Metaphysical Exodus and the migrant worker in Latin American populism

Emilce Cuda-UITEC

Abstract

The migrant worker is a new kind of exodus in today's global society, and the border he must cross is public speech. I will use the theological category of exodus metaphysics as a criterion for the phenomenological and hermeneutical analysis of populist Latin American democracies. Latin American politics, from the moment of its commitment to address the poverty manifested in migration, should go beyond secular liberalism to reconsider religious categories layered in these people as elements that can be discursively articulated. I contend that the Word, the foundation of theology and of politics, is the way to emancipation of the self. Through a discursive articulation between the divine Word and word of politics, utilizing the negative way, the mystique of exodus-as-method can be considered a common denominator between the sacred and the political at the moment of reflection on a viable solution to the regional immigration problem in the 21st century. Today's exodus, liberating hope to move in search of an Easter in the desert of globalization, presents us with a migrant with no public speech. Poverty manifests itself from non-being to being, and from being to beyond-being. The migrant worker appears once again through the negative way in search of a step beyond the desire of the Other. But since the Other has no public word, what is the effectiveness of a policy or a theology of the ghost who utterances are not recognized as words but only as noise or murmur? However, exodus metaphysics tells us that the Other appears in the void of the Word. The mystical experience of exile may make it possible, in Latin America, for the passage of the limiting negative word of liberal democracies to the emancipating negative word of populist democracies.

Índex

1. Metaphysical exodus

1.1. Migration as exodus 1.2. The migrant worker 1.3. The new method of Exodus in the global society 1.3. The fable of the migrant worker as the Other of the democratic society

2. Theology as discursive method for a politic of exodus

2.1. The political discourse as a new modality of desert in the exodus of

globalization 2.2. The word as border

1. Metaphysical exodus

1.1. Migration as exodus

I will consider the category of migrants as equivalent to the category of Exodus. From a Neoplatonic metaphysical plane, the exodus is the way of non-being to being and the negation of being to a beyond-the-being in search of the One. In Plotinus, the soul is called –by a footprint that the One leave there-, to make the path that leads from the sistance to existence. That is abeing whose soul has fallen on the sistance of a body that insists him to be in that relationship as a prisoner, and must make the effort to ex - sist, that is, exiled from that relationship/condition that determined him, leaving of limitation in which it is trapped.1 It must make the path from a non-being that in the fall has been determined to be in a body, to a non-being release of that condition, that allows the union with the absolute Being without getting lost in this, keeping your identity in difference of the Other that will resemble but not be recognized as equal. The union with the One, the absolute Being, is a union of subsistence safeguarding their freedom.2

The path to liberation, in Plotinus, is the way of the exodus being, a metaphysical exodus, that of blessednes, because it seeks for itself a non-being undetermined, the product of a liberation effort of any category in which the being is trapped. The exodus of being is an adventure for the soul must travel out of poverty of a being conditioned by a body that will not let him emancipated. But this adventure is a tear for the soul, a separate from a body that -to survive traps her and- not let her exile. In other words, an exodus from the poverty of being trapped in a body that insists to the sensible –a non-being-, to a being enriched as a reflection of the One against which maintains difference as such, never as equal in the sense of One-self; that is, without being the One, but neither the Other of the One.3 In other words, the being -if it want to break free from their poverty-, it should go into exile, is a way of understanding the sense of history through the universal thought from Neoplatonism to the new populism. One method that attempts the lieberation by a negative way discursive, that is, a denial of all conditioning, all the limited relationship that is determined, preventing access to being full, the most-that-being tell Eriugena.4 This license allows me to equate the two categories, understanding the migrants of today as being in Exodus as the way to release from a condition of economic exploitation, from a relationship with a social body that keeps him being fully realized.

However, the category of exodus as a way to liberation, from old appears linked to the political. Already in the sacred texts of the Jewish People, content in the biblical body of the Old Testament, shows that the One God tells Abraham to leave the land of their fathers and exiling to found a new people.5 He must leave his land and his tradition; he must migrate to the desert. That's the sense that the One God give to the existence of his chosen, it is, the exodus for freedom in their offspring, the people -founded by Abraham and by God blessed.6 God makes a covenant with him, calls for recognition of the One in exchange for a new people. The history of the Jewish People, told in the sacred books, could also be read as text that recounts the exodus of the

1 Plotino, Enéada I, Buenos Aires, Losada, 2005, pg. 30.

2 Plotino, Enéada I, Buenos Aires, Losada, 2005, pg. 30.

3 Plotino, Enéada VI, 9.

4 Erigena, J.E., Periphyseon. The divisione of nature, Washington, Dunbarton, 2007, pg. 30, 446 c-d.

5 Gn 12,1

6 Gn 12,2

being towards its liberation. A long march of exile and captivity. A migration between laws of the One that release and laws of the Other –as false One- that enslave, with the Babylonian captivity an example of the latter. The People of God, of the one God of the ritual of Melchizedek7, is a people walking in the desert, a people in continuing exodus of non-being to being and from being the non-being. A migrant people. A people in motion. The God of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Moses, God is One, ineffable –nameless: I am who I am-8 commands Moses to free the people from slavery in Egypt with a promise that will be a great people, in unity.

The notion of exodus as a condition of freedom for the greatness of a people is also displayed to the genesis of Rome written by Virgil.9 In the fall of Troy in the hands of the Achaeans, Hector -already dead-, appears in dreams and tells Aeneas into exile for his release. And while Aeneas, faithful to a heroic culture, wants to die for Troy as King Priam, Hector says that now your debt is with the history of their ancestors -the Ilios.10 Thus, based Virgilio duty to release the people, not in the destination -as in the Homeric texts where the absolute will of the gods placed the man as innocent victim-, but on the facts of the dead -the factual- as the genesis of political duty. In the Rome of Virgil the mandate is not divine, as in the Greece of Homer, but human. Freedom passes from the gods to men, breaking the repetition of mythical time with the movement of history for freedom. The exodus, in Virgil, is a duty to the past and the future. Aeneas must leave with his father, bearing the Penates -gods of tradition-, and his son, the promise of the greatness of Rome.11 Turn the fate in history, according to the text, is the exodus of an individual subject that involves the collective subject -not as a result of individual virtue but a collective, historically-, a task that complicated –in a cusan sense-,12 the past and future in the present of a man, a singular, as subject of history; so complicated people and generations in the symbolic figure of people. Aeneas must go into exile to found Rome, elsewhere; a new people in a new place.

At the origins of Neoplatonic blessnednes, and at the origins of the two peoples taken as example, is the unity as last sense of exodus. Neither in the sacred origins of the people of Israel, or the mythical foundation of the Roman people, freedom is possible without exodus. Abraham and Aeneas must migrate from their place -that is from their law, from their status determination. Also in the New Testament, especially in the Pauline corpus, the new man be exiled from the old law.13 Everything indicates that the exodus out to be the determination of a social body that contained it with their traditions, to the indetermination of a desert where everything will be new, where will born a new people in a new man. This item is recovered by Machiavelli in the Discourses, saying that the founder must change everything, laws, customs and habits - which according to Machiavelli are religion, tradition, and language. Must base the new city in a new place. However, it notes, in the case of Christianity, that in founding a new 7 Gn 14,17

8 Ex 3,14

9 Virgilio, Eneide, Roma, Ediso, 2009.

10 Eneide, op.cit., I, 5.

11 Eneide, op.cit., I, 6.

12 De Cusa, Nicolás, Acerca de la docta ignorancia, Buenos Aires, Biblos, 2009, Libro III, párrafo 195ss.

13 Puede verse este tema en: Barth, Karl, Carta a los Romanos, Madrid, BAC, 2002; Expósito, Categorías de lo

impolítico, Buenos Aires, Katz, 2006, Introducción; Badiou, A., La Fundación del universalismo, Madrid, Anthropos, 1999.

religion, customs change, but rather retains the language. He argues that keeping the tongue, in the case of Christianity, it was necessary to enroll –the Christianity in the political structure of the Republic of Rome.14

Something is preserved in the exodus Virgil, Aeneas leaves everything, but keep religion in carrying Anchises penates, Christianity retains the tongue; Abraham retains Sarah to give their offspring. The mandate given to Abraham by God is letting his father, that is his religion. For Aeneas, it must carry their father, to preserve their religion. Abraham should enter into a new rite, a new religion, which is desert exile, that of Melchizedek, of the One God. Aeneas must continue with the gods of tradition, the penates. In God's command to Abraham founded a new town from exile is absolute, the promise of a new offspring demands everything. In the case of Aeneas, the mandate is not divine, but human, is the mandate of the dead, the blood shed in the struggle for freedom, so the change is not absolute, something canned, language and religion, and slightly exceeded, the place, the corruption of law in the hands of the Achaeans. Aeneas leaving Troy to found Rome in the Lazio to restore the lost unity.

Neither of the two exiles is allowed to reach the promised land, because the road to freedom of being in both, is a collective, historical. Is not they but their children who blend the new people. Exodus is an effort, a struggle against a body that insists the soul in its sistance -as seen in Plotinus-, and it, if want free, must make the effort to exile to the One, it is: the absolute idea in Plotinus, ineffable one God of Abraham and Moses, the unity of Rome on the rule of Octavian -reached in the republic but lost in the Civil War. The above examples seem to show that the exodus is a historic effort to find a promise of freedom. Many battles must be waged by Israel, many deaths. Many battles must be fought Aeneas, many deaths. The exodus is a path that requires the subject exiled the development of virtue. A virtue that is registered by Plotinus as habit, in the body and in the soul. The migrant is a being who walks the path of virtue, which is the blessedness. To the Jewish People virtue is fidelity to the covenant between the people and the One God,15 one law also inscribed in the body through rituals such as circumcision. An effort that requires a sacrifice, ignore the individual passions in terms of a greater good, collective, historical, which will see another generation, not the migrant. This effort toward freedom in a new town is renunciation. In the case of Abraham, is symbolized in the order of God to kill his own son,16 for Aeneas to abandon the love of Dido, at the request of the gods as well.17

1.2. Migrant worker

In Abraham, the exodus to the new People implies a renunciation of all, from which one can read that migrant goes in search of a new type of society, of culture, of a new state/State. But in the case of Aeneas, who was exiled by the corruption of the system established in the old State, the renunciation is not so, since Aeneas preserves the tradition, that is, preserved their language and religion. This was also found Christianity to a new people, Western civilization from the old structure of State by preserving the

14

Maquiavelo, Nicolás, Discursos sobre la primera década de Tito Livio, Madrid, Alianza, 2012, Libro II, cap. 5. 15

Gn 15. 16

Gn 22. 17

Eneide, op. Cit., IV, 5.

language and the political structure of Rome, indicating that, as in the case of Aeneas, the movement went in search of a lost unity of the republic, faded by the corruption of empire. In the case of Latin American migrants, the situation shows a parallel with the story of Aeneas before that of Abraham, as it does not seek a political system that is completely new -a new state, but better conditions that indicate a sign of an alleged lost unity in the liberal democratic republic in their countries of origin. The exodus in search of liberation, in the case of Latin American migrant is not total, that is, an exile to a new political and cultural system, a new State; but has, as in Aeneas regain a sense of structure genuine democracy preached but not practiced in its entirety. Therefore, there is an exodus metaphysical -in the sense of a state of being to another-, but oppressive and decadent conditions of a corrupt system to another that apparently still has some social unit. Why not leave everything, they retain the language and religion. This can be seen in the case of Mexicans flee to the United States, which has caused this country today is the third Catholic community of the world, when originally was mostly Protestant. In the case of Latin American migrants, where migration is between countries that share the same language, preserved religion but -unlike the European Christians migrating to America-, not in all cases is a Catholic Christianity, but -and in many cases-, evangelical. However, while not seeking a political exodus in the sense of the passage of a State model to another, if they seek an exodus under the conditions of being, which, taken in the sense of uniqueness, is a metaphysical exodus that they allow emancipation of being.

Now, when the local community see today a migrant: See, that community in him a being in exodus in search of a freedom that requires the effort of virtue and greatness of renunciation to found any new benefit, not of himself but of their offspring, or is a threat? That local community, see in migration an Easter?

Today the exodus in Latin America responds to the migration of people seeking work, freeing them from the conditions of oppression that make impossible to enroll in the society that they inhabit. However, although the exodus has now taken the form of migration of the working sectors, the search of new conditions that will enable their exile from the poverty of being for human dignity, not too they far from an exodus metaphysical, or an exodus messianic in the promise of a new people, just for themselves and their offspring. Addressing today migratory behavior under the category of the exodus of being, may be another way to address the problem of the worker, as determined in the margins of the social -being prevented its manifestation in public speech and political speech-, his path to liberation impeded, toward the man himself. Thus began the exodus, especially if we consider the Aristotelian thought that a man with no logos, no public word is not word in the polis, not a man -topic will be discussed later.

Who is today the subject of the exodus? Millions of migrant workers. Millions of people today are migrants in Latin America. With a total population of 603,174,000 people, the region, according to data from ECLAC (Economic Commission for Latin America) has, with an annual population growth rate of 0.90%, with an unemployment rate of 7.3%, with a rate tertiary enrollment of 37.2%, with a percentage of people living in poverty 26.0% and indigence 12.3%. Latin America is considered a labor-exporting region. Under the framework of socio-demographic indicators, the flow of migrant workers is 30 million, of which 5 million migrate between countries of the region. Only

5% of this migration has tertiary education, except for Argentina where their migrants in 80% have such training, even migrating to the U.S. and Europe. These provide, then, a new way to make visible those 5 million people working in exile in search of a new people for themselves and their offspring. However, while looking for new, often find the same. The same political discourse repeats the conditions of oppression that sought to leave behind their exodus.

According to interpret the Declaration of Human Rights December 1948, which recognizes the social demands as rights of individuals -thereby trying to shift the social protest of the plane of the crime to the law through its recognition by international institutions-, migrants would have, at least formally, inalienable rights only for to be persons. Thus, the host States are also challenged to recognize by laws -to become rights- claims of migrants. This means thinking that the basic principles of freedom and equality -to the base of liberal democratic republics- are universal, regardless of citizenship determinations. Two articles support the idea that the political respect is due to migrants -as long as they are recognized as human beings and people. Article 1 states: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and, endowed with reason and conscience, should act towards one another. Article 2 states: Everyone has all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.

At the rates mentioned above, 5 million people in Latin America exodus walk. A crowd in the desert city of the capital of the region seek a new people. That number is significant enough so that people receiving –government also-, consider the real situation of that sector of persons. While receiving States, in accordance with the principles established by international organizations like the OUN or OIT, have already taken initiatives in this regard, drafting documents of mutual commitment between the countries of the region, the social awareness of the migrant worker and his exodus situation is not even enough. However, since each work sector through intermediary organizations such as unions and employers' associations have begun meeting to give effect to these commitments through awareness campaigns on the quality of life of migrant worker, among pairs of workers and their employers. These organizations, as a civil associations took the initiative for a framework agreement between areas of work in the region, regaining the emancipatory sense of exodus, ordering that population movements, facilitating mechanisms to contribute to decent work, even among migrants. A case in point is the UITEC -Latin American Union of Workers of Building-which in 2011 managed to reach a framework agreement between labor unions and chambers of building owners in South America, in order to standardize industry practices to workers in Exodus, across borders, be recognized and identified by their experience in the area,18 as a benefit of exchange and not as a threat to local workers. This agreement involved, not only approved a curriculum of practice among all union training institutes in the region, but a communication campaign aimed at converting one category to another: the “goalie” for “building manager”, or “migrant” per “worker able”, for example. Thus, we see that the exodus may recategorize itself as a virtuoso effort.

18

http://uitec.org/

However, almost without accusation -category essential to the unity of the republic, as Machiavelli says in the Discourses,19 and as Rosanvallon says in The Contrademocracy-20 migrants, in democratic republics, are determined at the social margins, to the point that their presence is cursed and not blessed, in other words, is the accursed immigrant and not the blessed worker. An example is the law against immigrants driven since 2010 by the Arizona State Governor Jan Brewer, or the case of Silvio Berlusconi who since 2008 seeks the criminalization of immigrants in Italy, because the far right of that society considers them the cause of rising crime. The above cases indicate that in exile, often, is not a being trying to escape from their poverty and, conversely, is only an immigrant as absolutely Other self-that –it is, the community of citizens with civil and social rights. When the immigrant appears is symbolized as a threat to the security of citizens. As Otto explains to define the Other as tremendous and fascinating,21 the migrant is seen as the Other, as a non-being constituted, determined as evil by those who already are citizens with rights, as the ineffable, as a non-being without words, as a threat to security not only work, but also physical. When the vision of the immigrant becomes widespread, then, the exodus is in vain for immigrant. When citizens can not reverse the recipient fear of the Other in fearful respect –como señala Otto-, and make respect into ethical principles that allow the passage of laws that recognize the needs and rights, when that can not happen, then the exodus subjects are not categorized by locals as persons but as migrants, a category that reproduced, in the host country, a symbolization of the Other functional to labor exploitation.

Now, how to ensure the real political rights have been formally declared by a body, but is international, not supranational -that is, it need real recognition of individual states expressed in laws. The question put another way, would be then if possible constitute, from international organizations, social rights, regardless of public complaints of immigrants that, working as constituents, to make visible the unsatisfied demands. Those who have no public word should find other ways of expression, ways to be silent but visible, marginal shares to institutions to make them audible and stop being so another voiceless and faceless. This Other, invisible, inaudible, and therefore ineffable, one day breaks and becomes logos, incarnate word in a singular who has a unique face. The pickets, marches, and occupations of public spaces are the other ways in which non-being without words is manifested in contemporary democracies where the void of representation produces the space for the Other is revealed.22 The irruption of the Other in the public space occupied today by a false One, makes your sound start complaining to be heard as the word, starting in this way also the occupation of media spaces such as newspapers, television programs and radio, because they are now visible, are notorious, are news.

When the Other breaks with his complaint the sacred space of the false One, the Other begins to have voice, the voice of the voiceless -phrase that spread the Liberation Theology of Gustavo Gutiérrez. Thus, the complaint is recognized as a word, and as public speaking, that is legitimate. When that happens are called populist democracies.

19

Op. Cit. 20

Rosanvallon, P. Contrademocracia: la política en la era de la desconfianza, Buenos Aires, Manantial, 2007. 21

Otto, Rudolf, Lo sagrado, Buenos Aires, Claridad, 2008, pg. 18, 25, 54. 22

Cheresky, Isidoro, Elecciones presidenciales, Buenos Aires, 2007, pg.124ss.

While this does not happen, the protest of the immigrants sectors move beyond the level of criminalization. The recognition of his public speech relocates the complaint in terms of the legality of the rule of law. However, when it comes to migrants who do not have the status of citizens to enable them to such action with legitimacy to the citizens of host countries, the formal rights declared by the international agencies, are prevented from turn into real rights, it is in laws protecting of decent job -as today the OIT called this social struggle, in the 90th International Labour Conference 2002, organized in Geneva.23 So there are a previous step to the constitutionality of laws, the auctoritas, as recognized word by local people, which recognizes the exiled as a human being first, and as a subject of rights after by laws guaranteeing them a decent life. And that is a prerequisite to the Law, is the move to politics, is the way to the new man. It is the Passover of the exodus of globalization. If we take the above examples of Abraham and Aeneas, both subject migrants in search of a new people in their exodus, must first be recognized by the local auctoritas, and then arrive at the new city. Salem Abraham is recognized by the king of Sodom;24 Aeneas must be recognized by Evander, king of Latium.25

The exile remains at the margins of politics when his claim is not heard as words but as a complaint or mere noise; when they are not audible or visible to the recipient nations. That is that, his voice still cannot be audible in the public space, and therefore cannot be recognized as a political word, nor by the receiving State or by their peers -other local workers in the sector. An Other without words is a threat, and as such is denied the right to demonstrate their desire for freedom. This denial of public speech is simply the denial of their humanity in terms of an informal economy with underemployment exploit this condition, which in turn modify fictitiously unemployment rates making reality a mystical fable. The silencing prevents the possibility of the migrant as a political subjet it is, prevents to articulate their particular demand with other demands in the political field, to be able to constitute a force field by claiming discursive identity -as explains Ernesto Laclau showing discourse structure in which, in the populist, the excluded manage formed by the articulation of their demands in all the claims of unsatisfied demands by the current government.26

When word of the migrant is not recognized, the exodus does not allow even non-exile from his social being. This is not possible, while unable to articulate their claims and demands, the demands of other workers in their sector and other sectors of workers. And this is not possible if their own peers put they in the place of the Other, and do not recognize it as being factual. However, migration increases, although not always within the limits of human dignity, of a humanity that is susceptible of rights. Therefore, the problem of being-in-exodus is a question to be answered -for political reflection and also to the philosophical and theological-, because it is the question of being the Other and their escape to a non-being that allows the unit to constitute in the complication of the difference, in that it is understood from the Trinitarian theology, hence the importance of recovering the theological thought as a contribution to the political. Not to consider lightly the idea of One as Triune from the field Christian

23

http://www.ilo.org/public/spanish/standards/relm/ilc/ilc90/pdf/rep-vi.pdf 24

Gn 14, 17. 25

Eneide, VIII, 3. 26

Laclau, Ernesto, Hegemonía y estrategia, Buenos Aires, Paidós, 2004, pg.142ss.

theology, the time to reflect on social unity, a unity that is possible only on the difference of the word, by word, to word.

1.3. New method of Exodus in the global society

Previously cited two cases of exodus rescued from religious and literary tradition, both obeying a command that gives meaning to exile: search -in history- of a new People, for themselves and du offspring, which guarantees them freedom. Now cite two cases of relatively current exodus. These are cases of exiles of people without social right to work in countries of origin, which start individualy from a republic to another in search of better living existence conditions in which to make a new life, in a People for them new, in which want to be party. It moves the desire for freedom in them, that is, the desire for better social conditions that allow to perform their humanity with dignity. Now consider a case where an exodus of workers can see how, the host society, finds ways to thwart his desire to release when subjected to operating structures that, far from help with the effort to improve, further determines its non-being in terms of an informal economy that increases the profits from one sector to the detriment of another.

Charles Tilly,27 discusses the nineteenth-century American context where millions of workers, Irish Catholics, come to the U.S. from 1820. This author addressed the problem of migration from the category of inequality, which considers the cause persistent functional to the economic exploitation of one sector of society over another. Address the problem, places the word public as source and ordering of this inequality. According to Tilly, the economic exploitation of one sector over another is possible when identity is constructed relationally through categorical pairs, such as Protestant / Catholic, native / immigrant, farmer / worker, republic / papist, where the identity falls on one of the end, leaving the other end outside any identity. That is, the Other of the identity category has no identity, and as such has no speech and rights. A not-be limited by its being otherwise. In other words, in America 1800, citizens were Protestants, Catholics do not, therefore, working in exploitative conditions without the right to the public speak to enable them to claim social rights.

The exploitation of migrant workers arises, according to this author, when social identity is placeable only one side of the categorial pair -for example, in the American case cited, identity was on the side of the native / migrant and not the Protestant / Catholic. So the inequality is categorically installed in public discourse by a mechanism that articulates a non-identity / explotation, as opposed to identity / grabbing work opportunities. The categories of pairs act as shared cultural notions such, as scripts to interpret the facts, as prejudice, allowing the monopolization by a false One, the demos -as part of the people included in the benefits of political and social rights-, and exploitation over the Other, that is over the okhlos -as part of the people excluded from all political and social benefit.

The political logic of Tilly suggests building new discursive categories that allow the migrant break those categorical relationships, real cause of inequality -which in no way responds to ontological differences, therefore, one can not speak of included /

27

Ver: Charles Tilly, La desigualdad persistente, Manantial, Buenos Aires, 2000.

excluded or Other / One because there not would be outside the social. Exploitation occurs when local people have the resources and extract profits by coordinating the efforts of migrants. As Tilly explains inequality by prejudice, to methodological individualism, however, inequality is an exception. Categorical distinctions as native / migrant finally are functional until a new category mitigates the effects of the old hegemonic discursive articulation. So the inequality is not from exploitation, but exploitation is supported by it and involved, inequality facilitates the exploitation ontological logic.

As an example of social exclusion by peers categorical, Tilly analyzes religious categories, particularly the Irish Catholic question. He explains that from 1492 to 1648 struggles were related to the alignment between religion and state power. According to Tilly, anti-Catholicism was functional to the exploitation of Irish migrants in the egalitarian society of liberal States,28 while job opportunities grabbing- practiced by the English on the Irish.29 In 1829 the UK civil eliminates inequality but not the social -something that is highly relevant in the current migration policies established bilateral agreements between Latin American countries. The same applies to the Catholic Irish migrants in the United States during the nineteenth century, where the nativist with anti-Catholic slogans, prevented the Irish migrant workers access to civil rights to prevent access to social rights, to be seen on migrants a threat of a labor cheap and skilled.30

Ernesto Laclau example also raises the nineteenth century American case, where the tension between the Knights of Labor and the People's Party, caused by the exclusion category of religion, prevented an equivalence between the demands of the working class working class, Catholic, of Irish immigrants, and the demands of the rural Protestant nativists, functional impairment of the constitution of People as a unit, although the demands of the two sectors were democratic, for freedom and equality.31 According Tilly, proponents and opponents of Catholic Emancipation, in terms of labor exploitation of migrants, were the inventors of populist social movements.32 This is true if one considers that Irish Catholics in America where who in 1820 began the struggle for a new form of political action for the recognition of his public speaking, working in the construction of new categorical identities as experiences shared categorical relations distinct social, representations of these identities become such excluded in relation to the other excluded.

The work of the Catholic bishops, of Irish origin, in the United States during the nineteenth century, is an example of the link between theology and politics, according to the release of the self, is possible without necessity that theology determines the policy, or vice versa. Indeed, U.S. is the first country in the modernity where Catholicism takes the initiative to constitutionally separate church and State in terms of both areas are not determined. This did not result in a cooperation of both institutions, but on the contrary, the Catholic Church, outside the State, worked with migrant workers so that they can articulate their demands in ways that have been established as a force field , from the

28

La desigualdad, op. Cit. pg. 188. 29

La desigualdad, op. Cit. pg. 215. 30

El tema está muy desarrollado por el episcopado americano. Ver.: NOLAN, HUGH J. (ed.), Pastoral Letters, Washington, United States Catholic Bishops, 1984. Volumen I: 1792-1940. 31

Ernesto Laclau, La razón populista, Buenos Aires, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2005 pg. 255. 32

La desigualdad, op. Cit. pg. 226.

assertion of an identity, the Americans, capable of making visible and audible your claim. The effort of the worker exodus of Irish to America was to make the Podium recognize political rights first, then, as citizens, to fight for their social rights. In other words, they must first make your complaint to be heard as public word which can then be heard as legitimate social claims. This operation complicated the whole society, which first had to navigate the political discourse the category of "Catholic immigrant" as an "enemy of the republic," which stood on suspicion of sedition to all those who respected in religious authority Pope of Rome. Then, should move the category of "Catholic" as a synonym for "worker", as this allowed, through denial of political rights for the reasons stated, the exploitation of migrant workers.

In the case of Irish migrants, religion was a category that determined the existential condition of workers based on exploitative. Collaborate with the constitution of a political identity apart from the religious, as a condition for social claim, was a task of the Catholic bishops. The theological principles of equality and universal freedom founded on the criterion of creation by God of all men equal, were decisive for American Catholicism took the initiative to separate the political and religious order to operate in the field of politics, in order to guarantee constitutional principles of Christian origin rather than liberals.33 However, not unaware that Christian principle must be paid in reality liberal Republican by political mechanism to allow the articulation of the word of all sectors in public discourse, safeguarding individual differences in favor of a social unit –the American-, as a condition of possibility for the emancipation of been from their poverty. Recall that the Catholic Church, in the U.S., is the first to recognize democracy as a condition of human dignity -Rome will after World War II. The Irish-American Catholics, understanding democracy as a unit that is in the articulation of the differences, they could achieve exile and achieved unity in a new people as a minority social, religious and economic, through the struggle for recognition of their political rights, constituting a new identity that was neither the Catholics nor the immigrants but the "American", modifying also the reality of the People receiving the help in the transition from liberal republic to universal democracy in the nineteenth century.34

1.4. The fable of the migrant worker as the Other in democratic societies

In the exodus of migrant workers, in the political vacuum of receiving globalized

societies, there is a body that appears without a word, therefore, there is a body that speaks. The body appears in a scene representing the absence of the right moves. Neither is heard or spoken to, but neither it is contemplated, because the contemplative has also now been displaced in modern societies as a means of access to knowledge of the Other invisible, inaudible and therefore ineffable. The reclassification of these beings migrants from the Other category to the category of a We, allowed their bodies would appear silent and be recognized as legitimate expression in the new democratic contexts.

33

Para ver el desarrollo de este tema, remito a Hannah Arendt, Sobre la revolución, Madrid, Alianza, 1998, y a Alexis de Tocqueville, La democracia en América, Madrid, Alianza, 2005, Tomo I, Libro II, Capítulo IX. 34

Para la profundización de este tema, remito a mi libro Catolicismo y democracia en Estados Unidos, op. Cit.

For Levinas, every subject has the experience of the Other as an experience that is imposed in a unique way, that can not be deducted to any other experience or serving as class prejudice. That experience, according to Levinas, puts me in a position to give an answer without any intervention trial for acceptance or rejection; is the experience of the Other. Even, argues that the answer must be given even before the Other's demands, just for the fact that the Other, precisely because is the Other, not has transitivity with me, not has a relationship that allows me even dialogue. According to him, to answer before he meets me, regardless of any exchange of information, constitutes me as subject only and can not escape nor give way to another. As subject, every man would be responsible for the Other. For Levinas, to say is to aproximate, an intentionality that is not limited to donation of meaning, a communication that does not reduce the phenomenon of truth but exceeds it. Communication with the Other is exposure, expulsion of all places. The stripping that becomes, in response to an assignment that identifies me as the only, and that makes me concerned before any interrogation. For communication with the other, according to the author, it is necessary that the subject des-inter-esse, stop being that it was before. It is a said passive, a stripping down to One unspeakable that absolves me of any identity; is not denial, but to dis-inter-esamiento, that is, a de-other-way-that-be.35

However, not there are Other out from the One of the democratic republic. The One is the Other, because in them, equality is in the unity of the difference -from Plotinus to Machiavelli, and from Hegel to Michel de Certeau-; equality contains the difference. Another thing is the next, is among us, the migrant is an Other that is here to stay. As in The Garden of Earthly Delights, Michel de Certeau tell according the Bosco thatreality is not reducible to a univocal but offers a multitude of possible scenarios and footpaths. The Bosch, a mystic, invited to see the reality as the difference by itself produced a sense to hide.36 Therefore, one would think with Certeau that the Other is a fable that appears only in its negation. As in the Bosch painting, each one is a multitude of worlds, but all are inside, not outside the garden there, nor of the new globalized societies. So, there is no possibility of exclusion by the local citizens, equality -as identity, and not as a difference-, it is not possible, because there would be for Michel de Certeau an outside where the difference exile. In the global society border always is internal, is and is not, is produced and blurs with each prospect, with every look of the world. All is One and it's all multitude, says the author, and goes from One to the crowd and from there to the One. Then, is not going anywhere and we are all migrants in being. From Plotinus to Heidegger one is always on-the-world-exile. There is included because there is not excluded, there is difference. The exodus is the difference in search of the unit. Thus, the mystical that is method more than knowledge, can provide input to political analysis. In the mystical method, absolute truths vanish, in the theory of truth, the truth becomes practical with the Other, testimony of the Other. Question Pilate: What is the true? The truth is witness, answered Jesus.37

The exiles are poetry, in the strictest sense of the metaphysical; mystical poetry when they are space denied the oppressive sense to the absent body appears. As in language, in politics there are discourse -conventions, agreements, statements of

35

Levinas, E., De otro modo que ser, Salamanca, Sígueme, 1987. 36

De Certeau, Michel, La fábula mística, México, Universidad Iberoamericana, 2004pg.67. 37

Jn 18, 33-38.

ethical principles-, but there is not bodies but in speech, in practice. The bodies are not seen, are not. There are speech, there are logos, but no bodies. There are positive discourse about migrants but their bodies are not visible until they manifested in the political vacuum by exposing it as a complaint. They are, and they are not. Occur, then, a speaking body appear in practice. These embody the discourse as a place of truth. They need to produce a birth by ear. The body of who is but is not trinitarian occurs between: the symbolic discourse, social practices and the event.38 This is a new word breaking the old speech, re-articulating, hegemonized from significant to enable the production of a body of sense since, in the case of a negative theology as in the a negative policy, the binding of the rhetoric with the ontic, plays a role in exile. Theologian and politician, from the mystical, resemble the translator -taking the idea of Michel de Certeau-,39 who from an asceticism, carried away by the Other, lost in the anonymity of the crowd, produces alterity to bring up new ways of talking from an operation that has no proper place. The operation is seduction through words which are shifted to new chains of signifiers; order the proliferation of operations in a sequence, the discourse of history, which is history of communication, which is communication from the logos to been and from been to the logos, which is communication. The mystics –theologies pr political sunject- are seeking new places for the enunciation of the Other happens: monastic retreats, silence in music, the Gothic space, worlds in painting, square in cities, pickets in the street, network in the media. Everything for the verb appear and reign. The creator is also a speaker on the model of Genesis: And God said, let there be light, and there was light.40

Without “telling”, there is no body. This is to make place and name. There is body when you start feeling it, while there labor pains, there's only the placenta of being. The desire is desire of the Other, and is perceived as shock in language, as a condition that meaningless statements hegemonic today, creating the condition for a new colloquium. The Other, the migrant, as a political subject, is a mystical practice in the exodus of the new democratic republics, always appearing and always partiendo. The Other appears to us in the multitud of big cities of globalized society. But the citizen of the host societies should also be considered beings in Exodus, because he will need to leave from known places, to wish to go into exile in order to form a new understanding of equality in democracy, equality is only possible in unity of difference. The mystique is what theology aligns with the policy. The mystique is language empty of determinations and language is discursive practice, practice changing the value of words. If reality is discursive, product of a creative logos, politics –and theology also-, is practice of different, of another language, new words. Exile is the desire to eliminate the current circumstances, but there are others, that of the desert, a crowd, a chaos of differences yielding to anxiety about the meaning, until to say, with Teresa of Avila: this is my body, written by your desire.41

If we think that migrants workers are today the Other of our real economies and policies, like a voiceless bodies across borders and settle in the center of our societies bau at the margins of the public, then, these men and women are and are not, are noise

38

La fábula mística, op. Cit. pg.98. 39

La fábula mística, op. Cit. pg. 146. 40

Gn 1,3. 41

La fábula mística, op. Cit. pg. 226.

and not the voice, are silence and not the word, are the buzz of the street, say Eduardo Rojas.42 Migrant workers appear as the Other of globalized capital, such as metaphysics denial of the instituted. If the position achieved theological ethics, not from a positive word as a duty to be as determined, but also as an Other that question and a Other that respondent, then, the break of discursive determinations –that, relating to the poverty structures justify it from ethnic prejudice, religious, linguistic and cultural-, could begin to happen in the center of the polis.

2. Theology as discursive method for a politic of exodus 2.1. Political discourse as a new modality of desert in the exodus of

globalization

The Passover, in the biblical sense, is the passing of a way of life to another, is the exodus of man to a new town or to a new man. For the Jewish People's biblical Passover symbolized the passage of economic slavery endured in Egypt to release a new People. A party that, in the exodus to the desert in search of a promised land, they thanked God for the gifts received a burnt delivering the first fruits of creation. In the New Testament, will be Jesus, the firstborn of God, who will be in Jerusalem at the Passover to be now, the same child of God, the first that will be sacrificed for the forgiveness of sins, thus to the man release. Christianity, thus giving new meaning to the Passover, the exodus is not economic but political and eschatological, where the release is not political but soteriological.

Now I will take a contemporary example of exodus is experienced as a new modality Easter that, while economic liberalization refers to a release does not mention, in the political sense, as it will seek new opportunities in the same system -but relocated in another context. Similarly, although not away from all the religious sense, not understood as eschatological liberation, but rather in ritual sense. This is the exodus of Mexican migrants to the United States. These beings are exiled in search of a new People where social attain liberation. However, such practice is not entirely divorced from religion but perhaps it from the theological. Is possible to observe a ritual that accompanies this exodus social-labor, by which migrants, or their families, they go before crossing the border to leave votive offerings in churches and local shrines. A votive offering is a plate that is placed on the wall of a sacred place, where the migrant is entrusted to the Virgin to be helped in that way -that this considered a release. Thus, the passage is experienced as a passover, so that, when installed with relative success in the U.S., the migrant, or migrant family in Mexico, returns to the sanctuary to place a new votive offering, this time by way of thanks. The rearrangement in the new system, in a better position than the country of origin, is treated as a social liberation, but is treated as a migrant and often perceived as a threat to the point of getting legal threats -as the case cited above of new legal claims in Arizona, one of the areas most affected by Mexican immigration in America. While successful in the passage is experienced as salvation, this is not as if threatened by a chase first, or given the illegality of underemployment later.

42

Tema desarrollado en: Rojas, Eduardo, Los murmullos y silencios de la calle, Buenos Aires, USAM, 2008.

So, I would like to think of a relationship between theology and immigration policy, regardless of the manifestations of popular piety, which allows real exodus, that is, to allow the migrants to leave the determination to achieve social aims which go. As such, I try to place the exodus of migrant workers in other fields, the field of political discourse as a desert to cross in the modern state. That is, the hypothesis that the real border is not the political divide between countries, but the frontier of public speech, that is, the word that is prevented, and the word citizen of the host country that is categorized as migrants rather than as individuals, thus preventing any entry in the symbolic field of the new People that you want to go into exile.

Consistent with the findings in previous chapters will start with the idea of politics as a practice of word -in the sense ascribed to Hannah Arendt, and I will develop later. So a migration politic must allow the word of the Other making space in the discourse of the public to, in his tell, operate in the categorical speech that perpetuates inequality, to demystify it. The political discourse of those installed in the host society appears in the new desert that must crossing the being in its exodus, whos border will be then the word. In other way, if taken into account -according to what was observed in the case of Irish-, that categorical determination of migrant is the condition of possibility for his explotation in the host country, then, the first challenge is to cross the desert speech and enroll in this a new categorization that does not determine the place of the Other. Only in this way migration can be read as text that recounts the exodus to the liberation of being. Considering the above, then, each generation of migrants will be challenged in their historic responsibility to act effectively in the recovery of the word public that is stated in the difference that he identifies it, and from there to claim the legal and social recognition of their needs and entitlements. By contrast, a false egalitarianism that denies the distinct identities that manifest the migrant worker, it will be the cease mythical story -action made possible by the exclusion of the public word of the Other.

According to Aristotle, public speaking is one that aims at universal participation in the decision on the distribution of common goods. But, is that some consider the word as an attribute only of citizens, while the voice that does not enjoy these civil rights is only heard as noise or complaint -that is, not as words but as an act hostile to the institutions of rule of law. Thus, the public word of the demos will be politic grounds, and negative word of okhlos -in this case the migrant worker-, will be obstruction. However, the migrant worker how is perceived as a threat in a generic sense, however, in the particular and single, each is a need of the receiving system, whose economy is based –largely-, not only in work but also in the consumption of this sector of society who are migrants. So, to Charles Tilly, the word public is determinant of the social differences that allow economic inequality.

For a classical author like Aristotle, or a contemporary thinker as Hannah Arendt, public speaking is an essential condition of humanity; and to Jacques Rancière will remain so in the extent disagree word, it is, different word. For Aristotle the basis of the politic is the universal word as distinctive of the human:

Why man is a political animal than bees and any other herd animal is clear. Nature, as we have said, does nothing in vain, however, man is among the animals the only one word. The voice is a sign of pain and pleasure and this is found in other animals [...] But the word is to make clear what useful and harmful, as well as the just and

the unjust, and specific to humans with respect other animals is that he only has the perception of good and evil, of right and wrong and other similar qualities, and the pooling of these perceptions is what constitutes the family and the city.43

According to Arendt, the Greeks argued that the social was something in common

with animal life, and therefore could not be essential to the human condition.44 Arendt rescues for the Greek politics is discourse (lexis) and action (praxis).45 The thought -as-content- was secondary to the speech, because the speech was the art of speech and action, not the word-information. However, as Arendt says, when in the Greek polis in the fourth century BC, the action and speech were separated and became independent activities, public speaking was restricted to give worship. This creates a gap between policy as word of the demos, and the political as okhlos action. However, Arendt says that despite the Aristotelian definition of man as zoon logon ekhon (living being capable of speech), for this [...] the highest human skill was not the logos, it is, speech or reason, but the nous, that is, the capacity for contemplation, whose main characteristic is that its contents can not be translated into discourse.46 And this particular interest, because just the migrant, considered being wihtou public word, appeals -as we saw-, to new forms of expression that, far from rational discourse, acting from the non-word, as in mysticism. Hence the importance of theological method when communicating with the Other in the field of politics.

For Aristotle, all that was out of the polis was out of the logos, not out the faculty of speech as speech ability, but of life in which speech made sense. Aristotle says: From the above it becomes apparent that the city is one of the things that exist in nature, and that man is by nature a political animal, and it also, who by nature and not for cases of fortune has not city, is below or above which is man.47 But men may be outside the polis or are discursively placed there, in place of the Other One that does not tolerate difference, or that engenders as condition of exploitation? As seen in Michel de Certeau aparatado is not easy to sustain the idea that some man can be outside of society by nature, but, on the contrary, by their nature are all part of the polis, because all are part of the logos, speech, and who know the public speech of every man to exclude from participation in the determination of the just or the unjust is committing a crime against humanity. That which is not recognized public speech, but only his voice and moan, is regarded by others as the Other. Thus speak: the Other, to refer the no-word of migrants as men pushed to the margins of the polis; and talk about the absolutely Other to refer to God as Divine Word -which also is ejected by certain liberal interpretations to the margins of the modern polis. Therefore, the Other of the polis is who is not recognized as a word and therefore not part of the discourse on the just -stated in

43

Aristóteles, Política, México, Porrúa, 1998, pg. 159. 44

Hannah Arendt, La Condición humana, Paidós, Buenos Aires, 1998. pg. 38. 45

Hannah Arendt, La Condición humana, op. Cit. pg. 40. La referencia aristotélica corresponde a Ética a Nicómaco, 1142 a25 y 1178ª6ss 46

Hannah Arendt, La Condición humana, op. Cit. pg. 40. La referencia aristotélica corresponde a Ética a Nicómaco, 1142 a25 y 1178ª6ss. 47

Aristóteles, Política, op. Cit. pg. 158.

modern terms, has no civil or social rights. Aristotle said in Politics: He who is unable to enter this common participation [...] is not just part of the city, but a beast or a god.48

For Rancière the political is also the essence of man and is founded on the word: The supremely political destiny of man is attested by a hint: the possession of the logos, that is, the word, which manifests, as the word simply indicated.49 But the word universal public -that is, democracy-, should not be the product of the demagoguery of a tyrant, a democracy that is formed from the dominant discourse, but an act of collective liberation.50 According to him, to Christianity, freedom was not universal. It was the appearance of freedom, equality artificial only served to reduce the ruling class to its status as merely rich, and not slavery. Thus, the town is not a class but the distortion that makes a community just or unjust.51 So there are, to Rancière, politic only when who has no part in the word burst into public discourse.52

Thus, while migrant workers are perceived by local citizens only as speaking beings which disturb the speech only, will not be considered as human beings capable of rights -as evidenced by the Declaration of Human Rights, cited above-, since the complaint calls for needs but it is the word that expresses the injustice. According to Rancière, between the word and the complaint can not be agreed to avoid the conflict. So when there is no word there are parts nor conflict nor political, but there is domination Thus, I consider the exodus of migrant workers a struggle for the recognition of the public word -final condition of human dignity-, which as a fight for improvements in economic conditions, because without recognizing the human is not possible to guarantee no fees. The migrant, in exile, is not only the appearing of a body in another place where he was assigned, is also a word trying to register for a speech that is presented as desert, as the first border to cross. Its operation consists therefore, as Rancière says, to do see what was wrong to be seen, be heard as speech which was not only heard as noise.53

2.2. Word as border

Migrants, who do not have a place, they appear to positive thinking like bodies lost, almost like the story of madness rather than a being -as Michel de Certeau-, like denial of being, as the Other. However, their bodies exiles defy equality because they are themselves the difference.54 At moment to trying to draw, in the symbolic institutions, the possibility of otherness, present, installed as a crowd, but denied even by a public speech reluctant to republican equality in difference, I reflect on the relevance mystical method as a way that allows the release categorical determination by which the migrant is excluded. Because, while for rational thought differences are seen as a deviation, as simulations susceptible of correction, to Christian theology the opponents are not only possible but are the very structure of theological paulist discourse (foolishness to the

48

Aristóteles, Política, op.cit. pg. 159. 49

Rancière, J. , El desacuerdo, Buenos Aires, Nueva visión, 2007pg.14. 50

Rancière, J. , El desacuerdo, op. Cit. pg.21. 51

Rancière, J. , El desacuerdo, op. Cit. pg.23. 52

Rancière, J. , El desacuerdo, op. Cit. pg.25-26. 53

Rancière, J. , El desacuerdo, op. Cit. pg.45. 54

La fábula mística, op. Cit. pg. 57.

Greeks, blasphemy for Jews, say Saint Paul).55 The articulation between mystical theology and politics, in terms of a possible disruption in pairs discursive categories that perpetuate inequality, as seen in the examples cited by Charles Tilly, has been underutilized as a method of social inclusion to the problem of migrant worker . Word / silence, noise / voice, significant positive / negative signifiers are formed by opposite categorical pairs that, while operating conditions generate labor, although generate real social oppositions that allows forces constitute a field of discourse where others require express an identity and participation in political life, as moments in which people new happens.

Could begin to be considered from a theological method that, from a discursive negative way, break out those categories that determine the exile to the repetition of their condition of oppression, and thereby collaborate with a new configuration of public discourses that allow otherness. The negativeay is method of access to being -determined by discourse of categorial relations-, to a beyond-the-being that you arrive emptying content all discursive determination of being, as in the mystical poetic tale. This way, initiated by the neo-Platonic school from Plotinus, modernity comes in the form of negative dialectics, through authors such as Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagite, Scotus Eriugena, Nicholas of Cusa, or Etckhart, setting the precedent of San Juan de Cross, St. Teresa of Avila, Hegel, Marx, Lacan and Laclau lately.

In this particular interest, to work with migrants, the use of discursive method mystical theology makes the claim that the Divine Word, of the Absolutely Other, appears in the void that occurs in the speech when they manage to break all categorical determinations. The idea is that the word of the Other, which in this case equates to the migrant worker, can occur if one break those categorical determinations that symbolize a threat. The Other appears in the silence of speech. For the negative way, the being must strive to transcend their determination toward a more-than-being, where the factual existence is lived as an exile inexorable, as fall, as immovable degradation, such as poverty insurmountable, but also as a way to release. The negative way continued in modernity by striving to be free of its determinations with the intent to rescue him from his poverty, raising from non-being into being, and from this to more-than-being, understanding the supreme being as spirit in the case of Hegel, such as-collective in the case of Marx.

If one look at public space as the place where the word is incarnate and manifest, then the necessary question will be: how is it possible to generate the discursive gap that the Other appears as a word and not as noise. In Latin America, the same state to legalize the entry of migrants, does not always ensure their legitimate cultural integration. So there are cases where migrants have no word, thus perpetuating inequality -such as Tilly says. However, this situation is changing in new ways of democracy that - maintaining liberal principles of equality and freedom-, denote more inclusive trends attentive to social demands, including immigrants.

Negativity as a political method is not new, the liberal conception born from negative liberties. Faced with a possibility of misuse of power, in liberalism, distrust not only operational but is the genesis of constitutional regimes that act as a limit to the will of an absolute sovereign, and are found in a monarch, such as the case of English

55

Primera Corintios 1, 17-25.

constitutionalism, or the majority, as is the case of American constitutionalism. According to Pierre Rosanvallon,56 this negativity is manifested today -in the contextualization of liberal states- of the new democratic political styles of the century-, as contrademocracy; it is, as a discursive practice of citizens included in the system of guarantees and rights that, in its positivity, exert a negative freedom to say No to the government of the day, whether in voting or in the streets. An example of this were the cacerolazo of the middle class in Argentina in the 20001 when bank deposits were threatened and brought down the government of De la Rua, or outraged Madrid 2011, where they go out with their action causing a significant change in the presidential election.

However, you can add, that excluded from the benefits system also act by negative way, not when their savings are threatened -as in the previous cases-, but when their non-social being impels them to appear in the vacuum representation, not to say Not from the positive word, but as a non-word that acts as a limit to the determination that exclude them from de human-self. The denial is in their own body. That other negative model of the Other, now formed by immigrants, appears in the public space of liberal republics trying to influence the general opinion reconfiguring new categories, such that the immigrant is a worker deserves decent working conditions. This action of those who have no word changes the political field seeking recognition of their claims as social rights. Migrant workers also seek their identity in the conflict on the basis of the claim, as example is the riots in the streets of Paris in 2005 by Africans claiming for needs not met by the host country that underemployment.

In the liberal democracies of Latin America emerge populist democracies as a new form opposing forms of organization capable of articulating different voices from negative practices outside the dominant discourse that -unlike the liberal negative freedom working from within the discourse-, the popular democracy -as in the Gothic-, for to be outside of discourse, appear in the vacuum of political discourse as unaudible, unvisible and therefore unnamed.

The need for public demonstration of the migrant worker responds to a new social category of the migrant unemployed as a new social actor. For the migrant, the exodus in terms of exclusion from the world of work, not let him create a link such as identity that characterized the old work situation. The migrant present an individual situation of isolation that, while some popular democracies attempts to regulate with the unemployment social allowance or universal child allowance, as in Argentina in 2010, does not create conditions that allow the rise from non-being to being by which initiated the way of effort, of exile. By contrast, in some cases, the migrant can recreate bonds of dependence on host governments reproducing the conditions for determining who tried to leave behind with the exile. One wonders if, when these new Other in the society of false One seeking public support breaking into local activity, occupying the streets and the media, have become recognized leaders and achieve social guarantees to enable them to significant progress in the order of the poverty of being, just as if they did from the public discourse if they were considered as beings with word. A reality in Latin America is that populist governments expanded the scope of social tolerance towards migrants, no clutch, the middle class still see with rejection that political practice, even

56

Tema desarrollado por Pierre Rosanvallón en La contrademocracia, op. Cit.

calling for security, accusing them without fundaments, for political and social threat, modality that is a form of criminalization.

In the situation of migrants, in addition to the problem of social hierarchies, they have ethnic discrimination, and their victims range towards an ecstasy that take them form the world into a rebellion for social rights. In the words of Michel de Certeau, we could say that these migrants are like the mystics of the sixteenth century, because producing a knowledge that abandons textual authorities to become the gloss of voices [perceived] as savages.57 If the migrant is an emerging association that claims for necessity and not for freedom, and that's where it begins the task of a word becomes negative political discourse as a body where the word manifest the being. If the complaint of the exiled achieved recognition as word, then they would get the support of a citizen sector and the consent of others, politicization process that occurs when the local People recognize the voice of the migrant as a source of decisions against the mere facticity. These objectives make the difference between liberal democracy in the 90th and popular democracies in the 2000th in Latin America, which seek not only a labor market regulation to consider legally the situation of migrants, but also the creation of social conditions to acceptability of migrants, allowing the road to emancipation from a non-being to a more-than-being, in the collective being of a new society of their host. Dar un paso más, de los muchos que ya se vienen dando en América Latina desde los nuevos modos democráticos –más enfocados en políticas sociales migratorias regionales-,58 podría consistir en generar, abrir, hacer espacio para que la no-palabra de lo Otro, aparezca y diga, se manifieste sobre lo justo como palabra. Los migrantes deben ser considerados como lo adentro de las sociedades al momento de pensar en la universalidad del discurso público que pretenden los nuevos modelos de democracia. La misma podría recurrir al uso de la teología mística para, multiplicando las técnicas metales y físicas, precisar las condiciones de posibilidad para un encuentro y un diálogo con lo Otro. La mística como método discursivo es la posibilidad de oír y de hacerse oír en la oración o la contemplación con y de lo Otro,59 como método que, negando las viejas determinaciones funcionales a la exclusión, pueda dar acceso en la sociedad civil a todas las voces. La teología católica aparecería como método discursivo capaz hacer ese espacio para que la palabra de lo Otro aparezca bajo nuevas categorías, en las instituciones, en la calle y en los medios -nueva arena de la política. Go a step further, the many that have already been evolving in Latin America since the new democratic forms -more focused on social policies regional migration-60, could be to create, open, making room for the non-word of the Other, appear and say, appears about the just as a word. Migrants should be considered inside of the polis at the moment of thinking about the universality of public discourse seeking new models of democracy. The same could resort to the use of mystical theology, multiplying metals

57

La fábula mística, op. Cit. pg.39. 58 Como por ejemplo el Comité de Derechos de los Trabajadores Migrantes, de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas, donde se establecen los derechos humanos de los migrantes. 59 La fábula mística, pg.15 60

Como por ejemplo el Comité de Derechos de los Trabajadores Migrantes, de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas, donde se establecen los derechos humanos de los migrantes.

and physical techniques, to specify the conditions of possibility for a meeting and dialogue with the Other. The mystique as a method of discourse is the ability to hear and be heard in prayer or contemplation ‘with’ and ‘about’ the Other,61 as a method that, denying the old functional exclusion determinations, can give access in the civil society to all voices. Catholic theology would appear as discursive method can make this space so that the word of the Other appears in new categories, in institutions, on the street and in the media –the new politics sand.

61

La fábula mística, pg.15