(Days/ Dates; Anniversaries,
5 June: World Environment Day
ref: The Hindu;
(Indian Heritage and Culture, History and Geography of the World, Gender Issues and Society
1 in 6 Indian women marry under 18
Every 6th
woman in India is pushed into child marriage, show data from the latest Census. Laws intended to
curb weddings of girls under the age of 18
prevalent, for both girls and boys, in Rajasthan. Many more girls are married young than boys, data show.
Some 102.61 million women, roughly a sixth of India’s female population of 587.58 million
before they had turned 18, according to the Census data.
Yet, according to data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) for 2001
survey, only 948 cases were registered countrywide against those promoting o
Only 157 individuals were convicted.
Page 1 of 20
Miscellaneous
Anniversaries, Persons in news, New Appointments, Sports related
5 June: World Environment Day
General Studies-1
Culture, History and Geography of the World, Gender Issues and Society
1 in 6 Indian women marry under 18
woman in India is pushed into child marriage, show data from the latest Census. Laws intended to
curb weddings of girls under the age of 18 and boys under 21 have failed, and underage unions are most
prevalent, for both girls and boys, in Rajasthan. Many more girls are married young than boys, data show.
Some 102.61 million women, roughly a sixth of India’s female population of 587.58 million
before they had turned 18, according to the Census data.
Yet, according to data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) for 2001-11, the span of the decennial
survey, only 948 cases were registered countrywide against those promoting or performing child marriages.
Only 157 individuals were convicted.
Sports related, etc)
Culture, History and Geography of the World, Gender Issues and Society)
woman in India is pushed into child marriage, show data from the latest Census. Laws intended to
and boys under 21 have failed, and underage unions are most
prevalent, for both girls and boys, in Rajasthan. Many more girls are married young than boys, data show.
Some 102.61 million women, roughly a sixth of India’s female population of 587.58 million, were married
11, the span of the decennial
r performing child marriages.
Page 2 of 20
The introduction of the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006, which increased the punishment from the
earlier three months or fine to up to two years in jail and up to Rs 2 lakh fine, does not seem to have helped.
According to the Census, 37.62 million women stated that they were married for fewer than four years when
they were interviewed. These numbers represent ‘recent marriages’ — 6.5 million of them, or 17.23 per cent,
said they were under 18 at the time of their wedding.
As per the Census, among women married for four years or fewer, the highest concentration of underage
unions was in Rajasthan (31.38 per cent), followed by West Bengal (29.23 per cent), Jharkhand (27.90 per
cent), Bihar (22.99 per cent) and Madhya Pradesh (22.49 per cent).
The total 102.61 million women counted were among the 339.6 million who were ever married. When
surveyed, they had been married for between a day and over 40 years.
A girl has always been perceived as a burden to the family, and her fate has always just been about doing the
household chores and getting married and leaving the family home to live with her in-laws, so it is generally
not thought worth spending money on her education. Or, in cases of large families, she just can become an
extra mouth to feed.
Implementation of the law to prevent child marriages seems to be weak. Almost everyone knows there is a law
against child marriage. However, it still takes place as societal norms and pressure push people into breaking
the law.
ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/fact-1-in-6-indian-women-marry-under-18/;
Page 3 of 20
Social Issues: EXPLAINED: Why corpses of a 1982 killing are stirring again
Why is the 33-year-old massacre of 17 Ananda Margis back in focus?
Some recent depositions before the Justice Amitava Lala Judicial Commission — set up by the Mamata
Banerjee government in October 2013 — and the collection of new evidence, have created the possibility of
some important CPM leaders being summoned. On April 30, 1982, when the CPM-led Left Front was in power
in West Bengal, 16 monks and one sanyasin of the Ananda Marga were massacred in broad daylight in the
heart of Kolkata.
Who might be summoned?
According to Commission sources, some documents allegedly show that important CPM leaders of the Kasba-
Jadavpur area met at Colony Bazar in Picnic Garden on February 6, 1982, to discuss the Margis, whose
headquarters was then coming up at what was at the time a difficult-to-access location in Tiljala. Reportedly
present at the meeting were Kanti Ganguly, minister in the last Left Front cabinet; Sachin Sen, former CPM
MLA, now dead; Nirmal Haldar, local CPM leader; Amal Majumdar, former councillor of ward no 108 (Tiljala-
Kasba); and Somnath Chatterjee, then MP from Jadavpur and subsequently Speaker of Lok Sabha.
What did CPM have against the Marga?
Ananda Margis were ideologically opposed to the communists, and the CPM of the early 80s was deeply
suspicious of their activities. The first attack on the Marga was at its Purulia global headquarters in 1967, in
which five Margis were murdered, allegedly by CPM cadres.
Two years later, the Marga’s Coochbehar congregation was attacked. The CPM always believed political
ambitions and agenda lay underneath the spiritual-religious cover of the Marga. Even after the 1982 attack, in
April 1990, five Ananda Margis were murdered in Purulia, allegedly by CPM cadres.
So, who are the Ananda Marg, and what is their ideology?
It is a spiritual-religious sect whose late founder Prabhat Ranjan Sarkar propounded, in 1959, ‘PROUT’ — or the
Progressive Utilization Theory — which was said to be opposed to both communism and capitalism, and to
aim, instead, at a grassroots “socio-economic democracy”. Sarkar called his philosophy “neo-humanism”. Its
spiritual practices were a synthesis of Vedic and Tantrik rituals, including, in the early days, dancing holding
human skulls.
What happened on April 30, 1982?
Ananda Margis from all over the country were headed to an “educational conference” at the Tiljala centre.
The way was through what is now known as Bijon Setu in the Ballygunge area of south Kolkata. Taxis carrying
monks and sanyasins were intercepted at at least three separate locations, doused in petrol and kerosene, and
set on fire. At least 17 Margis were charred to death, several others were severely injured. Local people had
reportedly begun a whisper campaign earlier saying the Margis were kidnapping and trafficking children. The
CPM claimed the killings were masterminded by the Margis themselves to malign the government.
How did the state government respond?
It set up a commission of inquiry that did not proceed beyond its notification, and did not have a single
hearing. No report of action taken, as is mandatory for Judicial Commissions, was placed before the state
assembly. Then Chief Minister Jyoti Basu infamously said, “What can be done? Such things do happen”, and
appeared to issue a veiled threat, wanting to know what consequences might have followed had Sachin Sen,
Page 4 of 20
the then CPM MLA of Kasba, chosen to raid the Margis’ centre with 10,000 of his cadres. A state CID inquiry
produced no results. No justice was ever done.
Why did Mamata’s government choose to reopen the case?
Since coming to power in May 2011, Mamata has set up at least 10 Judicial Commissions to investigate
heinous crimes committed under the Left regime: the Anand Margi killings, the killings of 13 Youth Congress
workers in July 1993, the Cossipore massacre, the Sain Bari massacre in Burdwan, the alleged forcible land
grab in Rajarhat, etc. The intention is obviously to remind people of those horrors, the black spots of Left rule.
Key Left leaders have been summoned to these Commissions. While this may bring little solace to the Margis
whose leaders have spent a lifetime chasing justice, for Mamata, it is an attempt to reaffirm that she was not
the only one at the receiving end of the brutality of the Left regime.
Justice delayed:
APR 30, 1982: 16 monks and a nun are burnt alive in Kolkata, allegedly by the CPM. Chief Minister Jyoti Basu
subsequently sets up stillborn Justice Samarendra Chandra Deb Commission of Inquiry. A CID inquiry is wound
up, and the state government stonewalls efforts by the NHRC to investigate.
OCT 17, 2011: Ananda Margis appeal to the Mamata Banerjee government for a Judicial Commission of
Inquiry. The Justice Amitava Lala Inquiry begins proceedings in October 2013.
WHAT NOW: 16 witnesses have been examined; the most crucial deposition has been by the then additional
district magistrate of South 24-Parganas, retired IAS officer Sher Singh. The next hearing is on June 10. Trial
may commence in a sessions court if the Commission so recommends.
ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/explained/why-corpses-of-a-1982-killing-are-stirring-again/;
MEA dismisses U.S. panel hearing on religious freedom
The Ministry of External Affairs has reacted strongly to a U.S. Commission on Human Rights hearing on
“violence against religious minorities in India”, calling the hearing an effort “based on lack of understanding of
India, its Constitution and society.”
It is well known that the Constitution of India guarantees equal religious, social and political rights to all its
citizens, including minorities.
Human Rights Watch, also reportedly referred to the “increased restrictions on non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) in receiving funds from overseas.
The issue of restrictions on Ford Foundation and Greenpeace International was taken up by the U.S.
government again this week. The request was rejected as MHA officials said the groups had been found
“violating Indian financial laws”.
The government has reacted sharply to “religious freedom” proceedings in the U.S. Despite being named at
hearings and in the Tom Lantos annual report in the past as well, the government used to refuse comment,
calling it an “an internal process of the U.S. legislature.”
ref: The Hindu;
Page 5 of 20
General Studies-2
(Governance, Constitution, Polity, Social Justice and Indian Diaspora)
Health Insurance: The Emergency Code
Till a few years back, OPD (out patient department) expenses, pre-existing diseases and critical illnesses like
cancer and heart ailments, among others, were not covered by health insurance policies. The scenario has
changed.
With increasing competition, owing to a steady rise in number of players in the sector, now even pre- and
post-hospitalisation expenses (including maternity expenses) and overseas treatments have come under the
insurance net. And the scope is only expanding.
As medical inflation, at around 15 %, is far higher than general inflation on account of rising hospital and
medical equipment expenses, it is imperative that everyone must have a comprehensive health insurance
covering all family members against major diseases.
Medical inflation is growing at 15-20 % because of the rising cost and medical advancements and hence
customers should look to revisit their overall cover after every three years as the treatment expenses may
double in four years. While no-claim bonus may provide cover against medical inflation to an extent, a claim
may bring down the overall protection cover and hence a review is needed.
With the number of claim rejections by insurance companies on the rise, it is important to ensure beforehand
that the policy being taken covers against a host of medical issues.
While several insurance firms are currently offering products ranging from covering basic ailments to
international cashless treatment policies, it is needless to say that higher the premium, the more
comprehensive is the cover. Experts, however, point out that individuals must ideally go for a comprehensive
health insurance policy that covers OPD, hospitalisation, pre- and post-hospitalisation expenses for the entire
family.
CHOOSING A POLICY
1. Comprehensive cover
Even if an employer provides health insurance under a group insurance plan, individuals must ideally have
their own health insurance that covers the entire family. Experts say that only if the company gives the option
to transfer the policy after an employee quits the firm, one should consider not having a separate policy. Also,
a comparison of various available policies across companies is a necessity.
2. Critical illness
Most of the comprehensive policies cover critical illnesses and hence it is not required to go for an additional
policy. “It is better to take a comprehensive plan and then top it up with an accidental insurance which costs
very less and these can take care of almost all the issues,” said Surya Bhatia, a Delhi-based financial planner.
Experts say that only if there is a family history of a particular disease, one should go for a critical illness cover
separately.
Page 6 of 20
3. Family floater
It is better to bank on a plan that provides the benefit of family floater where the bulk of the cover can even be
utilised by one person in the family. In policies without family floater, a Rs 10 lakh policy is split equally among
the family members covered. So, for a family of four, each individual will have a cover of Rs 2.5 lakh. However,
in case of floater the cover is not equally divided among the family members.
4. Restore benefit
This feature allows an individual to reinstate the basic sum insured, in case he has already exhausted the basic
sum insured and multiplier benefit during the policy year. Market experts, however, say that the restore
benefit is not available on the same ailment where the limit was already exhausted.
5. Own TPA
While the third-party administrator (TPA) is supposed to act as a facilitator at the hospital, experts say that
many times they raise unnecessary queries which delay the entire process. It is always better to purchase a
policy of an insurer who has in-house settlement desks rather than doing it through a TPA, as it also expedites
the entire process.
6. No-claim bonus
Generally, if there is a year where the individual has not made any claims against his policy, there is a no-claim
bonus provided by the insurer. Experts say that one should check on the quantum of no-claim bonuses as they
range from 5 % to as high as one-third of a basic cover. A high no-claim bonus may cover you against the
medical inflation on its own.
7. Waiting-period for pre-existing diseases
If you have a pre-existing disease then your insurer will not provide you cover against it at the time of buying
the policy. Depending upon an insurer, the pre-existing disease gets covered at least after two years. While
some allow it after two years, others may take four years to do so.
8. Policy portability
Portability is allowed among health insurance companies and one can move a policy to another insurer if he is
unsatisfied with the services of the current firm. Experts say that consumers should use the facility to their
advantage. “It allows you to carry the benefits (such as no claim bonus) accrued over the period with the
previous insurer to the new insurer. The premiums, however, may vary depending upon the features of the
new policy,” said Vishal Dhawan, founder, Plan Ahead Wealth Advisors. Experts also say that portability should
be planned and be done at least two months before renewal of a policy.
9. Annual free check-up
While several health insurers provide the annual free health check ups, experts say that it comes at a cost and
the price is always embedded. Therefore, only who are keen on getting annual health check-ups should only go
for it. It is also important to see if an insurance policy that is renewed every year covers for one’s entire life
because the longevity is increasing with improving medical technology. While many policies cover you for your
entire life, there are some that only cover till 75-80 years.
10. Day-care & maternity
A number of policies now provide cover against several day-care procedures in hospitals that does not require
overnight stay. One must look at the number of procedures covered that does not require overnight
Page 7 of 20
hospitalisation. Also, if one is planning a baby, he should ensure that the maternity expenses are covered by
the policy. Experts feel that maternity is not a contingency and if someone is not planning for a baby, he/she
should not look for it as the price gets embedded in the premium.
11. The premium
It is important to start early so that one can save a lot on the premium amount over the term of the policy. For
an individual between 21 and 25 years, a Rs 10 lakh cover comes at an average premium of around Rs 10,000-
12,000 per annum. However, for a 35-year-old, the premium jumps to around Rs 15,000-18,000. While all
these features can make a policy stand out and make one deal with any medical contingencies, it is important
that the cover is adequate. Experts say that to start with, a family should go for a basic cover of around Rs 10
lakh as most medical issues can be treated within that limit.
ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/business/business-others/health-insurance-the-emergency-code/;
EXPLAINED: Legal status, lack of coordination holding up Aadhaar
and DBT
On January 1, 2013, the Congress-led UPA government launched the Direct Benefits Transfer scheme, centred
around the Aadhaar project begun a few years earlier. Teething troubles and implementation bottlenecks
followed, the interest of the outgoing dispensation waned, and both Aadhaar and DBT were relegated to the
sidelines.
Cut to 2014. With an NDA regime in power, there was speculation over the fate of the schemes, given the
BJP’s past opposition to Aadhaar. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, however, surprised everyone — endorsing
both at a high level meeting in early July. He asked for universal Aadhaar coverage by June 2015, that DBT be
implemented in 300 districts on priority with respect to key schemes including MGNREGA and PDS, and that
Aadhaar be made the basis of several new initiatives.
Modi gave Aadhaar and DBT a fresh lease of life — and yet, a year later, both seem stuck in limbo all over
again. Aadhaar provides a unique 12-digit identity number based on biometrics to every resident of India,
while the DBT scheme aims at eliminating middlemen and ensuring money reaches beneficiaries directly. Why
have these two sound — even revolutionary — initiatives on paper failed to take off despite the backing of two
successive regimes?
Aadhaar’s biggest problem is lack of legal backing. The Unique Identification Authority of India, which is in
charge of the project, functions through an executive order. The National Identification Authority of India Bill
that would give the necessary legal backing has remained in cold storage. The BJP-led government is finding it
difficult to push the Bill, given it was originally a Congress flagship, even opposed by the BJP. And a crucial
issue the government will have to resolve first is whether Aadhaar is for all residents — not just citizens — of
India, given particularly the RSS fear that it will end up handing a legitimate ID to “illegal immigrants”.
The Supreme Court directive that Aadhaar can’t be made mandatory for any service — which the government
can’t oppose until Aadhaar gets legal validity — has complicated the issue. As long as Aadhaar has only an
enabling role without being mandatory, it remains just another ID proof, and not the single most important
way to ensure services reach targeted beneficiaries, eliminating duplication and ghost beneficiaries.
This also means DBT has suffered, given the very basis of the scheme is ensuring that services reach the
beneficiary through an Aadhaar-enabled payment system. While the enrolment of beneficiaries is not a big
concern, seeding of their bank accounts with Aadhaar numbers is. It is not clear whose area of work that is,
and there is confusion over how to identify beneficiaries whose accounts need to be seeded, and then ensure
the needful is done.
Page 8 of 20
The implementation of DBT has also suffered from the lack of coordination and monitoring. The UIDAI looks
after the Aadhaar aspect, the Department of Financial Services (in the Ministry of Finance) the banking part,
and the final implementation is with individual ministries whose schemes are under DBT. The confusion has
ensured that DBT has remained more of an idea on paper, successful only in bits.
There is also no overarching body monitoring the implementation of DBT and its synergy with Aadhaar.
Following the initial push, it was the PMO that was expected to play that role — which does not seem to have
happened. The last high level meeting was held as far back as in September last year. Prime Minister Modi’s
target of universal Aadhaar coverage by the middle of this year will not be achieved.
The so-called ‘Business Correspondent’ model, under which there must be a sufficient number of facilitators in
each district to ensure the beneficiary is able to access her bank account to withdraw the benefit, is still in a
nascent stage, slowing down DBT.
While the UPA may have conceived Aadhaar and DBT, the job of taking them forward effectively is of the
current government. From PDS to LPG subsidy, scholarships and pensions to social welfare schemes like
MGNREGA, all now rely on these two schemes. It is important to ensure that Aadhaar does not become yet
another glorified ID proof in the wallet, and DBT, yet another well-intentioned idea with no impact.
ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/explained/legal-status-lack-of-coordination-holding-up-aadhaar-and-dbt/;
How not to make a state
It’s been a year since AP was bifurcated to create Telangana and this week, the two states marked the
anniversary in contrasting ways — with celebrations in Telangana and studied indifference in Andhra. The
parting was painful for AP, which was forced to concede the capital, Hyderabad, to Telangana. Its finances
have taken a beating — budget deficits now run into Rs 6,000 crore plus — while Telangana has a small
surplus. The bitterness generated by the division has lingered on, impacting state-building in both regions.
Both states continue to squabble on how best to divide assets. The transfer of employees has been delayed,
crippling the administration. In retrospect, the AP bifurcation is a lesson in how not to reorganise states.
The reorganisation of states in 1956 and 2000 was marked by extensive consultations by the States
Reorganisation Committee (SRC). Partisan considerations played a part but a larger consensus prevailed. There
were, of course, differences and resentments, for instance, on Bombay’s status, between Maharashtra and
Gujarat. The formation of Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttarakhand in 2000 was relatively uneventful and
seemed to reflect a maturing polity.
When the demand for a separate state of Telangana was revived in the last decade, the initial response from
the Congress and other parties was to propose a third SRC that could explore the bifurcation of AP and also
look at other demands for statehood. A trifurcation of Uttar Pradesh and the possibility of a Vidarbha state
would also have been on the discussion table, had the UPA government followed that route. Instead, the
Congress gave in to the tug and pull of short-term political compulsions in the state. The Telangana demand
was underpinned by a yearning for development and an assertion of sub-regional identity. But competing
political interests and the Centre’s ad hoc approach turned the movement into an impassioned mobilisation.
The political whirl reduced the Justice Srikrishna panel, set up by the Centre in 2010 to work on the statehood
claim, to a mere academic exercise as the two regions rapidly moved apart.
Demands for new states will continue to be made. The main lesson to be drawn from the AP experience is that
while forging a political consensus is difficult, it is essential for redrawing maps.
ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/editorials/how-not-to-make-a-state/;
Page 9 of 20
FURORE OVER LEAD, MSG More brands come under the scanner of
State govts across the country
Law unclear if celebrities endorsing food products can be prosecuted:
The Maggi controversy has opened a Pandora’s box on the legal liability of celebrities who endorse food
products even as it exposes ambiguities in the Food Safety and Standards Act (FSSA), 2006, making the current
debate an opportunity to interpret judicially the role and liability of brand ambassadors.
There is no specific word in the Act about the extent, or lack, of liability or duty of care of the brand
ambassador, who signs on to promote the brand as its ‘face’ and takes on the role of a marketing
representative. Sections 24 and 53 in the 2006 Act deal specifically with advertisements.
Section 24(1) says in general terms that “no advertisement shall be made of any food which is misleading or
deceiving or contravenes the provisions of this Act, the rules and regulations made there under.” Here, it does
not explain whether the term “made” is only confined to commissioning the advertisement or its actual
making. In the latter case, a brand ambassador does play a part.
One of the primary statutory objectives of the FSSA is to “ensure availability of safe and wholesome food for
human consumption” and it makes the promoter, manufacturer, packer, wholesaler, distributor, seller and
even the ‘manager’ of a food business outlet liable for violations, including ‘unfair trade practice’ in several
instances.
Food Safety Act does not specify liability of celebrities:
One of the primary statutory objectives of the 2006 Food Safety and Standards Act (FSSA) is to “ensure
availability of safe and wholesome food for human consumption” and it makes the promoter, manufacturer,
packer, wholesaler, distributor, seller and even the ‘manager’ of a food business outlet liable for violations
including ‘unfair trade practice’ in several instances.
But there is no specific word in the Act about the extent or lack of liability or duty of care of the brand
ambassador, who signs on to promote the brand as its ‘face’ and takes on the role of a marketing
representative.
Page 10 of 20
Wide definition:
The Act affords a comprehensive definition of the term ‘advertisement’ in Section 3 (1) (b) to mean “any audio
or visual publicity, representation or pronouncement made by means of any light, sound, smoke, gas, print,
electronic media, internet or website and includes through any notice, circular, label, wrapper, invoice or other
documents.”
Two sections — Section 24 and Section 53 — in the 2006 Act deal
specifically with advertisements. Section 24 (1) says in general terms
that “no advertisement shall be made of any food which is
misleading or deceiving or contravenes the provisions of this Act, the
rules and regulations made there under.” Here, it does not explain
whether the term “made” is only confined to commissioning the
advertisement or the actual making of it.
In the latter case, a brand ambassador does play a part. Sub-section
(2) of the same section says “no person shall engage himself in any
unfair trade practice for purpose of promoting the sale…” This clause
does not specify who the “person” mentioned in it is, thus, making
the ambit of the provision pliable.
Clauses (a) (b) and (c) of Sub-section (2) holds this “person” legally responsible for falsely representing the
standard and quality of the food product, its need and usefulness and also for giving the public “any guarantee
of the efficacy that is not based on an adequate or scientific justification.”
Defence:
If any defence of such guarantee is raised in a court of law, the burden of proof lies on the person doing so. If
the definition of the term ‘person’ used in this provision includes a brand ambassador, he has to provide the
scientific justification in his defence. Besides, it is reasonably assumed that a person must have applied his
mind about the quality and standard of a brand before agreeing to promote it.
Whether this means brand ambassadors will be held responsible for every single thing that goes into the
making of the product they endorse is not spelt out but it is this very ambiguity that has left actors Amitabh
Bachchan, Madhuri Dixit and Preity Zinta in the dock.
Consumers’ claim:
Brand ambassadors have a duty of care. They are paid in crores to use their persona or voice to make the
public purchase a brand. Consumers enjoy a tortious claim against them for using their highly commercially
exploitative rights to mislead the public.
ref: The Hindu;
No short cuts to safety
The rapid response of the Centre and the States to concerns about the safety of mass-marketed branded
noodles is a welcome departure from the culture of governmental indifference to matters of public safety.
Several States have initiated testing of samples of Nestle’s ‘Maggi’ noodles to assess levels of lead,
monosodium glutamate (MSG) and other chemicals.
The first tests commissioned by UP last year, which were repeated in Kolkata for confirmation, indicated that
the levels of lead in the snack were much higher than legally permissible; MSG, a flavouring salt normally
Page 11 of 20
added to preserved foods, was also found, although on the label there was no indication of its presence. This is
plainly unacceptable. Food safety, particularly in the case of aggressively promoted packaged snacks aimed at
children, is critically important.
The Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006, which requires the States to deploy an effective enforcement
mechanism, seeks to achieve that with a regime of stiff penalties ranging from fines to a life term in prison.
Data show that over 10,200 prosecutions were launched under the law in 2013-14, but they resulted in only
913 convictions; in some States and UTs, none was secured.
In the ‘Maggi’ noodles case, a fuller picture will emerge when the results of tests ordered by the Food Safety
and Standards Authority of India are known. It is important to trace the origin of the problem, and its possible
linkages to other food articles. This requires State govts to maintain vigilance and undertake sincere,
transparent efforts to identify unsafe foods.
For its part, the food industry, which deploys enormous resources for lobbying and advertising, would help its
own cause by cooperating with the investigation. What stands out as overreach in the entire episode,
however, is the targeting of celebrities for their endorsement of ‘Maggi’ products in the past. Celebrities must
choose with great care the products and causes they endorse, but there is little doubt that their support has
advanced many campaigns for public health, women and child rights, and so on.
It is also relevant to point out here that food safety cannot exist in a vacuum, where the government neglects
social determinants of health such as clean water, pollution control, elimination of adulteration, access to
energy and freedom from corruption. In contrast to big corporations that have easy access to resources,
India’s food business also has small, informal-sector participants who depend on it for livelihood. Without a
supportive state, even well-meaning food laws cannot be comprehensively enforced.
ref: The Hindu;
An inappropriate appointment
National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) is the premier body that investigates abuses and violations of
human rights in India. Set up in 1993, the NHRC has wide-ranging powers to investigate, recommend
prosecutions, and award compensations for human rights violations. High-profile cases investigated by the
Commission include encounter killings by the police and other acts of violence by the state.
In 2002, the Commission under former Chief Justice J.S. Verma, was the first official body to visit Gujarat after
the riots; it moved the Supreme Court to transfer cases outside the State to secure a fair trial.
The NHRC, set up under the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993, consists of 9 members.
a) Four are ex-office appointments — serving Chairpersons of the National Commissions for Minorities,
Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Women.
b) Two are persons who have done work in the area of human rights.
c) And three are from the judiciary: a sitting or retired judge of the Supreme Court; a Chief Justice of a
High Court; and,
d) a former Chief Justice of India (CJI) who heads the Commission.
Page 12 of 20
Needing an icon of independence :
That the head has to be a former CJI is for good reason. Commonly, human rights violations are committed by,
or with the connivance of, or allowed to be perpetrated by high-level political leaders, the police or other
officers. The public needs to have unquestionable confidence that these cases will be investigated without a
tinge of favour, by the most independent persons available.
The Commission’s public face and guiding force is the Chairperson. Hence, the insistence on a former CJI as the
Chairperson of the Commission. Even a puisne judge of the Supreme Court is not to be considered for the post;
nothing less than a person who has occupied the highest rank in the judiciary will do. If there is an icon of
independence in the country who has received no favour from the government and is fearless about tackling
the powers that be, surely it is the CJI. So proceeds the Act.
Justice P. Sathasivam:
Justice P. Sathasivam held the office of the CJI from July 2013 to April 2014. Shortly thereafter, the government
offered him the position of Governor of Kerala. He accepted, setting off a chorus of criticism.
Lawyers and retired judges pointed out that the office of the CJI was being devalued. Accepting Governorship
meant going to an office not only several rungs lower, but more crucially one which was given entirely as
patronage and largesse by the executive. It was also feared that once a precedent was set, and by no less than
a CJI, it would not be long before judges on the verge of retirement would have the vision of a comfortable
gubernatorial position hazing their eyes while deciding sensitive cases against the government.
Justice Sathasivam argued that he was accepting just another constitutional post, an untenable argument
when the Constitution enumerates many posts barely comparable to the eminence of the CJI.
It needs to be remembered that judges, especially of the Supreme Court, will inevitably handle cases of
controversy involving the government and political personages. Accepting appointment from governments of
which such petitioners are a part will invite scrutiny of these cases and give rise to questions. This post facto
scrutiny and linkage is one of the main reasons why judges have stayed away from accepting appointments
that are decided purely by politicians.
Even the eminent Justice M.C. Chagla received strong condemnation from leaders of the Bar for accepting the
posts of Union Minister and Ambassador. Over the years, Raj Bhavans have, with distinguished exceptions,
become havens for politicians being eased out, or rewarding civil servants for services rendered. That a just-
retired CJI broke precedence and judicial ranks to join this less than august group was an action that was
widely seen as diminishing the image of the head of the judiciary, with no countervailing public interest.
An inappropriate appointment:
The concern that arises now is that Governor Sathasivam is in the running for appointment as Chairperson of
the NHRC. This would be an inappropriate appointment, going against the grain of the primary qualification for
heading the body, namely, independence from the government and the perceived ability to take hard actions
against those in power.
This is an institutional qualification; it is no defence to say that a person who enjoys a sinecure from the
government will revert to absolute independence when appointed to head the NHRC. It is true that the
statutory qualification for Chairperson does not specify that the candidate should not have held previous office
at the hands of the government, but the framers of the Act would not have envisaged that there would be a
case of a Chief Justice becoming a Governor and then looking to become Chairperson of the NHRC.
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Viewed from another angle, it is the proximal position that matters — he ought not to be treated as a former
CJI, but as a Governor of a State, and hence not qualified to be Chairperson of the NHRC. It appears that a
petition was filed in the Supreme Court raising these grounds, but it was withdrawn on the ground that the
objection was being placed before the government. Perhaps judicial determination will have to follow if
executive consideration is inadequate.
The position of the head of the NHRC is a crucial one for protecting human and democratic rights. These rights
and the Commission are primordial for all citizens, especially for those who fall foul of the powerful in
government. The appointment to this office must not be tainted in any way..
ref: The Hindu;
General Studies-3
(Technology, Economic Development, Bio-diversity, Environment, Security & Disaster Management)
National Pension System: Move over intermediaries, here comes
the portal
For those who wish to open a retirement savings account with the National Pension System but don’t know
how to go about it, the Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority is set to launch an online portal
soon.
The portal, which is likely to be launched in a month’s time, would require the Aadhaar number of the
applicant for enrolment. Once registered with the NPS, the subscriber would be able to make contributions
online through the portal using net banking and electronic payment facilities.
It is a portal through which subscribers can directly join the NPS without having to go through intermediaries;
the portal would be open to all subscribers and not only those of a particular scheme.
The move is expected to give a big boost to the NPS for private citizens for which enrolments are currently
done through nearly 72 intermediaries or points of presence that include a number of state-run as well as
private sector banks. However, 6 years since its launch in May 2009, the scheme continues to face stiff
competition from mutual funds and private pension plans.
Page 14 of 20
As part of its enrolment drive, the PFRDA is also considering a proposal to permit pension fund managers
(PFMs) to sell the NPS. The proposal was part of the recommendations of the expert group led by former Sebi
chairman GN Bajpai that submitted its report to the PFRDA last month. With the PFRDA now having statutory
powers, it can easily look into any grievances such as concerns of mis-selling. The Bajpai committee has also
suggested that PFMs should market the NPS.
There are seven pension fund managers for the NPS for private citizens and corporate sector. These include LIC
Pension Funds, SBI Pension Funds, UTI Retirement Solutions, ICICI Prudential Pension Funds Management
Company, Kotak Mahindra Pension Fund, Reliance Capital Pension Fund and HDFC Pension Fund Management
Company.
ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/business/business-others/national-pension-system-move-over-intermediaries-here-comes-the-portal/;
Face the spectre
The spectre of a second consecutive drought year — which is what the Met Department’s latest downgrade of
its monsoon forecast, from “below normal” to “deficient”, portends — isn’t good news for Indian agriculture
and the broader economy.
But unlike in past drought years, where farmers had little advance information and were often caught on the
wrong foot after having already undertaken sowing, there is scope for better planning and for making cropping
decisions that incorporate the high probability of moisture stress this time.
Thanks to the weatherman’s sufficiently early warning and faster dissemination of such information today —
including through the government’s own recently launched DD Kisan channel — farmers are likely to be more
aware than before of the need for conserving soil moisture and planting less water-intensive crops.
This is where the government’s minimum support price (MSP) mechanism can make a difference. When the
country is already sitting on surplus rice stocks and farmers, too, know they ought to go in for less water-
guzzling crops this time, a freeze on the MSP of paddy makes eminent sense.
Last year, the paddy MSP was raised by a marginal Rs 50/ quintal and if the withdrawal of bonuses granted by
some states in earlier years was also factored in, farmers effectively received lower procurement prices. If,
despite that, government agencies have still bought more paddy than in the 2013-14 season, it only shows the
current MSP is reasonable. A freeze will, if anything, induce some diversion of paddy area to other crops,
which isn’t a bad thing. Farmers, on the other hand, need to be encouraged to grow more pulses and
indigenous oilseeds.
The country’s combined import bill on edible oils and pulses amounted to $12.5 billion in 2014-15. And with
their prices firming up considerably in the past few months, exacerbated by monsoon fears, there is an
obvious case to substantially increase their MSPs. Raising the MSPs for tur or urad, for instance to Rs 5,000/
quintal from the existing Rs 4,350 levels isn’t going to be inflationary when consumers are already paying Rs
100-plus per kg for these dals. Higher MSPs, by promoting more plantings, will actually help in price stability by
augmenting domestic production — more so in pulses as they aren’t easily importable.
But merely announcing MSP increases isn’t enough. The govt should commit to procure at these rates, as it is
doing for paddy and wheat. Procuring 3-4 million tonnes (mt) of pulses is preferable any day to buying 28-30
mt each of rice and wheat, grown mainly by farmers having assured irrigation facilities. The time has come for
the government to show it cares equally for less well-off farmers who are cultivating crops that require less
water as well as urea.
ref: http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/editorials/face-the-spectre/99/;
Page 15 of 20
Achievements of the Ministry of Water Resources, River Development
and Ganga Rejuvenation
India is endowed with a rich and vast diversity of natural resources, water being one of them. Integrated
Water management is vital for poverty reduction, environmental sustenance and sustainable economic
development. The Ministry is working for sustainable development, maintenance of quality and efficient use of
water resources to match with the growing demands on this precious natural resource of the country.
WATER RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
The Ministry has identified Inter-Linking of Rivers (ILRs) as a priority. National Perspective Plan envisaging
inter-basin transfer of water from surplus basins to deficit basins is being actively pursued.
• Implementation of Ken-Betwa project on fast track.
• Detailed Project Report (DPR) of Damanganga –Pinjal completed. DPR of Par-Tapi-Narmada link project being
finalised.
• Mahanadi-Godavari flood moderation project being pursued.
• Intra-State link Projects: DPR of Burhi Gandak - Noor - Baya - Ganga link Project (Bihar) and Kosi - Mechi Link
Project (Bihar) completed. Special Committee on Interlinking of Rivers set up - for time bound implementation
of ILR projects. High level task force constituted for addressing the technical issues in interlinking of rivers.
• Agreement with Nepal for speedy implementation of Pancheshwar Multi-purpose project proposal on river
Sarda. Pancheshwar Development Authority set up for expeditious implementation of the project.
• Polavaram project being implemented asa National Projection river Godavari, to create an annual irrigation
potential of 4.36 lakh hect. in East Godavari, Vishakhapatnam, West Godavari and Krishna districts in Andhra
Pradesh.
• Work initiated on 9600 MW Middle Siang Project for flood moderation in Arunachal Pradesh and Assam.
• Dam safety Project taken up with World Bank assistance at an estimated cost of Rs. 2100 crore, 233 dams in
four States identified for rehabilitation.
• Brahmaputra Board being restructured for focussed attention on North-Western Region of Ganga Basin.
• Flood protection - Flood forecasting network strengthened - 4772 flood/inflow forecast were issued during the
flood season 2014.
• Regional office of Ganga Flood Control Commission opened at Lucknow in March, 2015, for greater focus on
North Western Region of the Ganga Basin.
• New flood forecasting website launched as part of the E-governance initiative, for timely dissemination of
flood warnings.
• During 2014-15 a total of 47 (20 major and 27 medium) projects under general monitoring and 143 (77 major,
49 Medium and 17 ERM) on-going projects under Accelerated Irrigation Benefits Programme (AIBP) were
taken up for monitoring.
WATER CONSERVATION
PER DROP MORE CROP
• "Hamara Jal – Hamara Jeevan" organised in 485 districts to engage scientists, engineers, water communities,
Panchayati Raj Institutions, NGO's and other stake holders to address issues of water resources planning at
village level to generate awareness for water conservation.
• National Aquifer Management project undertaken for optimal utilisation of groundwater with community
participation. 5.89 lakh sq. km area mapped - partly through innovative heliborne surveys.
• Web based application system for issuing NOC for ground water extraction launched.
• Master Plan on Water harvesting and conservation prepared and circulated to all States.
Page 16 of 20
Simplification of guidelines for centrally sponsored schemes, viz. AIBP and Flood Management Programme
(FMP) on the basis of consultations in 'Jal Manthan' - resulting in faster release of funds – from Rs. 800 crore.
in the first six months of the year to Rs. 4800 crore in the next six months.
National Hydrology Project launched at a cost of Rs. 3600 crore. This project will establish and upgrade Hydro-
met network in all the river basins and bring the entire hydro-meteorological data on a standardized central
database for easy storage, validation and dissemination for development of Decision Support Systems for flood
forecasting, reservoir operations, water resources planning and management, conjunctive use, etc. following a
river basin approach. The project will also enhance the capacity of the States in these issues.
WATER POLLUTION ABATEMENT
Namami Gange
• "Namami Gange" - Integrated Ganga Conservation Programme approved at the cost of Rs. 20000 crore to be
implemented by year 2020.
• Two meetings of National Ganga River Basin Authority (NGRBA) held - one under the chairmanship of Hon'ble
Prime Minister.
• 76 Projects approved at the cost of Rs. 4974.79 crore for creating treatment capacity of 678.23 MLD and Sewer
network of 2546 KMs.
• Clean Ganga Fund established - contribution of around Rs. 51 crore received.
• Programme to conserve aqua life and bio-diversity in collaboration with Forest Research Institute, Dehradun.
Moving Forward with New Initiatives
• Special Purpose Vehicle to be set up for implementation of priority ILR projects.
• Strengthening of Participatory Irrigation Management and involving public participation in Ground Water
management and rain water harvesting
• Rejuvenation of Yamuna River.
• Expeditious implementation of Pancheshwar Multipurpose Project and middle Siang project.
• Launching of 'JAL KRANTI ABHIYAAN'
• National Bureau of Water Use Efficiency is proposed to be set up to control and regulate efficient use of water.
• All efforts for timely completion of Polavaram Project
• Efforts are underway to upgrade all the three Research Stations namely Central Soil and Material Research
Station, Central Water and Power Research Station and National Institute of Hydrology into “Centers of
Excellence”.
• National Water Informatics Center to be set up for institutionalizing India Water Resources Information
System.
• Modernization and expansion of Flood Forecasting Network of Central Water Commission.
• Development of inundation based flood forecast system.
• Installation of telemetry system for dissemination of hydro-meteorological data on real time basis.
• Setting up of North East Brahmaputra River Rejuvenation Authority by restructuring Brahmaputra Board.
ref: http://pib.nic.in;
Half of mammals face habitat loss: ZSI
ZSI has published a book containing a consolidated documentation and listing of all the scheduled or protected
species of mammals found in India.
India is home to 428 species of mammals out of which more than 60 % — about 251 species — are under
protected or Scheduled categories of the Indian Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972. 428 species of mammals in
Page 17 of 20
India contribute to about 8 % of the total mammal species found in the World. About 50 % of mammalian
fauna of India have shrunk in their distributional range due to various anthropogenic pressures.
Already four mammal species — Cheetah, Banteng, Sumatran Rhinoceros and Javan Rhinoceros — are extinct
in India.
Around 78 species of mammals are included in Schedule I of Indian Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, implying
that highest priority is placed on the conservation of these animals in the country. While the Schedule I
mammals constitute well known species like tiger, elephant and Indian rhinoceros, “lesser known” species
such as clouded leopard, snow leopard, gaur, desert cat, Niligiri tahr, swamp deer, sloth bear and Tibetan, sand
fox are also included in the list.
The book also lists the mammals that fall in the “Critically Endangered” category of the IUCN. These animals
are: pygmy hog, Malabar civet, large rock rat and kondana rat. As per the IUCN status 29 mammals (such as,
Chinese Pangolin, fishing cat, Gangetic dolphin, golden langur, hispid hare etc.) in the country come under the
“endangered” category.
ref: The Hindu;
New demand by States could hit GST rollout
In a setback to the government’s plan of rolling out
the Goods and Services Tax (GST) by April 1, 2016,
the States demanded that the Centre compensate
them fully for any loss of revenue during the first
five years of transition to the new tax regime.
In the Constitution Amendment Bill for the
introduction of the GST, pending before a Select
Committee of the Rajya Sabha, the Centre proposes
to compensate the States fully for the first three
years, followed by three-fourths of the losses in the
fourth year and half during the fifth. The States are
worried about revenue loss.
Kerala Finance Minister K.M. Mani chairman of the empowered committee, said the States would present five
broad concerns before the Select Committee. They wanted power to levy additional sales tax over and above
the GST on tobacco and tobacco products. Some States wanted that the purchase tax be not subsumed in the
GST. However, if it were to be merged, then they should be awarded compensation for 15 years.
The States raised concerns over the proposed provision of an additional 1 % tax over and above the GST, which
the Centre offered as an assurance against apprehensions of loss of revenue.
ref: The Hindu;
TN inks $400-m loan pact with World Bank
The World Bank and the government of Tamil Nadu signed a loan and project agreement that would enable
the international bank to provide $400 million to the government for its Sustainable Urban Development
Project.
Page 18 of 20
The project aims at improving urban services in participating Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) in a financially
sustainable manner and piloting improved urban management practices in selected cities. As such, the project
consists of three parts — investment in urban services including water, sewerage, municipal solid waste, urban
transportation and storm water drainage; results-based grants for urban governance; and urban sector
technical assistance to strengthen the capacity of ULBs and urban sector officials.
ref: The Hindu;
Evolving a defence bottom line
The Indian Armed Forces Long-Term Integrated Perspective Plan (LTIPP) 2012-2027 (which is not in the public
domain) is the main document to be considered for meeting objectives against the reality of limited resources
and uncertainty. It focuses on bridging gaps and building force levels that are considered essential for the
services to meet their operational directives. It also lists the inductions planned by the three services.
It is no doubt that the Indian military will confront a very diverse and demanding array of strategic challenges
in the coming decades, emanating either from state actors along the troubled peripheries with neighbouring
countries or from non-state groups. Determining what sort of wars India may have to wage against these two
challenges in the immediate and distant future, and deciding the fundamental determinants of the country’s
defence will be the crucial to filling the gap between perception and reality.
The task of defending the country’s borders needs to take into account the nuclearisation of the sub-continent
and the employment of other instruments of power. Defining the notion and shape of victory, given the
nuclear overhang, is a first step towards building capability. It also needs to be seen whether, should the
conventional and infrastructural asymmetry continue, a stalemate would serve a similar purpose. Only when
these issues are jointly ironed out and articulated will a solution for the right capabilities and their
development in time and within available resources emerge.
Joint solution:
The LTIPP, therefore, cannot simply be an aggregate or arithmetic sum of desired capabilities but an integrated
and balanced acquisition programme for the three services that uses strategy, sets priorities and demands
budgetary support. Given the financial constraints, a joint strategic prioritisation of capital acquisitions,
particularly for those proposals or schemes that have already been granted.Acceptance of Necessity, is
necessary to get early results.
A joint review will also enable a defence bottom line involving land and coastal security to come up first, along
with necessary and deterrent vectors that could keep wars away. It will also allow us to consolidate and build
the desired capabilities in the interim. Considering the likely paucity of funds, it would be prudent, therefore,
to realign the projections of LTIPP 2012-27 and the 12th Defence Plan.
What should they be realigned to? This could be arrived at through a joint consultative process. The following
issues need to be kept in mind while realigning the long-term capability matrix.
The five steps:
1. One has to re-evaluate service-specific schemes and programmes in the backdrop of the conventional
programme focussed at China and Pakistan, and in that order.
2. Individual priority must be recalibrated in the backdrop of envisaged future missions and desired joint
capability.
Page 19 of 20
3. Certain capital intensive key programmes (KPs) must be identified that can fight and win local wars and
dominate sea lanes of communication through a joint consultative process. Intelligence, surveillance and
reconnaissance or ISR and precision targeting capabilities will remain common to both.
4. Having identified the KPs, definitive rolling funds must be allocated with a time-bound implementation
schedule to ensure that existing capability voids are bridged within a reasonable timeframe
5. It must be recognised that the country’s capability to prevent war, or fight it successfully, has to be
holistically developed.
War cannot be a zero-sum game amongst the Services, because no individual service by itself can achieve the
objectives or be a gainer or loser. The only criteria must be the optimising of the joint potential of all three
forces to achieve a common military aim. Thus, the need will be to make hard trade-offs, based on
prioritisation of missions.
Prioritisation itself must be based on an objective evaluation of the need and relevance for a particular
capability projected by a service, in the prevailing threat scenario, against the availability of funds. An
integrated exercise is recommended to be undertaken both for inter-Service and intra-Service prioritisation,
based on operational necessity.
Self-reliance in defence production needs to be given an institutional push by bringing stakeholders (including
users, R&D agencies, and industry) on board a common platform. Monitoring the progress of indigenous
projects and fixing accountability is of utmost importance. Technological sovereignty must be achieved and
forex reserves preserved. By creating jobs associated with defence manufacturing, defence and development
will reinforce each other.
The impact of the choices that senior leaders are making today will not be fully seen for many years to come,
and will enable or constrain their successors for decades. There is no choice but to look ahead and plan for an
uncertain future while preparing for shocks.
ref: The Hindu;
India and the World
(International Relations)
Beijing for code of conduct at border to ‘enhance peace’
Without closing the option, China appeared lukewarm about restarting the process of clarification of the Line
of Actual Control (LAC). Instead, the Chinese side appeared to be in favour of an elaboration of the “code of
conduct” along the border areas to enhance “peace and tranquillity” along the unsettled frontiers.
China and India do not have a common perception of the alignment of the LAC, throughout its entire stretch of
4,086 km, along the China-India border.
Modi had pushed for the resumption of the process for clarification of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) stalled
in 2005. The boundary negotiators from the two countries had “encountered some difficulties” in the previous
edition of LAC clarification.
Code of conduct in pact
The focus on the “code of conduct” fed into the Border Defence Cooperation Agreement (BDCA), signed
between the two countries in October 2013. That agreement had directed the two sides “that they shall not
Page 20 of 20
follow or tail patrols of the other side in areas where there is no common understanding of the line of actual
control in the India-China border areas.”
It pointed out that in case “a doubtful situation arises with reference to any activity by either side in border
areas where there is no common understanding of the line of actual control, either side has the right to seek a
clarification from the other side.”
ref: The Hindu;
Not because of Rohingya’s persecution
Myanmar said that persecution of its Rohingya Muslim population was not the cause of Southeast Asia’s
migrant crisis, a day after the United States called on the country to give full rights to the minority to help end
the exodus.
Myanmar does not recognise its 1.1 million Rohingya as citizens, rendering them effectively stateless. Almost
140,000 were displaced in deadly clashes with Buddhists in the country’s western Rakhne state in 2012.
“It has been portrayed that discrimination and persecution are causing people to leave Rakhine state, but that
is not true,” Myanmar said. It pointed to the number of Bangladeshis on board a migrant boat that landed in
May as proof that the influx of “boat people” was a regional problem linked to human trafficking.
The boat was intercepted by Myanmar’s navy last month. Myanmar has said 200 of the 208 people aboard
were economic migrants from Bangladesh.
ref: The Hindu;
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