type ofelectronic tracking device. We changed our vehicles multipletimes, we were blindfolded and it was the middle of thenight. There were thirty people we met with on the way allfully-armed—RPGs, Russian sub-machine guns—they werevery professional. They scanned us for any electronictracking device. So they were very organized. We had three

people with us—Peter Arnett was the correspondent, I wasthe producer and a cameraman. He (bin Laden) came aboutmidnight and I didn’t know much about him at the time. Atthat time we thought that maybe he was involved in thefirst World Trade Center attack and had terrorist trainingcamps, but we didn’t have a sense of what the dimensionsof al Qaeda were. We were the first Western journalists tobe told that he was declaring war against the United States.He told us because he wanted to get his message out onCNN—if it wasn’t CNN it would have been the BBC orsomebody else.

Q: What were your impressions of Osama bin Laden whenyou met him in 1997?

A: He was quite tall, soft-spoken, quite focused—allbusiness; neither really friendly, nor unfriendly. He had amini-version of a Kalashnikov with him, which he alwayshas, which he supposedly captured from some Russiansoldier. There was a translator with him—a cleric who spokevery good English—there were a whole bunch of guys,about 15, none of whom I recognized, who were hangingon bin Laden’s every word. Ayman al-Zawahiri wasn’t there.I think he may have been in Dagestan in prison at the timeafter being caught by the Russians. The whole thing lastedmaybe an hour, an hour and a half. We had been invitedthere, so I wasn’t necessarily fearful for my life and at thispoint Danny Pearl had not been killed.

Q: What do you think are the biggest mistakes the Clintonand Bush administrations have made with respect tofighting terrorism and stopping al Qaeda?

A: Any administration, going back to Reagan, treatedterrorism as a law-enforcement issue rather than an act ofwar, and after 9/11 we can retrospectively say that was amistake. The biggest mistake for both the Clinton and Bushadministrations was the lack of response to the USS Cole.You can argue that the Clinton administration only hadthree months left on the clock, and the Bush administrationwas in office seven and a half months before theyresponded—it took 9/11. So when historians look back at9/11 they’re going to look at the Cole as a pretty significantmoment that was not taken—for whatever good reason.

would have been different story – although still an abuseof the school’s mass email system.

The SGA should offer an official and public apology fortheir actions. Regardless of the personal opinions heldby individual members of the SGA, it is theirresponsibility to mandate, facilitate, and encouragedebate. They must not, in their capacity as StudentGovernment officers, forsake the moderator’s positionand assume the risk of alienating members of our studentbody.

Sincerely,Matthew PetersenManaging Editor

The SAIS Observer is an international affairs news monthly written, edited, and pro-duced by the students of the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies(SAIS) of The Johns Hopkins University.

SAIS students, faculty and members of the administration at the Washington, D.C. cam-pus, Bologna campus, and the Hopkins-Nanjing Center are encouraged to submit articles,letters to the editor, photographs, cartoons and other items for consideration.

Material for consideration or inquireis may be submitted to : Saisobserver@hotmail.com.

The SAIS Observer is an approved SAIS student organization. Opinions expressed in theSAIS Observer are not necessarily the views of the editors, SAIS, or the University.

The SAIS ObserverEditors-in-Chief

Levi TillemannJoe Erlich

Managing EditorMatt Petersen

Senior EditorsIsabelle Lindenmayer

Jason DeRosaKeith Doxtater

EditorsCatherine Polisi

Barry ReganFatima Ayub

Copy EditorsSteve Miller

Jerry GrossmanArt DirectorGrant Rissler

Staff WritersLisa Liao

Steve MillerDan Bernstein

Pete DavisFatima Ayub

Boo-Seung ChangRuddy Wang(sp.correct)

Christopher HattayerCharles Huang Zheng

Dan TobinMarie EwensKatherine ShaferIlan WeinglassNikhil Jaisinghani

By Catherine Polisi

Condoleeza Rice will say that we didn’t want to be viewedas unstrategic—we didn’t want to just kick up the dust inAfghanistan again—and maybe that’s a reasonable point.But the point is we didn’t do anything, so I think that is thesingle worst thing. Clinton was distracted by Lewinsky andweakened by that and it prevented him from having aneffective policy. Clinton seemed to take terrorism and non-state actors a lot more seriously than Bush, Rice or any ofthese other people. My view is that if the Democrats hadbeen in the White House on 9/11 they’d be out of businessforever. First, rightly or wrongly, they are perceived as beingweak on national security. If a Democrat had been in theWhite House beginning in 1992 and right through 9/11, theentire rise of al Qaeda would have been on the DemocraticParty watch, so it would have been impossible to pointfingers at anybody else.

Q: What part of American society do you think is mostvulnerable to another terrorist attack? What can the U.S.do to reduce this threat?

A: Containers—shipping containers. We search only 2%of containers for the very good reason that there are millionsof them. Those 2% are targeted. With that amount of stuffcoming into the country, that seems like a vulnerability. Ithink people are aware of that vulnerability though. Whatthe U.S. customs is doing is having containers inspectedin Rotterdam, Singapore and other locations abroad so itdoesn’t happen in the U.S., which makes a lot of sensebecause once they’re here, they’re here. The fear is that adirty bomb or terrorists could be transported through thecontainers.

Q: Are you planning to write another book? If so, on whattopic?

A: Al Qaeda 2.0—al Qaeda after 9/11—due out some timein the 21st century.

Q: What is your favorite reality television show?

A: 60 Minutes.

LETTER FROM THE EDITORS

May 6, 2004 THE SAIS LOCAL OBSERVER Page 2

Now that the six members of the SAIS Multi-Sport Clubhave finished their first official triathlon and are enjoyingtheir first workout-free days of Spring, I thought I wouldlook back and try to answer the question that most of myfriends and family asked me when I told them about therace – “Why (insert expletive) would you want to do that?”This is, of course, is a valid question since the race ourteam had in mind was no sprint or even Olympic distance –it was a half-Ironman. That means a 1.2 mile swim, 56 milebike, and 13.1 mile run. The pros can finish a race of thislength in 4 hours; for the rest of us it wouldtake anywhere from 5-9 hours. This was nota race for the faint of heart. But, as I heldthe hand of my teammate and runningpartner Kyla Hayford and clicked “Register”back in November, I knew we would bothmake it. Five months later, with the pain oftraining and the joy of finishing behind us,I wanted to remind myself of some of thefun we had along the way.

Like recovering alcoholics, virgin triathletesundergo a multi-step process as they begintheir training. Step one: Fear. Registeringfor the race involves typing in your creditcard information and hitting send, but thatlittle click commits you to at least fourmonths of training six days a week and,worse still, the constant heckling fromfriends and family who have money at stakeover how soon you will quit. The fear ofdropping out is bad, but worse still is thefear of training your hardest and notfinishing. Fear thus becomes your strongestmotivator.

Step two: Resignation. This can take many forms. My firstexperience came at the end of my second lap at the YMCApool. I was gasping for breath, waiting for cardiac arrest tobegin, and wondering whether defillibrators werewaterproof. I could not swim two laps in December, yet hadcommitted myself to swimming 70 laps by April—in open

Regardless of what happens to you second-year studentson your oral exams, all those who took out U.S. governmenteducational loans are good economists. I say this becauseyou chose to borrow at the lowest interest rates in U.S.educational loan history. What will differentiate the greateconomists from those that simply graduate is the decisionon whether or not to consolidate those student loans (hint:you should consolidate). Since loan consolidation onlyapplies to those with U.S. Stafford, Parent Plus, Perkinsand Direct Loans from the Department of Education (DOE),all of you foreigners and/or individuals of high net worthmay stop reading this article right now. With no furtherado, let me tell you about the important topic of loanconsolidation.

Why consolidate?

A consolidator—whether it be Sallie Mae, Nelnet, CFS, orthe DOE—essentially takes all your federal student loans,consolidates them, takes the weighted average interest rateof your existing student loans, rounds up the average tothe nearest 1/8th percent, and then locks in that rate—forthe life of the loan. This process is federally mandated andall consolidators, whether public or private, use it. Thecurrent variable interest rate is 2.82%, the lowest rate in the38-year history of the federal educational loan program.

Here’s an example to clarify the situation: Imagine that yourtotal federal debt consists of four subsidized/unsubsidizedStafford Loans from your SAIS career ($4000 per semesterfor four semesters). Since the variable interest rate hasremained steady at 2.82% these past two years, yourweighted average rate is 2.82%. When you round up to thenearest 1/8th, you get a consolidated interest rate of 2.875%.By permanently locking in the 2.875% rate, you are likely tosave yourself some serious money in the long run (all federaleducational loans are variable interest loans that can go upto a maximum rate of 8.25%).

May 6, 2004 THE SAIS LOCAL OBSERVER Page 3

water—with 2500 other seasoned triathletes. Resignation(but not defeat) had set in. The pool was a maddeninglydifficult obstacle for weeks, until all of a sudden I reachedStep three.

Step three occurs when the pain of the first month of trainingends and you start to think you can actually do this. Stepthree hit me in Central Park in New York when I was runningafter New Year’s and completed one full loop (6 miles) andbarely broke a sweat. I actually wanted to keep going! Once

you can do 6, you can do 8; once you do 8 you can do 10;once you do 10 you only have three more to go and you’redone! This was sheer euphoria compared to my first runs,which had been long, slow, painful, and cold.

Step three, which I will call Joy, unfortunately did not lastlong, and was quickly replaced by Step four: Pain. Trainingfor a distance triathlon requires a very gradual buildup of

endurance in all three sports, so that 2-4 weeks before therace your weekend workouts approach the full race-daydistances. This meant several weekends of 1-hour swimsand 3-hour bike rides followed the next day by a 2-hourrun. By this time, your heart, lungs, and muscles can handlethe distances but your mind sometimes does not like thepain. Ignoring pain and discomfort was the mostchallenging part of training for me. Yet endurance eventsultimately are not about who is in the best shape but rather

who can best ignore their body’s desire toend the pain. It is this masochistic desire thattriathletes thrive on and seek out. Some evencall it fun.

To jump to the conclusion, all six of usfinished and finished strong. We had eachundergone various degrees of Fear,Resignation, Joy, and Pain, but at the finishline the joy won hands down. The catch ofthe finish is that in your dehydrated semi-lucid state of ecstasy, your mind blurs thepain involved in four months of wintertraining. Blisters, windburn, and achingknees become distant memories as your mindreasserts its control over your body, erasesthe hardship of training and replaces it withthe happiness of the finish. In thisincoherent state, you rashly decide this racewill not be your last. You love the pain, andyou want more.

Marie Ewens is a second-year International Developmentconcentrator. Matt Maloney, Kyla Hayford, Hilary Thom,Matt Tocks, and Scott Featherston were the other five SAISstudents who completed Ralph’s Half-Ironman Triathlonin Oceanside, CA on April 3.

SAIS Multi-Sport Club Represents in Cali

Who to choose for consolidation?

As I mentioned before, a number of different organizationsoffer loan consolidation. The DOE has several differentnames for the same consolidation program. These includethe DOE program, Direct Loans and the William D. FordProgram. Lyle Davidson, a loan advisor for Nelnet, a privateconsolidator, said that his company has at least 13 majorcompetitors in the field. In others words, borrowers havesome freedom to choose. All consolidators (public andprivate) lock in an initial interest rate and offer a 0.25%interest reduction if you sign up for electronic payment.Private companies offer even more to get your business.For example, Nelnet offers a 1% interest rate reduction ifyou sign up online and have 36 on-time consecutivemonthly payments (in other words, after 36 months, yourinterest rate will fall to 1.625%. At this rate, your loan isessentially free). Nelnet also has an online shopping programwith a number of internet merchants. For example, if youbuy $100 worth of JC Penny goods online through theconsolidator’s online store, you get 5% (or $5) of your loanforgiven.

Most consolidators have no loan prepayment penalty fees,but read the small print carefully before you sign up. Someconsolidators can be a bit mischievous. They will offer yousomething like a 2% reduction after 2 years of on-timepayments, which sounds great. But then they’ll sell yourloan to another company right before the first 2 years is up,and you will be stuck paying off the rest of your loan at theoriginal interest rate. Be sure to ask the consolidator if theywill sell your loans to someone else before signing anypaperwork. Even Sallie Mae has been known to sell loanson occasion. Also be sure to confirm that the organizationallows you to prepay your loan without penalties (you neverknow when you’ll win the lottery).

When should you consolidate?

On July 1st of every year, the DOE announces the studentloan interest rate for the upcoming year. If you think theinterest rate is going to go up on July 1st, your best bet is toconsolidate before that date. Many firms allow you toinitiate the procedure 30 days before you graduate. If youthink the rate is going to go down, it may be best to waituntil after July 1st. In any case, it is essential that youconsolidate while you are in your 6-month grace period. Assoon as your grace period expires, your interest rateautomatically increases by 0.6% (in the example above,2.875%+ 0.6% = 3.475%). You can consolidate before yougraduate if you want to use DOE consolidation. However,the private organizations seem to offer the best benefits.

It probably makes the most sense to do the following: callone of the consolidators in early or mid June. Theconsolidators actually find out what the new interest ratewill be about 1 month in advance of the July 1st change.After you find out about any changes, decide what youwill do.

Some of you may have both private and public loans andmay ask if it is possible to consolidate them all together.The simple answer is that it is very difficult to consolidateboth types of loans together. Even if you find anorganization that will do so, you will lose all the benefits offederal loans (deferment when you are in school, duringtimes of economic hardship and unemployment, etc). It’sprobably better to just keep your private loans separate.

Finally, remember that consolidation is very helpful for mostpeople. The only good reason not to consolidate nowwould be if you expect the rates to drop further. Aseconomists, you’ll have to determine for yourselves if thatis going to happen. Good luck, and remember, you are nota-loan.

Daniel Bernstein is a second-year M.A. studentconcentrating in Japan Studies and EEST.

You’re Not A-loan: How to Save Money on Your Debt RepaymentsBy Daniel Bernstein

By Marie Ewens

The Frugal GluttonThe Frugal GluttonThe Frugal GluttonThe Frugal GluttonThe Frugal GluttonBy Joe Erlich*

Nitze’s

18th, Cashion’s atmosphere was so warmand modern (post-retro modern really andI am coining that one) that it elicited anumber of “this is the type of place I wouldlove to own” comments from my dinnercompanions. Their American capitalistcovetousness aside, my companions hadstruck upon that which distinguishesCashion’s from other pretentious restaurants—it evokescollar-down eating in an upscale manner. While taking inthe atmosphere, be sure to enjoy the Catalonian rabbitappetizer, gumbo, the halibut/mushroom entrée and thebeet salad (a huge hit with the mal-nourished women ofour age). Cashion’s entrée menu changes daily so beready to experiment when you go…but go you must(highly recommended for graduation dinner with thefamily).

Luigino’s $$$$Speaking of hype, Luigino’s represents a dark chapter inmy culinary relationship with the Frugal Glutton. He hasbeen known to exploit my free tooth in the past and it wasno different when he suggested going there, on mymother’s dime. Luigino’s refuses to admit they are located

May 6, 2004 THE SAIS LOCAL OBSERVER Page 4

Burma Restaurant $Burmese cuisine has long suffered the MichaelKeatonesque fate of gross underappreciation. But whileyou can now only find Keaton in made-for-tv crap likeLive From Baghdad, a delicious introduction to Burmesetastes awaits at Chinatown’s Burma restaurant. Redevel-opment has stripped Chinatown of most of its dilapidatedcharm (Hooters anyone?), but the ‘town’s sprawling twosquare blocks still provide a few low-cost escapes fromthe tedium of the American palette, and Burma is one ofthe best. Not only is the food more appealing than anyKeaton film since Batman, the Singha is ice cold (perfecton a hot afternoon), and it’s all priced student-friendly,with most entrees less than $8. Start with a cool, crunchypapaya salad before moving to Kauswe Thoke, a noodledish blending hot pepper, garlic, and cilantro with groundshrimp and fresh lemon juice; add chili paste for a sour,pungent heat. The sour mustard plant is another stand-out with its sharp, briny greens offset by succulent bitesof chicken. Try the tamarind fish for a rich blend of sweetand sour flavors topped with heady fresh coriander.Burma occupies a simple but inviting space at 740 6th

Street. The restaurant hides away on the second floor,but you shouldn’t have much trouble finding it.

Burma Restaurant $Chinatown 740 Sixth St.,NW Washington, DC202-638-1280

Metro Stop: Red line, Galleryplace/Chinatown

Cashion’s Eat Place $$$$Hype can be a bitch. The hip, trendy, and fashionistasamong us like to elevate the next thing, just to rail againstit a minute later…but my ode to The Strokes is anothercolumn. In the meantime, I am happy to report thatCashion’s is the type of place that makes good on thehype. Beginning with the décor and extending to the menu,this place has put time into their operation. Nestledbetween stores on Columbia Road right after it intersects

Destinations

*Due to economic progress, this month’s edition of the Glutton was outsourced to The Free Tooth and Muchos-Muchos Tightfisted, two Bangalorian food technicians.

on H Street and advertise that they are on New York Ave.My belief is that they are hoping a little NY will rub off ontheir Washingtoné Italian cooking. To be fair, if you are

willing to drop some cash, the food atLuigino’s can be good (the stew ofmonkfish, scallops, shrimp, clams andmussels in tomato fish broth is renowned,though I can’t corroborate as they wereout of it). But it is everything else thatdistinguishes this place as “the biggestmiss in The Frugal Glutton’srecommending career.” Don’t forget, theGlutton thought “Multiplicity” wasKeaton’s “Citizen Kane.” Anyway,Luigino’s managed to run out of bread-sticks and just about every interestingentrée I tried to order. Bitter but unswayed,

I followed the Glutton’s lead and made a meal out of theappetizers. The highlight was the recommended clams ingarlic broth, damn good. Unlike Cashion’s post-retromodern design, the atmosphere at Luigino’s leaves a lotto be desired. The restaurant poorly juggles a bar in thecenter of a non-descript table and booth set-up. Whenpassing Luigino’s on H Street, don’t let the ugly neonsign in the window dissuade you from…wait, let itdissuade you, keep on walking to New York Ave. Maybeyou’ll find an Italian place that is better, or a Pizza Hut.

Luigino’s1100 New York Ave. $$$$Washington, DC.202-371-0595Metro Stop: Metro Center, Red line

Photos courtesy of Joe Erlich

Featured

Cashion’s Eat Place $$$$1819 Columbia Rd NW

202-797-1819

Venue

Cashion’s Eat Place

What did you do prior to comingto SAIS?

I worked for Automatic DataProcessing on their operations sideand then moved into sales. I leftthere after four years to move intosales management at AOL TimeWarner (now just AOL since thebusiness model is failing—Isuppose in hindsight, my timing

was pretty good).

What brought you to SAIS?

I liked sales so much that I quit. I thought it would be abetter life decision to put myself into thousands of dollarsof debt. I’m not as smart as the average SAISer so I willbe paying full tuition plus living expenses for the wifeand boy.

The real reason? I really believe that one can’t sayenough about pursuing a career that you will love andbe passionate about until you can’t physically workanymore. I felt it would be far more important for me todo something I believed in. I want to go to work feelinglike I have chosen the moral high ground—you can’toften do that when the big picture is about the bottomline of a corporate conglomerate—you can if the bigpicture is about carrying the torch for internationalism,American interests, freedom, and diplomacy.

Matt Petersen,Our Managing Editor

Continued on page 5

Spotlight On...

Dear Fellow SAIS Students:

As the SGA-elect for next year, we’d like to begin bythanking this year’s SGA officers, Zaid, Lori, Sean, Blair,and Gerold, for their hard work. Despite obstacles thatincluded the possible deportation of our president, the SGAmade great strides this year in transforming the studentgovernment into an institution that represents studentconcerns and involves the larger student body.

Looking forward, we pledge an even more open andtransparent SGA, with more opportunities for you tocontribute towards making SAIS a stronger place.

As you know, SAIS is in a robust position in three respects:SAIS draws and keeps outstanding faculty, it attractssuperior students, and it enjoys a strong academicreputation.

But SAIS faces challenges, some of them common to all IRschools. Though SAIS is a “professional school” wheremost students borrow the cost of attendance and seekemployment afterwards without pursuing an additionaldegree, much of the marketplace is confused about themeaning of a SAIS degree, and with the exception of somedepartments and programs that do an excellent job, SAIShas not had a professional focus.

Our aim will be to work with the administration to generate

and then implement means of addressing both thesemacro issues as well as the everyday issues that affectthe quality of life here at SAIS. Our experience has beenthat the administration is open to student ideas andinitiatives and welcomes our efforts in areas that theirlimited resources oftentimes haven’t left them the time toconcentrate on. .

If the SGA is going to be effective, however, we’ll needyour help. Serve on one of our committees. Join one ofthe new Career Clubs we’ll launch next fall. Donate yourexpertise to SAIS to research solutions to a particularissue that concerns you, as some students have donethis year. We’re investing a lot in SAIS, and we don’tmean just the money that we’re borrowing to attend. We’reinvesting in a lifetime of friendships and the network andreputation that SAIS presents to the world. .

We look forward to working with you next year to makeSAIS the best it can be.

Dan Tobin,SGA President-elect

Vinny Lumanau,SGA Vice President-elect

Christian de Guzman,SGA Treasurer-elect

A Message From Your Incoming Student Government RepresentativesBy Dan Tobin

Slow Food. No, it is not what you get from a ditzy waitress at your local restaurant. It is amovement that celebrates and preserves traditionalmodes of food production and preparation and seeks tohave food eaten in its local context. Since its launch innorthern Italy in 1986, the Slow Food movement hasbeen joined by over 65,000 people. As we end the schoolyear and return to the harsh environment of the realworld, this valedictory column wants to remind readersthat eating not only provides us with nutritionalsustenance, but also comforts our soul and palate.

One of the most interesting projects of the Slow Foodmovement is the “Arca del Gusto” or Ark of Taste. It isa catalogue of traditional animals, vegetables andproduction methods that are threatened by factory farmsand intrusive hygiene laws (two subjects which I haveexplored in previous columns). The Slow Food Foundation for Biodiversity, the parentorganization for the Ark, is governed from the ground up, with local food activists providingdata on and support for the threatened products. Products include halloumi, a cheese fromCyprus made with goat and sheep milk and the Okinawa black pig from Japan.

While the U.S. is represented in the Ark, there are no products from our immediate region.Those that come closest to being local are the Delaware chicken and the Marrowfat bean,which can be found in Pennsylvania. It is obvious that the cataloguing of foods can easilydescend into parody with politically correct food activists arguing over minutia such as aparticular strain of corn. But let’s not miss the larger point: locally-supported agriculture ishealthier and sustains a diversity of plants and animals. Equally important is taste! Localproducts taste better as they have not been shipped across the country or flash-frozen.Eating Slow also helps us preserve a bond with the land, farmers and our “taste memories”- allthings that are easily lost in our urban lives.

I would love to finish this column with an authentic Slow Food recipe. But I won’t be sopedantic—okay, maybe I will. We all have complicated lives and it is artificial to suggest thatwe should abandon the local Safeway. But we can go for crabs on the Eastern Shore or hit avineyard near Charlottesville. The local farmer’s markets are beginning to show spring produceand even organic meat like buffalo raised in Virginia. Here is a “slow” recipe for Sauerbratenwhereby a two-day marinade in the fridge tenderizes an inexpensive cut.

Sauerbraten1 bottom round of beef (or buffalo)2 cups red winebay leavesgarlic, crushedsalt and peppera few onions, dicedtomato pastevegetable oil¼ to ½ cup sour cream (optional)

Fry onions in pan with oil. When cooked, add wine, bay leaves, garlic, pepper and a littlewater. Cook for a few minutes until just boiling. Pour over roast, cover and refrigerate for 1 to2 days. Turn meat every 12 hours.

When ready to cook, pour off marinade and retain for future use. Brown roast on all sides indutch oven for 5 to 10 minutes. Add marinade back into dutch oven, add two cups of waterand tomato paste, cover and cook over low to medium heat for two hours. Remove bay leavesand place meat on a platter and let rest for few minutes. With heat off of dutch oven, stir insour cream to taste. Excellent with dumplings or potatoes.

May 6, 2004 THE SAIS LOCAL OBSERVER Page 5

by Croque Monsieur

Slow Food: A Right to TasteSpotlight on Matt PetersenContinued from Page 4

Don’t get me wrong…I sincerely wish I loved business instead because I’dhave financial lucre in my future versus what the public life provides—this wasthe right decision for me—that’s all.

What are you studying here at SAIS?

I’m a Middle East concentrator.

Why?

I served a two-year mission for my church and half of it I spent in Malta. Its 300miles northeast of Tunis and not much more than that to Libya—so there werea number of North African refugees and immigrants there. They use Malta as astepping stone into Greater Europe. I ate couscous and lamb with them. Wetalked about sports and girls and our families and for me—having been raisedto believe that the Libyans were out to blow up America and Doc Brown fromBack to the Future—it humanized them for me and shed a lot of preconceivednotions I had held. Keep in mind I was only 19, so I had some pretty stupidideas.

What do you hope to do after you graduate?

Well, like most, I have no idea. I take the Foreign Service test in April—but ifthat fails, I was thinking about taking the Observer global and completing ourplans of global media domination—I’ve heard it’s a growth industry.

Ultimately though, I’d like to get some experience under my belt in the field andthen go back to school once again, get my Ph.D. and keep professor’s hoursand travel and hang out with my son Stone and our next-on-the-way boy.

Has the SAIS experience been what you expected thus far?

Yes and no. I was, and still am, a sucker for the Fouad Ajami discipleship mentality.I honestly don’t care what he is ruminating about—I like to hear what he has tosay. He told us in class that in his teacher evaluations, someone wrote that theclass had been hijacked by the Iraq war. I suppose it’s true if you had differentexpectations; however, I thought his analysis was far too accurate to warrantany criticism.

The class sizes are ridiculous.

There is a florescent light in Nitze 507 that flickers on and off like in the officesof the movie Joe Versus the Volcano that is morbidly annoying—I wish someonewould seriously fix it. Other than that, I’m fairly satisfied with my experiencehere.

What is it like balancing family and graduate school life?

Difficult. I want so badly to “hang out” with folks from my department or partyall night with Sanam and her Huka smoking club but it’s difficult to justify whenyour wife cooks for you and your son is dying to tell you all about Nemo andElmo and Cookie Monster.

What do you do in your free time?

Are you kidding?

What is your middle name?

Reid. My parents tell me the next runner up in the “Middle Name” departmentwas Ali Baba Mustafa Al Sharif bin Sultan Al Khalid bin Allah. I think they madethe wrong decision.

Favorite color?

Blue, and my sign is Capricorn and I like long walks on the beach, and no I won’tgo out with you man. You know I’m married.

.

Racing to their 3:00 p.m. class, Denise Pong and HeatherSchlachter prepare to review the communication, analysisand problem-solving skills they have covered over the lastten weeks. They will use role-plays to demonstrate effectiveways to resolve disputes. They will learn from theexperiences of students who describe their conflicts in aweekly journal entry.

Denise and Heather, both in their second year at SAIS, arenot the students in this class; they are the teachers. Theyare part of the SAIS PeaceKidz program, an initiative aimedat developing children’s ability to understand, analyze andresolve conflicts in their everyday lives. PeaceKidz teacheschildren the ‘three R’s’ of conflict resolution: “recognize,respect, resolve.”

Inspired by Dr. I. William Zartman, chair of the SAIS ConflictManagement Program, a group of SAISers organizedPeaceKidz in September 2002 to build peaceful communities

through peaceful classrooms. The program teaches thetools and concepts of conflict resolution to young peopleso they can begin to resolve the conflicts they face at schooland in their homes. Beginning with a team of seven SAISerswho designed and taught the program in 2002-2003,PeaceKidz has expanded this year to include a dozenteachers working with four groups of children at Francis C.Hammond Middle School in Alexandria. The program’sstudents are sixth- and seventh-graders who represent thewide diversity of the Washington, DC region.

PeaceKidz is a full-credit course under the SAIS ConflictManagement Program. SAIS student-teachers perform avaluable community service while learning conflictmanagement theory and practice. Though the course offersone semester credit, students use the fall semester to designthe curriculum, then teach during the spring semester.

The program begins by teaching children to see conflictsas problems that can be solved. The problem-solving

approach, in turn, is grounded in effective communication,understanding emotions such as anger, and respecting otherpoints of view. Ultimately the program empowers youngpeople to become problem-solvers, proactive thinkers, andclassroom and community leaders.

This year, the program’s participants include three distinctgroups of students: sixth graders learning English as asecond language, select sixth graders who requireadditional attention, and seventh graders who attendedthe program last year and are learning to be peer mediators.The groups are extremely diverse and come from variousbackgrounds — from children of the diplomatic communityto those who have experienced a great deal of trauma athome.

The PeaceKidz program has been a tremendous success,with great potential for expansion. It can go in many differentdirections and will continue to be shaped by its SAIS

Recognize, Respect & Resolve: The SAIS PeaceKidz Program

Continued on page 7

By Lisa Liao and Pete Davis

Nitze’s Nosh Special Feature:

Come exercise in the comfortable, stress-free,supportive and top-notch gym that AOL has named

one of the best gyms in the Washington area.

May 6, 2004 THE SAIS OBSERVER Page 6

For SAIS Students Only

$46 per monthNo initiation feeNo commitmentCancel any time

No cancellation feeGet Centered at the J. Call 202-777-3218 today.

This special offer expires June 30, 2004.Please visit us at 1529 16th street NW

20036www.dcjcc.org

BMay 6, 2004 THE SAIS LOCAL OBSERVER Page 7

Ask Imelda

Continued on page11

Hello my pets. This is my very last scintillating summary of the Garden of Hedon that we callSAIS. That’s right, pets, Imelda is graduating. We’re leaving the glamorous world of tightdeadlines, which we never meet because the party schedule just doesn’t match them, ofeavesdropping in bathrooms, and of hounding classmates on what really happened lastnight. Well, that’s enough nostalgia to make us long for the days when the vending machinesactually had food in them.

Last social event of the season – Prom. That’s right, pull out your pressed corsages and readon. First of all, there was clearly a theme song for the night – “Dancing on Broken Glass.”Imelda likes that there was essentially a disco ball covering the dance floor – and agrees thatit is much too difficult to actually place a glass on a table rather than dropping it on the floor.We briefly worried for the safety of a certain partygoer who was crowd surfing to Bon Jovitunes—in a formal dress nonetheless—but then realized that at a school with such strappinglads who no doubt spent many a day in the mosh pit such worries were misplaced. Oh wait.They don’t have mosh pits at Phish concerts. But we digress…back to the ball.

At least we are maturing – Imelda’s sources tell her that vomiting was confined to thebathroom this year (note to first years: last year someone puked in the corner of the ballroomat the Argentine embassy). We’re very proud! Thankfully, the puker in the bathroom wasbeing well-attended by his friends, who repeatedly reminded him of the First Theorem ofProm – boot and rally. Judging by his appearance at the after-party, the theorem was happilyobserved. Lastly, props to the hostess with the mostess – we love it when the organizersheed their own adage to party like its 1999.

Moving on to other juicy tidbits, we must comment on the I-Dev happy hour. While Imeldaloves the chance to buy Space Cookies as much as the next person who is nostalgic forAmsterdam, she finds it a bit appalling that the task of funding the department has fallen tothe students. Isn’t it enough that we fund the summer internships? Speaking of I-Dev, let’sdiscuss super-soakers and the trip to Quantico—specifically the fact that it resembled thecrisis simulation in its genetic makeup (a distinct overload of Y chromosomes). This couldbe explained by the fact that many SAIS vixens were instead choosing to navigate thetreacherous waters of spray tanning, which also involved liability waivers and instructionvideos. Unlike the mud of the obstacle course however, these colors don’t run!

And finally, spring break. Word on the street is that some future hawks came back from thestaff ride with more than just a Napoleon complex – phone numbers were also imported backto the States! Imelda approves of expanding one’s career options – if the American jobmarket isn’t cutting it, it’s always good to marry into another passport opportunity.

Well, my pets, that is all the gossip of the month…fit to print. Hopefully our dear SGA willhave some tricks up its sleeves for graduation festivities, so that apprentice Imelda can kickoff next fall with some spicy tidbits.

Now, while we have tried to avoid serious commentary in this pithy spotlight on life at SAIS,we would be remiss not to comment on the hoopla over the graduation speaker (culminatingin one of the more interesting pieces of spin we have had the good fortune to read). If, myfriends, you were truly upset by the speaker possibilities and they spurned you to protest,good for you. Imelda appreciates passion. She only asks that you not protest only when itis convenient and easy. If you care—which many people seemed to, why not go out of yourway to do something about it? At the very least, vote. Imelda hates passive protests, andexpects her pets to not engage in such behavior. If you like the situation as it stands today,fight to defend it. If you hate it, fight to change it. Just do not stomp your feet and create afuss without trying to change whatever it is that makes you unhappy. Please.

Stepping off our soap box we wish you all a happy graduation and happy summer. AndImelda looks forward to seeing our fellow second-years behind the bar at Starbucks wherewe will be happily serving the current SAIS body, ready to discuss with them whether or notthe Frappacino index truly implies that PPP does not hold.

Love, Imelda

Dear Imelda,I am trying to convince the prospective students to come to SAIS. What should I tell them?

Love, Trying To Expand The People Possibility Frontier

Dear TTETPPF,In these situations, we always find the actions speak louder than words. A little slap on thederriere followed by a shimmy for good measure should do the trick.

Love, Imelda

Dear Imelda,What are you doing next year?

Love, Does Gossiping Lead To Better Career Prospects Than Economics?

Dear DGLTBCPTE,First, you should know that this job has allowed me to add to the “Publications” section ofmy resume, which previously listed only Sports Illustrated For Kids (July 1990 – check itout!). My credentials notwithstanding, I have decided to continue my pursuit of highereducation. Look for me at Crumb’s Beauty School, where I will be perfecting my crimpingtechnique. Regardless, know that Imelda will be with you in spirit. So the next time theinherent repression in the courtyard is keeping you from getting busy behind the BerlinWall, just think of Imelda and her motto: A life that has too many days ending without grassstains on your knees probably needs to be reevaluated!

Love, Imelda

participants, with the guidance and supportof Dr. Zartman and Isabelle Talpain-Long. With2 years of knowledge accumulated throughresearch and practice, the PeaceKidz programis ready to enter its next phase and deepen itsoutreach. PeaceKidz is open to all SAISstudents with an interest in community serviceand in working with younger students. Inorder to find out more information, pleasecontact Isabelle Talpain-Long at the ConflictManagement Program (itlong@jhu.edu).

As PeaceKidz wraps up for the year, we canoffer some reflections about the program. Inteaching these lessons to young people, wehave provided an important communityservice while also gaining invaluableexperience. Teaching conflict resolution tochildren — breaking it down to its most basicelements — has given us a deep appreciationand understanding of the subject. Even morerewarding, however, was the time we spentwith such eager and intelligent young people.These are tomorrow’s peacemakers, and theprivilege of teaching them is one we will neverforget.

Lisa Liao and Pete Davis are second-yearSAIS students concentrating in ConflictManagement.

I felt it was important to hoist a flag ofcaution for Russia’s leadership. Idiscerned that the threat of removingRussia from the G8 would makeRussian leadership sit up and listen. Icouldn’t have been more right. Iintroduced the legislation with myRepublican colleague Christopher Cox,and in the Senate, Senators McCainand Lieberman introduced the samelegislation. The Russian leadershipbecame catatonic. My purpose is notto get Russia out of the G8, but to getRussia jolted into the realization thatserious political leaders are profoundlyconcerned with recent Russiandecisions. My visit to Russia createdtremendous interest, controversy, anduproar, and that was my purpose. Ihope that the Russian leadership willrecognize that they are living in a verysmall world where their anti-democratictendencies will be recognized bydemocracies like the United States andEurope. They have to act like a civilizednation.

Putin has brought some stability toRussia – largely because of high oilprices. He is lucky enough to bring

PeaceKidzContinued from Page 4 Continued from Page 1

Lantos Interview

1645 Connecticut Ave.Washington, DC

May 6, 2004 THE SAIS NATIONAL OBSERVER Page 8

The Foreign Service: An Insider’s PerspectiveHow Will Their Plans for the U.S. Economy Affect You?

BUSH’S PLANHis record thus far:

−−−−−Unemploymentrate at 5.7% with 8.4million unemployed; 308,000 jobscreated in March 2004

−1,121,900 unemployed workers nolonger able to receive unemploymentbenefits

−Implemented two tax cuts in 2001 tostimulate the economy

His economic plan for the future:

−−−−−Proposes to double the number ofemployees receiving federally-fundedjob training from 208,000 to 416,000via the Workforce Investment Act

−Allow small businesses tocollaboratively purchase employeehealth insurance coverage to reducecosts to individual business

−Open trade markets and removetariffs that hinder foreign trade

−Introduce rigorous math andscience courses in high schools andcommunity colleges

−Cut the deficit in half within fiveyears

KERRY’S PLANHis economic plan for the future:

−Create 10 million jobs in the next fouryears

−Roll back tax cuts for the richestAmericans (those who make $200,000or more a year)

−Provide tax incentives forbusinesses that are in the process ofhiring new employees or are movingto economically depressed parts ofthe country

−Eliminate all tax breaks to companiesmoving their jobs overseas

−Give $50 billion to state governmentsfor job creation

−Apply tougher labor andenvironmental standards in tradeagreements

−U.S. free from Middle East oil in 10years through creation of ½ millionjobs in renewable energy

−Cut the deficit in half within fiveyears

Catherine Polisi is second-yearM.A. student concentrating inInternational Law.

BUSH VS. KERRYBy Catherine Polisi

The Significance of Against All EnemiesBy Barry P. Regan

“Is there high-speed Internet in Ougadougou?”

“Mozambique’s best surfing is along pointbreaks.”

“How do you say ‘inflationary spiral’ in Bengali?”

There is a surreal quality to conversationsamongst new Foreign Service Officers (FSOs) atthe U.S. Department of State. Thanks to theDiplomatic Readiness Initiative, up to a hundrednew recruits flood into the State Department’straining center every few months. The initialweeks of training send America’s future diplomatsscrambling to research foreign posts and “bid”on open positions. On the day they receive theirassignments, new officers are treated to a dramatic“Flag Day” ceremony in which they are handedthe flag of the country to which they are assignedfor the next two years of their lives. On that day,friends, families and homes begin to fade, andvisions of Athens, Bogota and Kabul begin toloom with ever increasing intensity in the runawayimaginations of new FSOs.

The path to Flag Day begins with a test – theForeign Service Written Examination – whichthrough myth and lore has acquired a moreintimidating reputation than it actually deserves.Topics range from World Religion to Statisticsand from the U.S. Constitution to managementpsychology, so attempting to study for the test isabout as productive as trying to grow taller. Thewritten exam aims to spotlight candidates withbroad general knowledge and the ability to writeclearly and concisely. The next hurdle is thedaylong Oral Assessment, an interview-on-steroids that includes group discussion,structured hypothetical questions, and a timedwritten exercise.

Success in the Oral Assessment scores luckycandidates a “Conditional Offer of Employment”(key word being “conditional”). After obtainingmedical and security clearances, a candidatesecures a position on a list, rank-ordered by herOral Assessment score. She can remain on thatlist for eighteen months, during which time she

might receive an offer to join an incoming classof FSOs. Don’t hold your breath – it’s notuncommon for a year to pass before a candidatefinally sets foot inside the Foreign ServiceInstitute.

So who become FSOs? Nearly half of recentclasses are female. This is no small achievement,considering it was only in the 1970s that marriedwomen were first allowed to join the ranks of theForeign Service Officers. The median age for anew FSO is around 32, and most have a graduatedegree – though the range spans from recentundergraduates to ex-CEOs in their 50s.Consequently, there is a mix of singles and marriedpeople. Prior to the Foreign Service, many werePeace Corps Volunteers, lawyers, militarypersonnel, and teachers. FSOs come frombackgrounds of many shades and colors. It’shardly a surprise that the one thing FSOsgenerally have in common is a sense ofwanderlust – most new FSOs are already well-traveled and polyglots par excellence.

FSOs are divided into five “cones,” or areas ofspecialization: Management, Consular, Economic,Political, and Public Diplomacy. Managementofficers administer the day-to-day affairs andneeds of an overseas consulate or embassy.Consular officers investigate and approve visaapplicants and aid American citizens abroad.Economic and Political officers report on andanalyze policy-relevant developments. AndPublic Diplomacy officers communicate with thepress and work to develop cultural exchangesand connections with host countries. Anaspiring FSO applies to a specific cone and, uponjoining the Foreign Service, remains in that conefor the rest of his or her career. However,successful FSOs are expected to work outside oftheir cone, and most do. All FSOs serve one oftheir first two “tours of duty” as a consular officer.

About sixty percent of a normal career is spentabroad – Foreign Service Officers often spendnearly half their time in D.C. Each overseas tourof duty lasts about two to three years, anddomestic tours are at least one year long. Asizable amount of time is spent in training. Forexample, new officers receive two months of

By Ruddy Wang

“We blew it.”

Continued on page 12

Continued on page 12

Over a whirlwind four days in March, Richard Clarkeemerged from obscurity to take a permanent place in thehistory of September 11th. Little known to the public priorto his March 19th appearance on 60 Minutes, Clarke hasnow written the first word in what will undoubtedly be along debate. Against All Enemies has shot to the top of thebestseller lists and done much to bring the 9/11 Commission,which has been holding sporadic public hearings for overa year, the attention it deserves.

As with most political books, however, Against All Enemiesis destined to be discussed more than it is actually read.The fog of partisanship has so shrouded it that even themost objective commentator can scarcely be immune to thehype. The book itself is an important account of U.S.counterterrorist policy leading up to 9/11. But it is not ahistory. It contains no documentation and relies almostexclusively on Clarke’s formidable memory. To be sure, it isa gripping read filled with juicy controversy. But beyondthe hype, what does it really have to say?

Given Clarke’s long career, the book is nothing if not astrong perspective on the origins of U.S. terrorism policy.For all the controversy, in his many appearances, includinghis testimony to the 9/11 commission, Clarke has comeacross as a knowledgeable and quite articulate witness—and neither his credibility nor his extreme self assurance isdiminished by the book. Clarke covers, with ever-increasingdetail, the counterterrorist policies initiated, or neglected,by each presidential administration dating back to RonaldReagan. As he sees it, three things have set back U.S.counterterrorism policy throughout its existence: larger

geopolitical priorities, domestic political constraints, and adreadfully ponderous bureaucracy.

President Reagan, with Clarke’s approval, assisted the anti-Soviet Muslims during the 1980s and strengthened U.S.military ties with Israel, both for larger geopolitical reasons.But by neglecting either to lay a foundation for stability ina post-Soviet Afghanistan or countering its heightenedrelationship with Israel with some new hedge in the Arabworld, it fostered both instability and anti-Americanismamong certain factions of Islam (In one of the book’s manyinteresting sidebars, Clarke does point out that, contraryto the belief of most Americans, the Stinger missilessupplied to Afghan rebels have either been accounted for

or, due to their “unique” batteries, are no longeroperational).

The first Bush administration, likewise, according to Clarke,made its mistake not in driving Iraq out of Kuwait but infailing to destroy the bulk of the Iraqi forces as they withdrew– a task that could have easily been accomplished with afew extra days. As a result, not only did Saddam maintaina loyal force large enough to preserve his own power, hecould also use it to crush all opposition within Iraq. Further,because he remained in power, the U.S. felt obligated tokeep large forces in Saudi Arabia, further antagonizingradical Islam. Before any new policy could be devised, theAmerican economy had tanked and Bush was out of office.

The much longer chapters on the policies of PresidentsClinton and George W. Bush dominate the book and,naturally, have received the most attention. But the story isfar broader and more complex than to simply conclude thatClarke is arguing “Clinton good, Bush bad.” Even thosefamiliar with U.S. foreign policy in the period may besurprised at some of the details here. Clarke’s generallypositive account of the Clinton counterterrorism policy istempered by its inability to stir the military, intelligence andlaw enforcement bureaucracies from carrying out its plans,while his strong criticism of Bush is tempered by anacknowledgement that some massive al Qaeda attack inthe United States was inevitable.

Clarke saves his most blistering critique for the currentadministration’s response to 9/11—not its lack ofpreparedness. He tees off especially on the decision to

AP

By Nikhil Jaisinghani

We are taught to analyze the future through an understandingof the past: “History repeats itself,” they say. If we rememberwhat worked in the past, we will know what will work in thefuture. And so it has become common philosophy to derivepolicy through an analysis of past successes. But thisapproach can guide us away from the need to consider thecauses of our current environment. Though elements of ourworld may remind us of our past, the turmoil beneath thesurface may differ in its form.

The Great Depression defined 1930s America. Consumptionwas minimal and investment was nonexistent. Unemploymentskyrocketed as businesses closed. But with the governmentspending on World War II, the economy recovered. Throughmass government consumption, investment opportunitiesbecame more lucrative and the capitalist process of growthand consumption was revived. So why have war andoutrageous government spending not worked with thisAdministration? The budgets for Iraq and Afghanistan havecertainly been significant enough. The tax cuts have put moremoney in the pockets of the American people.

The difference lies in the causes of the economic failures. Post-crash investors were weary in the 1930s because consumptionwas low. The war fixed that. But investors are now wearybecause of political and economic unpredictability.Irresponsible budget deficits and foreign wars have onlyincreased investor confusion about the future of the Americanmarket.

While job creation and private investment remain low, Americahas turned most of its attention to the “War on Terror.” As aresult of the imminent threat of Al Qaeda, Bush has led theU.S. to war in two different countries. The rationale is that byphysically disrupting terrorist networks, freezing accounts,and demonstrating our military superiority, terroristorganizations would recede into the background of currentaffairs. Unable to operate without disruption, they woulddisintegrate, having lost the will to pursue their goals. Just asthe South lost the will to resist Northern aggression in theAmerican Civil War, just as the British lost the will to suppressrevolutionary movements, Al Qaeda too would simply give uponce it realized that it was outmatched.

But this rationale has not served us well. We failed to recognizethe difference between these earlier groups and the terroristgroups of today. Al Qaeda’s strength lies in the conviction ofits members, not in the stash of its weapons or the size of itsbank accounts. And this conviction comes from the view thatthe West views Islam with antagonism and intervenes in the

May 6, 2004 THE SAIS EDITORIAL OBSERVER Page 9

History Without Causality Democracy and Despotism Don’t Mix:

Letters to The Editors

With open markets, civil society, and democraticdevelopment for the Arab world as its focus, the BushAdministration’s Greater Middle East Initiative (GMEI)will be presented to the G-8 summit in June 2004. Theadministration and its supporters hail the GMEI as asignificant shift in American foreign policy towardsthe region in an effort to create a more positive imageof itself while simultaneously promoting liberalizationand democratization not only for the Arab world, butbeyond its borders to countries as far as Pakistan.Such lofty language and its implications for both theU.S. and the Middle East are worthy of a bit morescrutiny.

From premature leaks in the Administration about theproject and the subsequent media frenzy, three seriouscriticisms of the GMEI emerge. Most significantly, howdoes the Bush administration expect to advocate fordemocratic change in the region while it simultaneouslycontinues to support regimes that have safely cateredto U.S. interests for decades? Equally problematic ishow the U.S. can credibly promote reform in an area ofthe world where its misguided policies haveheightened mass instability and discontent over thepast three years (not least with its blind support ofIsrael and the invasion of Iraq). Lastly, while the GMEIemploys all the idealistic rhetoric, it fails to establishthe concrete steps for a serious, progressive, and longoverdue policy engagement with the Middle East.

Calling for democratic reform while supportingrepressive regimes is clearly absurdist, but worse isthat such an illogical approach to policy underminesitself by turning into a quick and easy cosmetictreatment. In the past, reform has been nothing morethan a catch phrase for Middle Eastern governmentsto maintain a thin veneer of political legitimacy; in turnthe U.S. can claim that their allies in the region aretrying to liberalize their countries, knowing full wellthat political reforms, if any, are severely restrainedand that the regimes in power rest unthreatened. TheGMEI, taking its cue from the 2002 Arab HumanDevelopment Report, puts heavy emphasis on directingU.S. foreign aid to civil society and human rights’development (initiatives that have already beenpursued by U.S.). At the same time, it is troublinglysilent on issues such as the development of multi-party politics or moving towards free elections, whichare the real strongholds of democratic politics.Democracy in the Middle East has never been an

appealing policy option for the U.S., and the GMEIdoes little to reverse or revolutionize this thinking.

Current events in the Middle East, coupled with thetroubled history of U.S. intervention, involvement, oroccupation at different point in history, exacerbate thequalms and disillusionment of a population that isalready bruised and wary of any role the U.S. will playin the region’s future. While the U.S. is primebeneficiary of authoritarian government in the MiddleEast, the indigenous Arab populations are its primevictims, with political freedom and civil liberties adreamed-of luxury. This alone devastates Americancredibility throughout the region, even if one ignoredthe history of botched U.S. policies in places likeAlgeria, Iran, Iraq, or Afghanistan. In Iraq, where US“liberators” assumed they would be greeted by “flowersin the streets,” instability and violence against theoccupying forces racks the country. More soldiers andcivilians have been killed since the end of actualhostilities in 2003 than during the actual fighting. Inthe eyes of the Middle Eastern citizens, heralding Israelas the region’s only Western, progressive democracy,is unpardonable, when Israel’s violent occupation ofPalestine is the longest of any in the 20th and now 21st

century. Given the overwhelmingly negativerepercussions of U.S. involvement in the Middle East,the GMEI blithely ignores the seriousness of engaginganew on such a wide scale with the region.

For these reasons, the GMEI rings hollow in the ears oflisteners in the region, who perceive it as yet anothermechanism through which the U.S. can assert itsinternational supremacy. If President Bush is seriousabout his claim that the Arab and Muslim world is fitand competent for democracy, he contradicts himselfthrough policies like the GMEI that suggest that it isclearly unable to reform on its own and must do so byterms set forth by a wholly illegitimate partner. If currentand future administrations are truly serious aboutencouraging a prosperous, democratic Middle East,they will have to swallow the reality that voters will notalways see eye to eye with U.S. policy aspirations. Inthe meantime, U.S. policymakers would do well to realizethat democracy comes in many shapes and colors, butonly viable are those actualized by the aspirations andvisions of its own people.

Fatima Ayub is a first-year M.A. student and anassociate at Search for Common Ground, aninternational conflict resolution organization.

Debunking the Delusive Greater Middle East InitiativeBy Fatima Ayub

Dear Editors,

I am writing in response to the op-ed piece by IlanWeinglass that appeared in the Observer on February13, 2004 “Buried Under Their Own Hate.” After havingcarefully read the piece, I cannot help but feel that it isnot only alarmist, but also extremely offensive toMuslims. In his rash judgment of the Islamic world, Mr.Weinglass has managed to reduce a civilization thathas for more than a thousand years contributed topositively to modern day society in everything fromthe arts to science, into what appears to be an ignorantmob of self-destructive people who apparently hate“Israel and the West more than valuing life.”

Mr. Weinglass uses the isolated example of Iran turningdown Israeli aid and extrapolates it to the rest of theMuslim world saying this is “emblematic of generalArab and Moslem attitudes vis-á-vis Israel and theWest.” As a Muslim from Bangladesh, I feel it is ratherpresumptuous of Mr. Weinglass to assume that I – orany of my fellow countrymen for that matter – wouldautomatically share the perspective of the Hamas leaderquoted in this piece, simply by virtue of the fact that

we all happen to be Muslims. Terrorists, whatevertheir religious background may be, are thankfully notrepresentative of society at large, and we Muslims donot all “love death more than life.”

There is enough Muslim-and Islam-bashing going onin this country right now, without having journalistslike Mr. Weinglass exacerbate the situation bythrowing around stereotypes about the Islamic worldand pitting Muslims against the West. I realize thiswas an op-ed piece, presenting Mr. Weinglass’spersonal opinions, but at the end of the day theObserver should be more selective in its editorialcontent. I am sure you would not print an article thatespouses white supremacy or any other racist ideology– why not extend the same courtesy to the millions ofMuslims currently living in America?Thank you for your time.

Yours truly,

Taskeen Hamidullah-Bahl2nd year, Canadian Studies

By Ilan Weinglass

There is much nonsense out there revolving around the Arab-Israeli conflict, most of it on the Arab side. However, the pro-Israelside has its share as well. One piece of intellectual hogwash makingthe rounds these days, espoused by the likes of William Bennett, isthat “there is no reason Jews should not be able to live in the WestBank unless there is a reason Arabs should not be able to live in TelAviv. ” This is a patently absurd idea for a myriad of reasons.There are several implications of this statement, not the least ofwhich is the equation of Jewish settlements and Israeli Arab villages.The statement implies that in exchange for the settlements either 1)any Palestinian should be allowed to live within Israel’s 1967 borders– that is that there is indeed no reason that Arabs should not beallowed to live in Tel Aviv, or 2) that the Palestinian Authority (PA)should be granted extraterritorial sovereignty over every Arab Israelivillage, protected by PA policemen, Palestinian-only access roadswhich cut off traffic between Jewish cities, etc. This would create adirect parallel to the Jewish settlement policy in the West Bank andGaza.

Let’s look at another implication of the statement. It is that Jewsshould be able to live under Israeli sovereignty in the West Bank(with full extraterritorial rights in occupied territory amidst 3 million

A Dangerously Misguided AnalogyContinued on page 12

Continued on page 12

hye, the daughter of the assassinated militarydictator Park Chung-hee. Many voters in theKyongsang province still have strongnostalgia for the “good-old days” in the sixtiesand seventies when President Park—a generalfrom Kyongsang province—vigorouslypushed forward with economic modernizationprojects.

A second change currently underway in SouthKorean Politics is the rise of the DemocraticLabor Party (DLP). No left-wing party has everset foot in the Korean National Assembly.Even after democratization, progressive partieswere thought of as too dangerous to beallowed into democratic institutions. The DLPwill be remembered as the first party to shatterthis ideological glass ceiling. This year itelected ten assemblymen, eight of whom arefrom proportional representation ballots.

The DLP is also the first mass party in SouthKorean political history to have its owndistinctive platform and a solid organizationalbasis. The party is backed by large-scale laborunions and its 50,000 party memberssupposedly pay monthly dues.

As was seen during the rise of the BritishLabor Party in early 20th century, old partiesare often forced to articulate their partyplatforms and overhaul their organizationswhen a mass party with a solid organizationenters into the legislative arena. Because ofthis, the DLP constitutes a potential politicalchallenge for both the Uri Party and the GNP.

The first session of the new NationalAssembly will be held on May 29th. The DLP’schallenges have, however, already begun: itis demanding the reversal of a decision to send3,000 more troops to Iraq. More than 40percernt of the lawmakers reportedly supportthis idea.

President Roh is expected to return no laterthan the end of May. The decision to makegood on the promise to send more troops toIraq, despite the deteriorating securitysituation, will be his first difficult choice uponreturn. It will be the first indicator predictingthe policy direction of the newly invigoratedRoh administration.

Boo-Seung Chang is a second year M.A.student concentrating in China Studies &Japan Studies.

By Boo-Seung Chang

Thirty-four days after President Roh Moo-hyunwas suspended by a two-thirds majority of theunicameral Korean National Assembly, the SouthKorean public rendered their own verdict. Inessence they politically overrode that decisionby giving the majority of the legislative seats tothe Yolin Uri Party (meaning Our Open party)backed by President Roh.

In the general election on the 15th of April, the UriParty more than tripled its seats, winning 152 seatsin the 299-seat legislature. Uri’s victory clearlyrepresented public disapproval of theimpeachment of President Roh which was forcedthrough the Assembly by the country’s threeconservative parties – the Grand National Party(GNP), the Millenium Democratic Party (MDP)and the United Liberal Democrats (ULD) – despitethe overwhelming public opposition.

Uri’s victory was more than a ruling on theimpeachment. It signified a watershed in SouthKorean politics. Since the country’s transition todemocracy in 1987, no political party has evergained an absolute majority in the country’sgeneral elections. Rather, majorities have resultedfrom the formation of coalitions and the post-election day political maneuvering.

The recent election outcome can largely beattributed to a change in the relationship betweenthe South Korean party system and regionallyaligned party structures. Historically, the GNPhas represented southeastern Kyongsangprovince, South Korea’s largest political base,the MDP has been aligned with the southwesternCholla province, and the ULD has gathered itsstrength from the mid-western Choongchungprovince.

This region-based political system now seems tobe breaking down. The Uri Party swept theelection in two of these three major provinces, aswell as in the capital, Seoul, and its suburbs.Without their traditional core constituencies’support, the MDP and the ULD were politicallyravaged.

However, the Uri Party still failed to penetratecertain major provinces. It gained only four seatsof the 68 seats in the Kyongsang province. The61 remaining seats went to the GNP – a partyseen as corrupt and politically moribund prior tothe April 15th election. Thanks to support fromits political backyard, the GNP now controls morethan 40% of the legislative branch.The GNP’s impressive performance in theconservative Kyongsang province was widelyattributed to its new party chairwoman Park Geun-

May 6, 2004 THE SAIS INTERNATIONAL OBSERVER Page 10

Rise of New Forces Erodes OldRegionalism in South Korea

In the 2002 Soccer World Cup, Brazildefeated all the other teams to becomethe final champion. Meanwhile, theChinese team, in its first World Cup trip,lost all of its games and ranked almostlast. While Brazil may reign superior inthe world of soccer, China far surpassesBrazil in economic terms.

In the last two decades of the 20thcentury, China stood out as the world’sstar performer in economic growth,thanks to the market-oriented reformthat started in 1978. By contrast, Brazilis still struggling with its large debt andits poor domestic macroeconomicsituation. Despite its significant levelsof agricultural, mineral and industrialproduction, 60 percent of the populationlives in poverty and the unemploymentrate in 2001 was 6.4 percent.

Actually, as the largest developingcountries in their regions, (East Asia andLatin America) China and Brazil sharemany features in terms of economicinputs (in both positive and negativerespects). Why are economic growthoutcomes so different between the twocountries? According to the neo-classical economic theories, marketforces, also known as the “invisiblehand”, play a fundamental role inadjusting the supply and demand of amodern economy. In the case of dealingwith “market failure”, governmentshould intervene actively and suitablyas a “visible hand”.

In our above analysis, we find that inboth economies the market hasfunctioned well – moreover, thegovernments in China and Brazil havealso done a good job of governing thecountries. Then, is there some otherinfluence that has impacted theeconomic growth of these two countries?The short answer is: culture. If culturedoes matter, then to what extent areeconomic and socio-cultural featurescausally linked?

First and foremost, the ChineseConfucian teachings promote individualand family sobriety, the importance ofeducation, instill a desire foraccomplishment in various skills(particularly academic and cultural), andseriousness about tasks, job, family andobligations. Confucian culture alsoencourages thrift and saving, which inturn benefits the growth of investment.Neo-classical economists believe thatlong-term economic growth isdetermined by a country’s savings rate.Undoubtedly, no economy can growunless surpluses are created that canincrease the economy’s productivity.China, and almost all the countries in EastAsia are accustomed to high savings,and the saving rate in China is 38percent, which is more than twice asmuch as that of Brazil.

Cultural factors play a significant role inencouraging people to live in a thriftymanner and cut unnecessaryconsumption. According to traditional

Confucian concepts, thrift was soimportant that it could determine the fateof a person, a family and even a wholenation. In terms of the low savings ratein Brazil, cultural factors interact witheconomic factors, which have givendirect influence to consumption andinvestment decisions. One article in theEconomist (1995) pointed out that“Perhaps Brazilians are naturally morespendthrift than disciplined Asians,more tempted by wine and samba, thanputting coins in the bank.”

Confucian beliefs place a high value oneducation, which is the key factor inpromoting the development of humancapital. Many contemporary studieshave indicated a significant correlationbetween educational development andeconomic development. TheodoreSchultz, the Nobel Prize winner ineconomics, argued in his EconomicValue of Education (1963) that humanresources are the ultimate basis ofwealth for nations, as it is the capabilityfor people to accumulate capital, exploitnatural resources, and build socialinstitutions.

In Brazil, though higher education hasalso advanced to a fairly high level,primary education has always been the“bottle neck”. The large population oflower-class Brazilians hasn’t realizedthe benefits of education. In the early1990s the primary educationparticipation rate in China rose beyond95 percent while Brazil’s participationrate remained below 75 percent Thisproblem is even more serious in the restof the Latin American region. Accordingto a World Bank report, the share ofeducation investment in GDP was verysimilar in Latin America and East Asia,but the investment structure wassignificantly different—the proportionof primary education investment wasfairly low in Latin America.

The discussion of culture’s role indevelopment, however, still seems to becontroversial and open-ended.Simplistic cultural arguments yield avariety of problems. A case in point istiming. Both Chinese and Braziliantraditions have existed for centuries, butthe dynamic shifts in economicperformance that gave rise to dramaticeconomic growth occurred only inrecent decades. Therefore, the culturalapproach has opened a door for us tosee why economic performance isdifferent among countries and regions.Furthermore, the cultural approach isnot aimed at reducing economicdevelopment to a set of cultural, or“national-character”, traits. Whilecultural factors cannot exclusivelyexplain economic performance, they canbe used as a frame of reference forexamining how values, attitudes,practices or behaviors have influencedeconomies in different countries.

Culture Matters:An Economic Comparison of China and BrazilBy Charles Huang Zheng

occurred regularly. Government institutionsalso made a conspicuous effort to get outthe vote, employing helicopters to bringballot boxes to residents of the Arctic Circle.

When pressed to respond directly to thenotion of free and fair elections in Russia,SAIS’s Hamid hedged, preferring to note thatRussia “is a work in progress.” Althoughsome may defer judgment today, the real testwill arrive in four years, when Mr. Putin’sconstitutionally-limited second term expires.Consider this a warm-up.

Christopher Hattayer is a first-year M.A.student concentrating in ConflictManagement.

Continued from Page 1

Russian ‘election’

Charles Huang Zheng is a first-year M.A. student concentratingin International Development.

May 6, 2004 THE SAIS OBSERVER Page 11

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Controversy lingers regarding theconditions surrounding Aristide’sdeparture and the integrity of theprovisional government. TheCaribbean community, Caricom, hasrefused to recognize the US-backedinterim government or commit troopsto the peacekeeping effort. Caricom, ledby Jamaica, argues that Aristide’soverthrow set a dangerous precedentfor elected leaders, and called for theUN to lead an investigation into thecontroversy. It has been backed by theAfrican Union.

Haiti’s leadership has been criticized fordeviating from Haiti’s constitution,which requires that a permanentgovernment be voted on within ninetydays. Latortue told US Secretary ofState Colin Powell, who visited Haiti onApril 5th, that all of Haiti’s politicalparties agree that municipal, legislativeand presidential elections should beheld in 2005. He claims that Haiti is notready for elections, and that heconsulted with representatives ofHaiti’s major political parties beforemaking this decision.

Latortue’s credibility has beenblemished by his appearance with someof the rebels, whom he praised as“freedom fighters.” These men includeknown drug traffickers and criminalssuch as Guy Philippe, previouslycharged for political assassinations,and Louis Jodel Chamblain, convictedof murder and human rights abuses.

Aristide continues to protest hispolitical exile. He filed a lawsuit in Paris

against unnamed French officials,accusing them of “death threats,kidnapping and sequestration.”According to his French lawyer, GilbertCollard, he intends to file a similar lawsuitin the United States against Americanofficials for forcing him to leave Haiti.

Aristide is currently in Jamaica with hisfamily as an “official guest,” and hopesto take up residency in South Africa ifgranted asylum there. Caricom requestedthat Nigeria grant temporary asylum toAristide, although apparently he has notexpressed interest in going there. Nigeriahas granted the request.

Former officials of Aristide’sadministration, and Aristide himself, arefacing investigations in Haiti and abroad.Aristide’s former interior minister,Jocelerme Privert, was arrested in Haition April 6 under charges of arranging theassassinations of political opponents inthe port city of St. Marc. Privert’s touristvisa was revoked by the US in early 2004because of suspicions of drug trafficking.

Aristide is being investigated by the USfor cooperating with drug traffickers andreceiving retainers to allow shipments ofcocaine to go through Haiti. A formersecurity chief for Aristide, Oriel Jean, hasbeen charged in a Miami federal court forconspiring to smuggle cocaine into theUnited States.

Katherine Shafer is a second-year M.A.concentrating in Strategic Studies.

some economic growth and some degree of prosperity, which is all to the good. But Putin is aformer KGB colonel. His history as a KGB colonel does not make him particularly open tocriticism, pluralism, and the development of opposition. So while he deserves credit for stability,and he deserves credit for not being, I believe, corrupt, that does not give him authority topursue retrogressive policies. Destroying free media, throwing businessmen into prison doesnot help Russia’s economic development, or move Russia toward becoming a free and democraticsociety. I would argue that the retrogressive policies run counter to their economic goals.

My feeling is that economic development is not a substitute for free and democratic society.Chaos is not the option I recommend, just some easing up on the media and democraticopposition.

Many of the oligarchs Putin has thrown in prison are Jewish. Do you think that Putin is anti-Semitic?

I believe every indication is that he is not. This is the selective persecution of oligarchs. Peoplewho have represented a political challenge to Putin – such as the former media baron Gusinsky,or Khodorkovsky, who has manifest political ambitions of his own – are the ones who have beenthrown into prison, chased out of the country, had assets confiscated. They were not persecutedbecause of their religious convictions or ethnic background. They represented the emergenceof alternate political foci of power, which Putin as a former KGB colonel could not tolerate.

I’d like to move to Iraq for a moment. As a major Democrat supporting the war, how do you viewrecent revelations in books by people like Dick Clarke and Bob Woodward that shed light onPresident Bush’s reasons for invading Iraq?

I am just as appalled as the strongest critics of the administration at alleged aspects of faultyintelligence related to weapons of mass destruction, which have not been found. This is obviouslya very serious problem and I look forward to the result of ongoing investigations to see whetherthe information was in fact faulty and who was responsible for this faulty information. But I thinkthere is a broader issue here. Saddam Hussein is personally responsible for over a million deathsof Iranians, Kuwaitis, Shiites, and others. The mass-graves are being uncovered as we speakevery week. His persecution and torture of people of various beliefs, various ethnic groups, isobvious. The world is better off having Saddam Hussein in prison.

As a survivor of the Holocaust and grandfather of 17, I treasure every human life as immeasurablyvaluable. So if it is one soldier who dies, or two, or two hundred that die, these are all tragediesfor the individual families and for the nation. But I think that it is necessary to maintain someperspective.

Once the decision is made that the United States is going to invade a country, the notion thateven with our overwhelming firepower and technological advantages a military effort can be

Continued from Page 7

Lantos Interview

Continued on page 12

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cost free is absurd. Now I anguish over every single soldierwho loses his life or is injured. I deeply anguish over that,and my empathy with the families is total havingexperienced very similar tragedies during the SecondWorld War. But I think there is an absurd naivety inassuming that in our age, the forces of evil – such asinternational terrorism – can be defeated at no cost. Fifty-five million people died during the Second World War.Fifty-five million. When they liberated Europe, theAmericans lost 450,000 lives. If you go to France andGermany you can see the rows upon rows of snow whitecrosses and stars of David where Americans who losttheir lives lay buried where they died in defense of liberty.What is an outrage is that politicians like Schroeder andChirac whip up virulent anti-American sentiment in theircountries in pursuit of their own political gain.

Not every SAIS graduate can aspire to be a member ofCongress. How would you suggest students at SAISattempt to make an impact in the world? How would yourecommend students at SAIS attempt to grasp some ofthe vision that you have?

If a young person chooses SAIS as a graduate school, heor she ipso facto has manifested an interest in publicservice. He or she may end up in the private sector, but isinterested in improving the human condition: trade,investment, human rights, diplomacy, in some significantway. My feeling is that the complexity of living in the firstpart of the 21st century is staggering. A SAIS educationshould help someone have the ability of discerning broadtrends, and do their best so that the trends that are positiveare accelerated and the trends that are negative areopposed.

There are so many forces that are negative: Islamicfundamentalism, bigotry, prejudice, sexual discrimination,religious discrimination.

We know what the good fight is. It is to support humanrights, non-discrimination, elimination of poverty, theglobal struggle against HIV-AIDS, and oppose racialdiscrimination, religious discrimination, retrogressive taxpolicies, etc. We must move forward and not backward.

Levi Tillemann is a first-year M.A. student concentratingin Japan Studies.

May 6, 2004 THE SAIS OBSERVER Page 12

Continued from Page 8 Clarke’s Enemies

Middle East with wrong intentions. Al Qaeda’s biggestweapon is its ability to convince people of this view, andconvince them that their way of life is in danger. Ourfurther interventions and attacks on Muslim leaders canonly encourage this view of America amongst moderateMuslims, allowing Al Qaeda’s forces to strengthen despiteour efforts. A failure to understand the cause of terror hasimpeded our ability to fight it.

But causes are not only ignored by our own administration.Recently, I watched as CNN reported on the assassinationof Rantisi, the new leader of Hamas. Just as the civil rightsmovement lost momentum with the assassination of MartinLuther King, just as the Nazi army fought a losing waruntil the loss of their leader, Israel has continued its attackson Palestine under the belief that the plight of Palestiniansurvival will die with its leaders. Yet nobody is predictingthat peace will arrive now. Palestine’s demands go beyondprejudice. It is not a mobilization around the vision of asingle man. We can expect nothing more than an escalationin violent backlash as a result of Israel’s approach to theresolution of this conflict.

In the documentary “The Fog of War,” McNamara saidthat we never would have won in Vietnam because we didnot understand our enemy. To the Vietnamese, the warwas not about communism or democracy, it was aboutoppression and freedom. It was precisely our lack ofunderstanding that led to our defeat. Until we look deeperand consider the causes of the problems that we face,they will persist unabated. But if we do consider the causes,we may find the solutions to be strikingly different fromthose of the past. If we can learn anything from our history,it is that there is no general solution, that everythinghappens for a reason, and that reason is our strongesttool for action.

Nikhil Jaisinghani is a second year M.A. studentconcentrating in International Development.

Continued from Page 11

Lantos Interview

disenfranchised Palestinians with no citizenship rights) if Arabscan live under Israeli sovereignty in Israel.” Theonly possible possible way to avoid this logic is if oneopts for the creation of a binational state in all of mandatePalestine with the right of return to Israel proper for everyPalestinian refugee. Going out on a limb, I’m going toassume that this is not the case Bennett is trying to make.

This seductive argument betrays a fundamentalmisunderstanding of the facts. For now, let’s leave asidethe dubious legality of the Jewish settlements. IsraeliArabs were subject to a separate military administrationuntil 1966, experiencing large-scale land confiscations andother examples of official neglect that continue to thisday. Israeli Arab villages typically receive a fraction ofthe municipal funds allocated for Jewish towns. IsraeliArabs are second-class citizens in practice as well astheory, living in a country that exists for the Jewish people,not its own citizens.

A great many, though not all, of the Palestinian refugeesin 1948 were either expelled or fled in legitimate fear ofexpulsion. The Hagana (a pre-state Zionist armies) evenhad Plan Dalet, which in the words of Israeli historianBenny Morris “allowed the expulsion of hostile orpotentially hostile Arab villages (and ‘potentially hostile’was, indeed, open to a very liberal interpretation).” Thepoint of mentioning this is that for the most part IsraeliArabs are not in their current situation due to their ownvolition – overzealous Jewish settlers, as well as war-mongering anti-Semitic leaders, pushed them into theircurrent situation. Despite this, Israeli Arabs are almostuniformly loyal to the state. Attempts by terroristorganizations, such as Hamas, to gain a foothold amongthem meet with little success. The statement in questionimplies that Jewish settlers profess the same loyalty tothe Palestinian Authority even if Jews are subjected tosimilar treatment.

Imagine you’re a Palestinian family. Circa 1920 you weresitting around, minding your own business when a bunchof Jews arrived from Poland telling you they lived in yourcountry 2000 years ago. In 1947, the UN divides yourcountry giving half to the new move ins. Seven-eighthsof your family is kicked out of your house and becomerefugees. Over the second half of the 20th Century youwatch the plodding growth of Jewish-only settlementsthat eventually crisscross your land. Land is stolen for

Jewish-only roads which make it impossible to get to yourneighboring village, and since 1993 frequent closures keepyou from getting to your job in Israel. You have essentiallyno chance of ever seeing your ancestral home again. Finally,you’re told that you should let as many settlements existas Israel wants because Israel grudgingly tolerates the one-eighth of your family living in Israel!

It is laughable that anyone could draw a parallel betweenJewish settlements in the West Bank/Gaza and Israeli Arabvillages. Suppose we ignore the soldiers and access roadssupporting the settlements and the gross disparity of stateresources directed to both in favor of the settlements. Evenso, the parallel would only be valid if Palestinians occupiedall of Israel, refused citizenship to most Jews, except a smallgrudgingly tolerated group, then decided to strategicallyplace settlements between Jewish cities in a methodcalculated to preclude Jewish territorial contiguity of aJewish state (not to say that many Palestinians wouldn’tlike to do this). This parallel imputes a certain indulgenceand tolerance to Israel for allowing Arabs to remain on theirown land, while implicitly condemning the Palestinians asintolerant for opposing having their future country brokenup by hundreds of extraterritorial cantons. That is anincorrect assessment.

The entire point of Oslo, or any of the other partition plansproposed over the years, has been to partition the territoryof Palestine between the two national groups who are fatedto live in it. There is no analogy between Israel allowingthe remnant of the natives of Palestine to remain in theirhomes, and Palestine allowing Jews who came in since 1967to live anywhere in their ministate they please – althoughthere would be a parallel regarding the state of SephardicJews in the Arab world as a whole. A Palestinian state,almost by definition, must have both contiguous territoryand the ability to define who its citizens are (say,Palestinians). This would not be the case with a Palestinianstate in the 23% of Palestine, which remains not part ofIsrael , peppered with Jewish settlements. If Bennett’s caseis that anyone, Arab or Jewish, should be able to liveanywhere in Israel, that is simply another way of describinga bi-national state. This solution would, at the very least,bring about the end of Israel as a Jewish state in any realsense. Palestinians have legitimate qualms with Jewishsettlements, so let’s not kid ourselves. Perhaps we’d betterstart by getting our analogies straight.

Ilan Weinglass is a first-year M.A. student concentratingin Middle East Studies.

Continued from page 9A Dangerously Misguided Analogy

orientation, and usually go on to enroll in several monthsof language training, area studies, and job-specific trainingafterward.

The pay is modest, but indications are that FSOs are afairly contented bunch – the yearly attrition rate is justone percent amongst junior-level officers. Some aredriven by the smell of adventure, some by ambassadorialambitions, and most by an affinity for public service. Someare motivated by more modest aspirations: to sit on abeach in Luanda or Lisbon café watching the world goby. I can almost hear them murmur to themselves now, “Ican’t believe I’m being paid to do this.”

Ruddy Wang is an FSO in training.

Continued from Page 8 Foreign Service

History Without CausalityContinued from page 9

invade Iraq and on the administration’s subsequent defenseof that war as the frontline against terrorism. In fact, Clarkeargues our policies since 9/11—a moment in which PresidentBush had “a unique opportunity” to unite America and theworld to defeat terrorism—have enormously expanded theinfluence of al Qaeda in the world.

“For even as we have been attriting the core al Qaedaorganization,” he claims, “it has metastasized…like a Hydra,growing new heads.” Clarke rages against theadministration’s politicization of 9/11 and raises the specterthat, if things are left unchanged, we may face somethingof a terrorist doomsday in the coming years.

Against All Enemies is required reading, period. Theopening account of the White House on 9/11 alone justifiespurchasing it. The book is filled with numerous fascinatingpersonal stories throughout the book, as well as little knownforeign policy ideas from each administration (the proposedinvasion of Iran in 1996, for example, or the preparationsbehind the millennium celebration). But above all, it is aperfect launching point to a broader understanding of wherewe stand now—not necessarily to change minds, but topromote debate. I attended a SAIS function recently andcould only shake my head when a student, who I did notknow, pointed disapprovingly at the book in my hand,exclaiming “you’re reading THAT?” To understand 9/11,we must engage each story behind it. Richard Clarke’s bookis just one of many that will emerge in the coming decades,surely to be both refuted and reinforced repeatedly. Thereis nothing worse in American politics than blindpartisanship. Only by objectively analyzing each new storycan we hope to learn and apply the most important lessons.

Barry Regan is a first year M.A. student concentrating inStrategic Studies.