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Mul$stage audiovisual speech processing modula$ng the mismatch nega$vity Ores$s Papaioannou 1 , Julia Strand 2 , Chris$an Graulty 1 , Kevin Ortego 1 , Enriqueta CansecoGonzalez 1 ; 1 Reed College, 2 Carleton College Design and Predicted Results EEG Results - MMN Future Research Previous studies 1 have reported that, under certain circumstances, incongruent audiovisual speech s$muli (e.g. a visual /ga/ with an auditory /ba/) are fused together to form an illusionary percept (/da/ in the previous example). This phenomenon has been termed the McGurk effect. However, it is currently unknown when this integra$on occurs. We used the mismatch nega$vity (MMN), an event related poten$al (ERP) component that is sensi$ve to devia$ons in auditory paTerns 2 , to inves$gate whether the McGurk effect takes place during that $me period (roughly 200ms300ms from s$mulus onset). References 1 McGurk, H., McDonald, J. (1976), Hearing lips and seeing voices. Nature 264, 746– 748. 2 Näätänen, R. (2001), The percep$on of speech sounds by the human brain as reflected by the mismatch nega$vity (MMN) and its magne$c equivalent (MMNm). Psychophysiology, 38, 1–21. 3 Strand., J., Cooperman, A., Rowe, J., & Simenstad A. (2014), Individual differences in suscep$bility to the McGurk effect: Links with lipreading and detec$ng audiovisual incongruity. Journal of Speech, Language, & Hearing Research, 57, 23222331. Further research could isolate the effect of congruency, by using unambiguously congruent or incongruent s$muli, to see how they affect ERPs in a similar context. Similarly, inves$ga$ng how visual deviancy affects the MMN, or ERPs in general, may help explain the lack of an MMN for deviants AV in nonintegrators. Lastly, this study showcases how different the electrophysiological responses of integrators and nonintegrators are, and suggests that this dis$nc$on should be taken into account in future experiments inves$ga$ng audiovisual integra$on in speech. Background We recorded EEG ac$vity during an oddball paradigm. All s$muli consisted of a silent video of a person saying /ba/ or /da/, paired up with a computer generated auditory syllable. For standards, the paired auditory syllable was congruent with the video. For auditory deviants (Deviant A), the syllable consisted of an ambiguous syllable (/δa/), lying on the boundary between /ba/ and /da/. For audiovisual deviants (Deviant AV), the ambiguous syllable (/δa/) was paired with a different video, biasing percep$on away from the standard syllable. A distractor task was used, where par$cipants were asked to respond whenever they detected a white square on the screen. Aher the recording session was finished, a behavioral measure was administered to assess the par$cipant’s suscep$bility to the McGurk effect, allowing us to separate our par$cipants into integrators (N = 10) and nonintegrators (N = 11). Standard (72%) Deviant A (14%) Deviant AV (14%) Video Sound Video Sound Video Sound Block A /ba/ /ba/ /ba/ /δa/ /da/ /δa/ Block B /da/ /da/ /da/ /δa/ /ba/ /δa/ If the McGurk effect occurs during, or before, the $me window of MMN, then Deviant AV should be perceived (at least in integrators) as more deviant than Deviant A and elicit a larger MMN. In contrast, percep$on in nonintegrators should be less affected by the visual informa$on, thus a similar amplitude MMN for both types of deviants would be expected. /ba/ /ba/ /δa/ Standard Standard Deviant A A graphical representa$on of the oddball paradigm used in this experiment Predicted ERP results for integrators and non integrators, assuming audiovisual integra$on in speech occurs during or before the $me window over which the MMN is observed. 100ms 600ms 4µV 4µV MMN Fz NonIntegrators MMN 100ms 600ms 4µV 4µV Fz Integrators 100ms 600ms 4µV 4µV Fz MMN ERPs Difference Waves Integrators NonIntegrators 100ms 4µV 4µV Fz MMN 600ms Difference Maps Integrators NonIntegrators Deviants A Deviants AV Deviants A Deviants AV We found a significant mismatch nega$vity (200ms350ms aher sound onset) in both groups for deviants A, as well as for deviants AV in integrators. However, no significant differences in this $me window were found for deviants AV in nonintegrators. No significant differences were found between the MMN elicited by deviants A or deviants AV for integrators. A significant difference was observed for nonintegrators, with deviants AV being significantly more posi$ve over the $me period. A mixed ANOVA revealed a main effect of deviant type (F = 12.79, p < 0.01), but not group (F = 1.23, p > 0.1), and a significant interac$on between group and deviant type (F = 6.93, p < 0.05). * * * * p < 0.05 Conclusions Our results suggest that audiovisual integra$on of speech does not occur during, or before, the $me window where the MMN occurs. Integrators showed a similar sized MMN to both types of deviants, despite deviants AV being perceptually more deviant Nonintegrators did show a difference between deviants, but in the opposite direc$on than what would be expected if this difference was due to the McGurk effect. However, the unexpected lack of MMN found for deviants AV in nonintegrators is intriguing. Perhaps, some other process is occurring during that $me, one that affects groups/deviant types differen$ally, which is somehow overriding the MMN. However, the func$onal significance of this difference is s$ll unclear. One possibility is that this is due to some incongruency detec$on mechanism. Poor integrators have been shown to be beTer at detec$ng audiovisual incongruencies 3 , which might explain why this effect is par$cularly pronounced in nonintegrators. Another possibility is that there is a visual deviancy effect that is par$cularly potent in non integrators. The presence of a rela$vely sharppeaked frontocentral posi$vity around 300ms for deviants AV in nonintegrators, points possibly towards a novel P300, which is likely linked to this visual deviancy. In fact, a more posterior P300blike component, present in both groups, only for deviants AV, may suggest that the par$cipants where aTending to this difference (as if it was task relevant). EEG Results – P300 complex Difference Waves Integrators NonIntegrators 100ms 600ms 4µV 4µV POz P300 100ms 600ms 4µV 4µV Fz P300 100ms 600ms 4µV 4µV Fz P300 100ms 600ms 4µV 4µV POz P300 A significant posi$vity was found in posterior electrodes between 300500ms for deviants AV in both integrators and nonintegrators. This posi$vity is likely a P300b, which has a similar distribu$on and $ming, and is ohen reported in oddball paradigms. A significant posi$vity was also found in frontocentral electrodes, but only for deviants AV in non integrators. Due to the frontal distribu$on and rela$vely sharp peak latency, this is more similar to a novel P300, which is also found in presenta$ons of deviant or unexpected s$muli. * * * Standards – Deviant A Standards – Deviant AV * p < 0.05
Transcript
Page 1: McGurk CNS v2 - Carleton College · Mul$stage*audiovisual*speech*processing*modulang*the* mismatch*negavity* Oress*Papaioannou 1,*JuliaStrand2,*Chris$an*Graulty,*Kevin*Ortego1,Enriqueta

Mul$stage  audiovisual  speech  processing  modula$ng  the  mismatch  nega$vity  

Ores$s  Papaioannou1,  Julia  Strand2,  Chris$an  Graulty1,  Kevin  Ortego1,  Enriqueta  Canseco-­‐Gonzalez1;          1Reed  College,  2Carleton  College  

Design and Predicted Results

EEG Results - MMN

Future Research

•  Previous  studies1    have  reported  that,  under  certain  circumstances,  incongruent  audiovisual  speech  s$muli  (e.g.  a  visual  /ga/  with  an  auditory  /ba/)    are  fused  together  to  form  an  illusionary  percept  (/da/  in  the  previous  example).  This  phenomenon  has  been  termed  the  McGurk  effect.  

•  However,  it  is  currently  unknown  when  this  integra$on  occurs.          •  We  used  the  mismatch  nega$vity  (MMN),  an  event  related  poten$al  (ERP)  component  that  is  sensi$ve  to  

devia$ons  in  auditory  paTerns2,  to  inves$gate  whether  the  McGurk  effect  takes  place  during  that  $me  period  (roughly  200ms-­‐300ms  from  s$mulus  onset).  

References 1McGurk,  H.,  McDonald,  J.  (1976),  Hearing  lips  and  seeing  voices.  Nature  264,  746–  748.  2Näätänen,  R.  (2001),  The  percep$on  of  speech  sounds  by  the  human  brain  as  reflected  by  the  mismatch  nega$vity  (MMN)  and  its  magne$c  equivalent  (MMNm).  Psychophysiology,  38,  1–21.  3Strand.,  J.,  Cooperman,  A.,  Rowe,  J.,  &  Simenstad  A.  (2014),  Individual  differences  in  suscep$bility  to  the  McGurk  effect:  Links  with  lipreading  and  detec$ng  audiovisual  incongruity.    Journal  of  Speech,  Language,  &  Hearing  Research,  57,  2322-­‐2331.  

•  Further  research  could  isolate  the  effect  of  congruency,  by  using  unambiguously  congruent  or  incongruent  s$muli,  to  see  how  they  affect  ERPs  in  a  similar  context.  

•  Similarly,  inves$ga$ng  how  visual  deviancy  affects  the  MMN,  or  ERPs  in  general,  may  help  explain  the  lack  of  an  MMN  for  deviants  AV  in  non-­‐integrators.  

•   Lastly,  this  study  showcases  how  different  the  electrophysiological  responses  of  integrators  and  non-­‐integrators  are,  and  suggests  that  this  dis$nc$on  should  be  taken  into  account  in  future  experiments  inves$ga$ng  audiovisual  integra$on  in  speech.  

Background

•  We  recorded  EEG  ac$vity  during  an  oddball  paradigm.  All  s$muli  consisted  of  a  silent  video  of  a  person  saying  /ba/  or  /da/,  paired  up  with  a  computer  generated  auditory  syllable.  

•  For  standards,  the  paired  auditory  syllable  was  congruent  with  the  video.  •  For  auditory  deviants  (Deviant  A),  the  syllable  consisted  of  an  ambiguous  syllable  (/δa/),  lying  on  the  

boundary  between  /ba/  and  /da/.  •  For  audiovisual  deviants  (Deviant  AV),  the  ambiguous  syllable  (/δa/)  was  paired  with  a  different  video,  

biasing  percep$on  away  from  the  standard  syllable.  •  A  distractor  task  was  used,  where  par$cipants  were  asked  to  respond  whenever  they  detected  a  white  

square  on  the  screen.    •  Aher  the  recording  session  was  finished,  a  behavioral  measure  was  administered  to  assess  the  

par$cipant’s  suscep$bility  to  the  McGurk  effect,  allowing  us  to  separate  our  par$cipants  into  integrators  (N  =  10)  and  non-­‐integrators  (N  =  11).  

    Standard  (72%)   Deviant  A  (14%)   Deviant  AV  (14%)       Video   Sound   Video   Sound   Video   Sound  Block  A   /ba/   /ba/   /ba/   /δa/   /da/   /δa/  Block  B   /da/   /da/   /da/   /δa/   /ba/   /δa/  

•  If  the  McGurk  effect  occurs  during,  or  before,  the  $me  window  of  MMN,  then  Deviant  AV  should  be  perceived  (at  least  in  integrators)  as  more  deviant  than  Deviant  A  and  elicit  a  larger  MMN.  

•  In  contrast,  percep$on  in  non-­‐integrators  should  be  less  affected  by  the  visual  informa$on,  thus  a  similar-­‐amplitude  MMN  for  both  types  of  deviants  would  be  expected.  

/ba/  

/ba/  

/δa/  Standard  

Standard  

Deviant  A  

A  graphical  representa$on  of  the  oddball  paradigm  used  in  this  experiment  

Predicted  ERP  results  for  integrators  and  non  integrators,  assuming    audiovisual  integra$on  in  speech  occurs  during  or  before  the  $me  window  over  which  the  MMN  is  observed.  

Deviants  AV  

-­‐  100ms   600ms  

-­‐  4µV  

   4µV  

   MMN      Fz  

   Non-­‐Integrators  

   MMN  

Standards  Deviants  A  

Deviants  AV  

-­‐  100ms   600ms  

-­‐  4µV  

   4µV  

   Fz  

 Integrators  

-­‐  100ms   600ms  

-­‐  4µV  

   4µV  

   Fz      MMN  

ERPs  

Difference  Waves    Integrators   Non-­‐Integrators  

-­‐  100ms  

-­‐  4µV  

   4µV  

   Fz      MMN  

600ms  

Difference  Maps    Integrators   Non-­‐Integrators  

   Deviants  A  

   Deviants  AV  

   Deviants  A  

   Deviants  AV  

•  We  found  a  significant  mismatch  nega$vity  (200ms-­‐350ms  aher  sound  onset)  in  both  groups  for  deviants  A,  as  well  as  for  deviants  AV  in  integrators.  However,  no  significant  differences  in  this  $me  window  were  found  for  deviants  AV  in  non-­‐integrators.    

•  No  significant  differences  were  found  between  the  MMN  elicited  by  deviants  A  or  deviants  AV  for  integrators.  A  significant  difference  was  observed  for  non-­‐integrators,  with  deviants  AV  being  significantly  more  posi$ve  over  the  $me  period.    

•  A  mixed  ANOVA  revealed  a  main  effect  of  deviant  type  (F  =  12.79,  p  <  0.01),  but  not  group  (F  =  1.23,  p  >  0.1),  and  a  significant  interac$on  between  group  and  deviant  type  (F  =  6.93,  p  <  0.05).  

 

** *

*  p  <  0.05   Conclusions •  Our  results  suggest  that  audiovisual  integra$on  of  speech  does  not  occur  during,  or  before,  the  

$me  window  where  the  MMN  occurs.  •  Integrators  showed  a  similar  sized  MMN  to  both  types  of  deviants,  despite  

deviants  AV  being  perceptually  more  deviant  •  Non-­‐integrators  did  show  a  difference  between  deviants,  but  in  the  opposite  

direc$on  than  what  would  be  expected  if  this  difference  was  due  to  the  McGurk  effect.  

•  However,  the  unexpected  lack  of  MMN  found  for  deviants  AV  in  non-­‐integrators  is  intriguing.  Perhaps,  some  other  process  is  occurring  during  that  $me,  one  that  affects  groups/deviant  types  differen$ally,  which  is  somehow  overriding  the  MMN.  However,  the  func$onal  significance  of  this  difference  is  s$ll  unclear.    

•  One  possibility  is  that  this  is  due  to  some  incongruency  detec$on  mechanism.  Poor  integrators  have  been  shown  to  be  beTer  at  detec$ng  audiovisual  incongruencies3,  which  might  explain  why  this  effect  is  par$cularly  pronounced  in  non-­‐integrators.    

•  Another  possibility  is  that  there  is  a  visual  deviancy  effect  that  is  par$cularly  potent  in  non-­‐integrators.  The  presence  of  a  rela$vely  sharp-­‐peaked  frontocentral  posi$vity  around  300ms  for  deviants  AV  in  non-­‐integrators,  points  possibly  towards  a  novel  P300,  which  is  likely  linked  to  this  visual  deviancy.  In  fact,  a  more  posterior  P300b-­‐like  component,  present  in  both  groups,  only  for  deviants  AV,  may  suggest  that  the  par$cipants  where  aTending  to  this  difference  (as  if  it  was  task-­‐  relevant).  

EEG Results – P300 complex

Difference  Waves    Integrators   Non-­‐Integrators  

-­‐  100ms   600ms  

-­‐  4µV  

   4µV  

POz  P300  

-­‐  100ms   600ms  

-­‐  4µV  

   4µV  

   Fz  P300  

-­‐  100ms   600ms  

-­‐  4µV  

   4µV  

   Fz  P300  

-­‐  100ms   600ms  

-­‐  4µV  

   4µV  

 POz  P300  

•  A  significant  posi$vity  was  found  in  posterior  electrodes  between  300-­‐500ms  for  deviants  AV  in  both  integrators  and  non-­‐integrators.  This  posi$vity  is  likely  a  P300b,  which  has  a  similar  distribu$on  and  $ming,  and  is  ohen  reported  in  oddball  paradigms.  

•  A  significant  posi$vity  was  also  found  in  fronto-­‐central  electrodes,  but  only  for  deviants  AV  in  non-­‐integrators.  Due  to  the  frontal  distribu$on  and  rela$vely  sharp  peak  latency,  this  is  more  similar  to  a  novel  P300,  which  is  also  found  in  presenta$ons  of  deviant  or  unexpected  s$muli.    

**

*

Standards  –  Deviant  A  

Standards  –  Deviant  AV  

*  p  <  0.05  

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