Money is Good_but Friend is Better

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Money Is Good, but a Friend Is Better

Uncertainty, Orientation to the Future, and the Economy Benot de LEstoile

Benot de LEstoile is Directeur de recherche at the Centre National de laRecherche Scientifique (CNRS) IRIS, Institut de RecherchesInterdisciplinaires sur les Enjeux Sociaux (48 boulevard Jourdan, 75014Paris, France[ [email protected]]).

Based on a long-term ethnography in state-run settlement projects on formersugarcane plantations in Northeast Brazil, in this paper I question theevidence of the economy as a privileged framework for understanding thelife situation of the poor, which is structured by precariousness and

uncertainty about the future. Exploring the polysemy of Portugueseesperar (to wait, to hope, and to expect), it analyzes the plurality of orientations tothe future among former sugarcane wage workers included as beneficiariesin land reform projects and their strategies to mitigate uncertainty in variousconfigurations. If radical uncertainty lies out of human hands, relativeuncertainty may be acted on by mobilizing people. While money isdesirable, it has a transitory character, and the value of friends lies in their potential to help, especially in case of a crisis. Ethnography thus suggestsmoving beyond an economic anthropology that aims to analyze othereconomies and set out to explore the fields of opportunities and frames ofreference that structure life situations and the local versions ofoikonomia inits original meaning of government of the household.

This paper was submitted 10 IV 13, accepted 06 II 14, and electronically published 12 VI 14.

Maybe it had been a mistake not to sue the union, reflected Tat, a formerworker in sugarcane plantations. Had I brought the union to court, it wouldhave been good! In the 1980s, he had worked informally for 5 years as adriver for the Coqueiros branch of the Rural Workers Trade Union, thusfailing to receive entitlement to social benefits. A former colleague, who hadalso worked informally for the union, later claimed compensation in courtand received a significant sum of money. Zzinho, the president of the localunion, owes me this favor up to now, said Tat. However, I didnt lose,he added; the guy says that money is good, but I think a friend is better.Zzinho, elected mayor at the end of the 1990s, was indeed instrumental
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both in favorizing the implementation in Coqueiros of the federal landreform program and Tats inclusion in it as a beneficiary, allowing him togain a tract of land. Tat justified his conduct by mobilizing a familiarscheme of local popular wisdom, often heard in the proverbial form afriend on the market is better than money in your pocket. Why would afriend be more valuable than money? Is Tat a utilitarian, moved byeconomic interest and calculating the more profitable course of action? Is he,on the contrary, articulating a moral economy, asserting the superior moralvalue of friendship over money? Or is something else altogether at stakehere?

I met Tat and Zzinho a number of times in the course of a long-termethnography in sugarcane plantations turned into settlement projects in thesouthern Zona da Mata region of Pernambuco along the northeastern coast

of Brazil.1

I argue that interpreting Tats predicament in economic terms,or even in terms of moral economy, prevents us from grasping thecomplexity of the world in which it makes sense. I suggest it is rather astatement about the adequate way to conduct ones life in a situation ofstructural precariousness and radical uncertainty about the future. Thissituation of uncertainty and unpredictability is associated with a specificform of orientation to the future, epitomized by the polysemy of the verbesperar (to wait, to hope, and to expect). Personal relationships andresources are mobilized to respond to expectations about the future, whichare defined by fields of opportunities and frames of reference. Changesacross time in fields of opportunities and in frames of reference producevarious configurations of uncertainty.

At a more radical level, I suggest that ethnography, by paying attention tothe ways people conceptualize their practices, leads us to question the veryframework of the economy as a taken -for-granted framework for perceiving the world and acting on it for scholars (includinganthropologists). This would allow us to go beyond economicanthropology, itself a product of such a framework, to look more precisely

not at economic practices in other settings but at other ways to constructthe world and live in it, or, following Wittgenstein(1953), other forms oflife.

Modern Economy and Its Other

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It is tempting to read such statements as a friend is better than money inlight of the long-familiar discussion on money economy versus personalrelationships. Modern capitalist economy has often been associated bothwith a process of rationalization of time and depersonalization, encroachingon the world of personal relationships. There is an extensive literaturelinking the expansion of money economy to the development of acalculating, rational, depersonalizing attitude toward life (Simmel1903; Weber 1968 [1922]). In such accounts, calculability appears as one if notthe defining feature of our modern world. Calculation implies a common,stabilized frame of reference defining expectations. Both predictability ofthe future and calculability thus appear essential to our notion of the moderneconomy. This involves a specific mode of relating to the future premised onconstant efforts to reduce uncertainty or, when that is not possible, toestimate the probability of an occurrence so as to reduce its effect.2 Uncertainty, while not altogether avoidable, is to be contained byrationalization and calculation.

It is by contrast to this idealized conception of the (modern) economy thateconomic anthropology and economic sociology emerged in the first place.Following Malinowski, anthropologists, and others have amplydemonstrated that this was too narrow a view of economic practices, andthey taught us to pluralize our understanding of the economy. A host ofnotions used by economic anthropology and sociology as qualifiers ofeconomy, such as primitive, peasant, tribal, of the gift, house,moral, popular, and so fo rth, suggest that these are unorthodox andsubaltern economic conceptions and practices, with specific rules that we setout to elucidate in order to produce a more pluralistic picture of economic

practices than the oversimplistic one provided by standard economics. 3

While this body of work has greatly enlarged our vision, it remainsconstrained by being a counter-discourse, mirroring its antagonist, androoted in a deeply entrenched belief that the economy exists in itselfeverywhere and at all times, underlying all situations, even if it takes

specific forms in noncapitalist settings. This ontological belief is shared notonly by the extollers of market economics but also by their staunchestcritics, such as the two Karls, Marx and Polanyi, and their followers.4 Forthe latter (following Weber 1968 [1922]), the economy that is the processof satisfaction of material needs was for a long time embedded in socialrelationships but, substantively, was already there, even if not recognized assuch before Aristotle, who discovered it and named it (Pol anyi 1957; see
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also Finley(1984 [1970]). Following Polanyi, Aristotle has been enlisted asa pioneer of an alternative understanding of economy in the sense of whatGudeman and Rivera(1990) call domestic economy, by contrast withmarket economy. However, while economy is of course etymologicall yderived fromoioo (oikonomia), Aristotle coined this notion in his Politics to refer to domestic rule of theoikos (household/domain) by contrastwith the politik, civic government.5 For Aristotle, governing theoikos (household/domain) was essentially to be a good house master, insuringthe autonomy of theoikos: this involved primarily the rule (arch) overliving dependents (slaves, spouse, and children) and only secondarilymanaging things. A more adequate translation of oikonomia would then begovernment of the household, thus bringing the political (in our modernunderstanding) dimension to the fore.

The very notion of a substantive economy that is, the belief that materialconditions of life (production, exchange, and consumption) are logicallydistinct from political or spiritual ones (even if they happen to beentangled) is an essential ontological tenet of our contemporary world.6 Togo further, we need to challenge the very notion of the economy as ataken-for-granted frame of reference. I take here my cue from TimothyMitchell, who states boldly that the idea of the economy in itscontemporary sense did not emerge until the middle decades of the twentiethcentury (Mitchell 2002:4). While Mitchells thesiss historical accuracy isdebatable, I take up his contention that the economy, far from havingalways been there, a necessary component of any world, is, despite itscentral position in our own world, a contingent one.

Expectations, Fields of Opportunities, and Frames of Reference

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In the economic framework, issues of orientation to the future have beenusually formulated in terms of expectations. Expectation is an importantanalytic concept in economics but also in the social sciences.7 Mauss(1969[1934]) suggested that expectations ( attentes) are the essence of social lifeand that this notion generates economy and law, while Weber (1968[1922]) gave a central place to expectations ( Erwartungen). However, suchnotions of expectation are too often generic and abstract. To get closer tolived experience, I appropriate Reinhart Kosellecks ( 1995 [1979]) dualnotion of space of experience ( Erfarhungsraum), the past insofar as it is
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present, and horizon of expectation ( Erwartungshorizont ), the future asit is present. As Koselleck points out, the fruitfulness of these notions isrelated to their metahistorical and anthropological character (the humancondition is necessarily in time) but also because they must be historicallyand socially specified. To do so, it is useful to complement them with twoother notions: field of opportunities and frame of reference. I use thenotion of field of opportunities to refer in the widest sense to the set of possibilities and constraints that define at a given moment the conditionsfor life, both material and symbolic, for a group of individuals, what Weber(1968 [1922]:927) called life opportunities ( Lebenschancen). Frame ofreference is the cognitive and normative frame used by people to makesense of their world and act on it. This corresponds broadly to what in theanthropological and sociological literature is variously referred to asworldview, eidos, common sense, frame of constructs, interactiveframe, definition of reality, mental structures, cultures, or evenontologies. 8 Frames of reference are partly shared within a given socialworld (thus allowing mutual orientation) and partly defined by singularcollective and individual experiences. They involve ontological, ethical, and political aspects, entailing values and beliefs about what is the world, whatconstitutes a good life, and what it is to be a good person (Redfield1965). Frames of reference are typically associated with a given field ofopportunities but in part are autonomous from it; in particular, more than oneframe of reference may be associated with a given field of opportunities.This formulation does not imply that the field of opportunities somehowexists outside of any frame of reference; the very form of any field ofopportunities is structured by frames of reference (legal, economic, political,etc.). The opportunities actually available to an individual are indeedconstrained by both her own and others expectations and perceptions ofwhat is adequate in a given situation.

These frames of reference (incorporating individual and collectiveexperience) define both the ways the world is experienced and interpretedand expectations as to the future. The combination of a given field of

opportunities and a specific frame defines individual and collectivehorizons of expectation. These notions are, of course, reflexive: they applynot only to those we wish to understand but to our own form of life.

Land Reform and the Economic Framework for Planning the Future

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In this section I will start by describing structural changes in the field ofopportunities in terms of the familiar economic framework whileattempting later to move beyond it. Pernambuco sugarcane plantations,involving the large-scale use of slave labor, have been integrated in capitalisteconomy since the sixteenth century by Portuguese and Dutch colonization(Schwartz1985). Indeed, Sidney Mintz(1974) argued that the plantationsystem had pioneered a form of capitalist industrial organization on subject peoples long before industry itself in Europe. Pernambuco sugarcaneworkers have been living in a monetarized world for a long time, typicallyreceiving weekly wages, paid either directly by the boss or by asubcontractor .9

Pernambuco sugarcane agro-industry became largely dependent on theBrazilian state through the Federal Institute of Sugar and Alcohol (Instituto

do Aucar e do Alcool [IAA]), subsidizing Northeast sugarcane producers,where productivity is lower than in other regions, and from the 1970s on, theProalcool Plan, fostering the production of ethanol from sugarcane as fuel.10 In the early 1990s, neoliberal policies suppressed the IAA, and Pernambucocane was soon hit by an acute crisis and a sharp fall in production.11 Thisslump led to sugar refineries going broke and massive unemployment,especially among those who were seasonal workers for the harvest.12 Somerefineries offered to settle their debts with the Bank of Brazil by transferring part of their estates to the federal state. This coincided with a significantincrease in the Brazilian land reform policy, prompted by the pressure ofsocial movements, and the federal state expropriated significant tracts ofland (compensating the landlords) and divided them into small lots under thesupervision of Instituto Nacional de Colonizao e Reforma Agrria(INCRA), the Federal National Institute for Colonization and LandReform.13

The ideal of land reform in Brazil, topic of heated debate and conflict inBrazil since the 1950s, entails a horizon of expectation oriented by the beliefin progress led by a rational and modernizing state.14 Rational planning is

the means to master the future. Ideally, land reform settlements should allowfor the development of a healthy family agriculture providing theBrazilian population with quality products.

Planning, rational use of land, development, organizing, andmanagement are keywords in official definitions of the state policy of landreform. A striking feature of the projects is the claim to control time and to
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plan the future rationally. This is to be attained through a specific tool, thePlan for the Development of the Settlement (Plano de Desenvolvimento doAssentamento [PDA]).15 This document sets out to define a systematic planin order to reach the stage of emancipating the settlement from statetutelage once it is economically and socially developed. It consists first of adiagnosis, successively examining physical aspects (soils), socialaspects (population, social organization, habitation and sanitation, health,culture and leisure, education), economic aspects (covering productivesystem and commercialization and agro -industry ), and finallyenvironmental aspects. This division under various aspects isessentialized, as each of them is associated with distinct specialists andfields of expertise. The PDA then outlines a plan of sustai nabledevelopment starting with a plan of economic exploitation by evaluatingthe costs of implantation of various development projects, basic social

programs, and an environmental program.16

The urge to control timerationally through planning and strategy features prominently in thesedocuments. INCRA officials, NGO agents, and agricultural technicians incharge of projects typically complain about the fact that people areunprepared, that they have no sense of administration : having been forcenturies administered by the landlords made them unable to administratethemselves. Earnestly trying to foster the economic development of thesettlement and of beneficiaries, they strive to make them change theirminds and learn to administrate themselves. Thus, the PDA suggestedthat commercial agents be trained in order to adopt a strategic behavior of controlling the production schedule in order to maximize profitand learn to master the laws of supply and demand. For these specialists,organizing the future implies the framework of the economy because it isa constitutive part of their world.17

At a larger scale, the same broad categories underpin evaluations of agrarianreform that typically make large use of economic indicators (orsocioeconomic ones). The use of such a framework is directly linked tothe political importance of the topic. The assessment of land reform aseconomic success (or failure) has been a critical issue in Brazilian politicsfor more than half a century. Conservative critics have been prone todenounce land reform as economically inefficient, suggesting that theBrazilian state could better invest its resources in other sectors, such ascommercial agriculture. It is against this background that a major nationwidestudy of land reform, funded by the ministry in charge of it (MDA) andconducted by leading Brazilian scholars (anthropologists, rural sociologists,
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economists, and agronomists), aimed to evaluate both economic andsocial impacts (Heredia and al. 2004). A significant part of the reportwas devoted to an analysis of the impact of settlements in regionaleconomic dynamics, considering successively the following items: creationof jobs; agricultural production; effect on local production; productivity,technical assistance, and technological models; access to credit; effects oncommercialization; and effects on the life conditions of settled populations.18 The thrust of the report was that while the state has failed to deliver adequate policies insuring full economic success, the material conditions of beneficiaries had distinctly improved in relation to their prior condition.

The economy is thus not only a frame of reference for understanding theworld and acting on it, it is also a set of social practices and cognitive toolsthat constitute a social world. These various actors even if they do notalways act or think in economic terms live in a world defined by theeconomy as an overarching framework. Scholars share this framework because they belong to this world. Their (our) projects and actions are premised on the assumption that the economy determines the very basis ofour existence.

Esperar : Structural Precariousness, Radical Uncertainty, andOrientation to the Future

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Such visions of the future contrast with the ways time is experienced by beneficiaries. This specific mode of orientation to the future can beillustrated by the polysemy of the verbesperar . Portuguese-speakinglearners of English and English-speaking learners of Portuguese usuallystruggle with the difficulty caused by the nonequivalence betweenPortugueseesperar (broadly similar to its Spanish equivalent) and theEnglish verbs to expect, to hope, and to wait. 19 In English, these verbsconvey distinct, even opposed meanings: to expect suggests a high

probability of occurrence, while to hope conveys both a greateruncertainty and an active longing for; by contrast, to wait suggests a more passive attitude. While not claiming this linguistic feature as causal, I use itas a tool for the ethnographic exploration of modes of relating to the futureamong Pernambuco former sugarcane cutters.20
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What one might call radical uncertainty and unpredictability are structuralfeatures of life in rural Nordeste. People in Coqueiros have been living forgenerations in a state of structural precariousness, on the verge of sliding below the level of survival.21 This condition is, however, normalized in thesense that it is experienced as part of normal life, not as a crisis, a w ordused to describe situations of acute difficulty.22 When the situation of

privation is dire, people say they are experiencing need ( passandonecessidade) or experiencing hunger ( passando fome).

One can define two broad areas of uncertainty on which humans hold quitedistinct possibilities of control: one relative and one radical. The relative oneis constituted by ones own social world, the people one knows and to whomone can have easy direct or indirect access. In normal circumstances,expectations about what others will do are defined by a common framework,

a set of shared norms and values. In rural Pernambuco, interactions withininterpersonal and interfamilial relationships are relatively predictable insofaras they are in principle oriented by the norm of reciprocity (both positive andnegative): if one helps someone, one is entitled to expect to be helped later;if one kills someone, one should expect the relatives to exact revenge, killingthe murderer or one of his close kin. This is, then, an area ofrelative uncertainty: one cannot predict with absolute certainty how ones partners inan interaction will react, but one has definite expectations as to their possibleactions.

Other areas of life are in principle completely beyond ones control, thusdefining areas ofradical uncertainty. Uncertainty and unpredictability aredefining features of peasant life anywhere, as agriculture is highly dependentof climatic accidents.23 While some beneficiaries of the land reform programare more skilled than others, unpredictability is highlighted by one of themexclaiming, Agriculture is a shot in the dark! You may as well plant and getthat [large] production or get nothing.

Unpredictability extends to other areas of life. The poor in Brazil have

learned to live in the absence of an efficient social security system, withoutaccess to health or life insurance. The poor in Coqueiros live with theconstant risk of getting ill, having an accident, or being murdered. Theexperience of sudden death is of course a common feature of the humancondition, but its frequency imprints a specific quality on life in Coqueiros.My interlocutors refer to several cases of apparently successful trajectories brutally ended by a traffic accident or murder. Such tragic destinies are a
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painful reminder that rational plans for the future are fragile and are not inhuman hands.

Uncertainty, both relative and radical, is then a basic feature of life, framingdaily expectations. Esperar suggests that something more than expectingis involved, embodying the experience that waiting is often frustrated. It hasan open-ended quality, linked withuncertainty, implying one has to waitwhile hoping.24 Esperar refers to a realistic hope, while sonhar (to dream)suggests that it is theoretically possible (especially with the help of amiracle) but with the implication that it is unlikely. However, there aredistinct substantives:esperana (hope) andespera (waiting). As in other places with a Christian history, hope is associated with life and is imbuedwith a religious ring.

Esperar in this context refers to a horizon of expectation hardly reducible tocalculation. People do use some accounting or compare expected returnswhen deciding whether to settle for planting sugarcane on their plot ratherthan some other crop. It would, however, be overinterpretation to read this asan economic calculation. In fact, some crucial factors may not becalculated at all.

Coping with Uncertainty: Three Configurations

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While uncertainty is thus a structural feature, its specific distribution variesaccording to each setting. I shall describe three configurations ofuncertainty, associated with their own fields of opportunities and frames ofreference, that at different historical moments have structured the life ofthose living and working on the same territories, that used to be sugarcane plantations and are now settlement projects: life in the plantation world, themoment of crisis leading to expropriation, and life in the settlement.25 Whileradical uncertainty remains constant (despite progress in social assistanceover the years),26 the forms of relative uncertainty are in part defined bythese changes in configurations and in part by a geographical and socialcontinuity, because the same land, and in part the same people, are involved.For each configuration, I shall first outline structural changes in the field ofopportunities and then sketch out the ways they shape peoples experiences.

The World of the Sugarcane Plantation
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For a rural worker, the field of opportunities in the Zona da Mata was mostlydefined by the world of the large sugarcane plantation (engenho), which alsodefined the taken-for-granted frame of reference. The plantation was notonly an economic institution but a political, social, and cultural worldstructuring the whole life of its dwellers and characterized by a basicassumption of continuity (Garcia1989). After the abolition of slavery(1888), the most common way for the poor to stabilize the future was toenter into personal relationships of obligation with landlords, following a

pattern of preference for security clearly laid out by Scott ( 1976). Whilehighly personal, these relationships followed socially sanctioned patterns premised on the expectation of reciprocity. In the standard model until the1960s, a worker did not ask the landholder for a job or a position but fora casa de morada (house to dwell) with the mutual understanding thatdwelling (morar ) on theengenho entailed the obligation/opportunity to workfor wages on it and that themorador (the resident worker) was to haveaccess to a small tract of land to cultivate food crops such as manioc andcorn (Palmeira1977). In exchange for his loyalty, amorador could expect

protection, benefits in kind (e.g., access to wood, fish for Lent), and helpin case of crisis (a car to take somebody ill to the hospital, money to buy amedication, credit, etc.). When describing the time of the engenho, formerworkers are often ambivalent, insisting either on domination, calling itcaptivity, or on the protection granted by the bom patro (good boss); theeconomic aspect is rarely singled out. The ultimate ideal of a morador wasto be granted a sitio, a small tract of land including a house, together with agarden and the right to plant fruit trees, which, by contrast with annualcrops, entailed long-term occupation and relative autonomy. From the 1960son, however, it became gradually undesirable for landowners (in part as aresult of the implementation of new labor legislation) to maintain a largelabor force on plantations, and most stopped the practiceof giving houses,encouraging theirmoradores to move to the small towns.27 However, in oneof theengenhos I study, this configuration remained in place virtually untilits bankruptcy in 1996.

In this configuration, relative uncertainty (that could be acted on)concentrated on the relationship with the landlord, because the quality of the personal relationship was essential in mediating access to opportunities andresources: themorador had no legal guarantee of stability (he could be toldto leave at once) but could expect stability and protection in exchange for hisloyalty. In the hegemonic frame of reference, proper relations between agood boss and a good worker were expressed in the morally loaded
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language of reciprocity and friendship, and expectations were fairly welldefined, which of course did not prevent conflict and occasionally openviolence.

Unions provided an alternative frame of reference in terms of exploitationand class struggle (Sigaud1986). Labor legislation opened up newopportunities and legal protection, and union leaders encouraged workers tochallenge the landlords in court and claim their rights. However, personalrelationships between union leaders and rank and file usually followed asimilar pattern, described as reciprocity and friendship (Sigaud 2006).28 Significantly, Tat used this term to qualify his relationship with Zzinhowhile he considered suing him as a former boss.

Shaking Frames of Reference: Sugarcane Crisis and Land Occupations

The crisis of the sugarcane agro-industry in the mid-1990s led to dramaticchanges defining new constraints and opportunities. A portion of those facedwith unemployment, desperately looking for a way out of a situation ofcrisis, took part in land invasi ons led by the Coqueiros branch of the ruralworkers union .29 The occupation of a plantation triggers the official processof expropriation by the federal state. It opens a protracted and uncertain period over various months or years with the possibility of judicialinterruptions or violent eviction by pistoleiros, entailing long periods ofesperar for those involved in occupations, until the eventual creation ofsettlements (a stage in some cases never reached) and the definition of a listof beneficiaries.30 It was a moment both of maximal uncertainty, creatinganxiety, and of hopes, with different meanings for themoradores who livedon the land and for the ones who took part in land occupations. Formoradores, the frame of reference was shaken, because the veryassumption of continuity of theengenho, until then their taken-for-grantedworld, ultimately crumbled. Expectations about the future, hope of accessingnew opportunities, and fear of losing protection were formulated in variousframes of reference asmoradores and workers were entangled in conflicting

loyalties toward their good boss and union leaders (de LEstoile 2001).Many voiced their concern regarding protection when life was in danger.Who will send a car to take someone ill to the hospital? was a repeatedquery, as the local landlords had always taken this responsibility onthemselves. When asked about the future, most people formulated dreamsrather than projects. The very ability to formulate projects and strategiesis dependent on the field of opportunities.31
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At the same time, others expressed hope ( esperana), a positiveorientation to the future, which opened up a possibility of action and in somecases the formulation of individual and collective projects (de LEstoile andSigaud 2006). Hope to get a piece of land was for many a dri ving force in joining the movement and incurring the hardships and risks involved in participation in a land occupation, while others were looking for a temporaryway out of a situation of deprivation. New leaders emerged who tried tofoster beliefs in acollective future and enlist them onto the path of landreform.

On the Moon : Land Reform Settlement Projects

The third configuration of uncertainty is associated with a dramatictransformation in the field of opportunities brought about by the

implantation of settlement projects. Eventually, threeengenhos in Coqueiroswere expropriated by the federal state in late 1997, handed over to INCRA,and three settlement projects ( projetos de assentamento) were created. The beneficiaries (drawn both from the formermoradores and from those whohad taken part in land occupations) had to sign a contract of concession ofuse of a plot of land in exchange for agricultural development of the land

by the beneficiary and its family. This concession of use is suppos ed toevolve into provisory ownership and later become legally guaranteed by atitle. There is thus some expectation of ultimate ownership, but its timing (orindeed, actual happening) remains highly uncertain. At first, it was widely believed that this would occur within 10 years, but 15 years after the beginning of the process, this transitory stage has been dragging on.

The early period of the settlement project was one of high hopes and deepanxieties. In September 1999, as trucks discharged the bricks for the housesthat were to be constructed on fields where sugarcane had recently been cut, beneficiaries described with gleaming eyes the plans for their new housesand their future lives in them. The horizon of expectation in this new settingwas modeled both on past experience and on the utopian ideal of the freed

engenho, combining the security of the engenho and the autonomy of the sitio (Sigaud1977). Access to the status of beneficiary of the land reformsettlement was especially valued, because it was associated with freedom,that is, with greater autonomy. For those who had, voluntarily or not, left the

plantations, land reform offered an opportunity to go back to the land andrealize their dream of having (or having back) their own sitio. One

beneficiary significantly called his plot Good Hope ( Boa esperana);
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another put a signpost Farm of the Joy of Morena at the entrance to herland. While land reform is officially geared toward agricultural production,what many beneficiaries valued above all was the opportunity of becomingones own master ( dono) the possibility to act as a master in ones ownhouse and on ones own piece of land by contrast with their formersituation in theengenho or in the townships. Whiledono is often translatedas owner, stressing the legal and economic aspects, master is a betterequivalent, highlighting the (political) ability to make autonomous decisions(government of the house oroikonomia in the Aristotelian sense).Autonomy takes on a very significant meaning in a region marked by thesecular experience of slavery and followed by the experience of personaldependence. It is expressed by the possibility of controlling ones time andmobility, work at the time I want, as well as go wherever I want. Suchformulas make sense by contrast with the previous experience of beingordered to some particular task by the plantation foreman. Becoming onesown master was strongly associated with a recovering of dignity. Questionedin 1999 by a fellow beneficiary about freedom, Mario replied, we became per sons. 32

The creation of theassentamento defined a space where specific rules obtainin stark contrast with both the order of theengenho formerly ruling theterritory and its inhabitants now abolished and with the plantationssurrounding theassentamento. Beneficiaries soon met the bureaucraticworld of the Brazilian state, which up to then had been mostly mediated bythe trade unions. While INCRA is officially in charge of the settlement, theactual practice is much more akin to some kind of indirect rule, theassociations president playing a role of intermediary reminiscent of colonialchiefs.33 Beneficiaries had to face a new uncertainty regarding the verydefinition of the adequate frame of reference. As the former president of onesettlement association commented retrospectively, referring to whatfollowed the implosion of the plantation world, it was like being on themoon ; he added everyone goes forward blindly.

On the one hand, life in a land reform settlement reduces structuralunpredictability by giving some security and stability. Even if beneficiariesare not owners of their plot or their house and may (in principle) beexpelled if they fail to meet the criteria set by INCRA, most of them, aftersome time, enjoy a sense of relative security, especially because they feel athome in what they insist in calling their house. On the other hand, theiraccounts suggest that uncertainty has grown in other areas of life. Whereas
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those who were registered workers on the plantation could count on regularweekly pay, they were now urged to turn into small farmers able to mastera much longer time frame, over a year, and even a period of years, with theneed to balance good and bad years. Such a challenge has, however, proven beyond the grasp of many beneficiaries, who claim they lack themeans to survive during the period when one has to cultivate while n ot yetharvesting. A formermorador said he used to have credit in the shops, because he was sure to receive his weekly wages; when in need, hisemployer, a friend, would also lend him some money as an advance on hisfuture wages. This access to credit on an interpersonal basis stopped as he became a land reform beneficiary.

The capacity to manage time is related to a power differential and toconflicting frames of reference: while freedom is for beneficiaries

associated with being master of ones time, projects promoters anddevelopment technicians aim to teach them how to make plans butactually keep them waiting. Projects of controlled social transformationinvolve a rationalization and administration of time that break withfamiliar temporalities.34 However, the future failed to materialize as planned:the first great agricultural project for the three settlements, in 1999 2000,ended up in utter failure, leaving beneficiaries in debt and barred fromaccessing further credit. Most beneficiaries have since become dependent onoutside sources of income, such as wages or retirement or invalidity pensions.

Bureaucratic rule has turned into a major source of uncertainty for beneficiaries. A typical situation inassentamentos is esperar for a newproject (which, it is hoped/expected, might bring some kind of benefit orresource) to materialize. Thus, a beneficiary tells that the district agronomist

pledged himself to try to get a project of pisciculture. He told us thatearly next year he will see whether he gets this fish for us and this project.We are waiting/hoping [esperando]. The experience of waiting isreinforced by the bureaucratic workings of the agencies in charge of

monitoring the settlement projects. INCRA officers themselves denounce theslowness of the agency and urge beneficiaries to pursue. 35 Thus, in2006, INCRA started promising the arrival of a credit for renovating houses.However, actual payment has been repeatedly postponed for bureaucraticreasons.36
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When invited to assess their present situation in relation to the past, myinterlocutors balance losses and gains not in economic terms but rather interms of the potentially conflicting values of security and autonomy. In fact,the gain in autonomy entails a corresponding increase in uncertainty: whenmoradores were ordered to perform a task, they had no real choice but tocomply or to leave. Now, choices are much more open, but many beneficiaries express a sense of confusion as to what to do in the absence ofthe plantation framework. So, while life is stabilized in some vital areas,such as housing, it remains highly uncertain in many other ways.

Facing Uncertainty: Short-Term Money, Long-Term Friendship

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To understand friendship is better than money as a moral statementcondemning the intrusion of money in a world of interpersonal relationshipswould be off the mark. Rather, it is used to balance and value one against theother of two goods (in the moral, not the economic sense) belonging totwo different orders of value or transactional orders (Bloch and Parry1989). Money and friendship are valued differently because they areassociated with different temporalities and moralities: money is associatedwith a short-term orientation, whereas friendship involves a long-termrelationship.

Pernambuco sugarcane workers have long been familiar with capitalist andmonetary relationships, and there is no moral condemnation of money assuch. As being poor is precisely defined by the lack of it, money isconsidered desirable. People strive to earn more money because they need itto sustain the house, providing food, clothes, and whatever is necessaryfor the life of the family. Money, however, is seen as utterly unreliable. Inthe experience of the poor, money withers away fast. The generalexpectation is that if one happens to earn money, one spends it immediately.This seems confirmed by the experience of land reform beneficiaries: the program entailed in its early stages the payment of various allowances,which were to cover buying tools and seeds, amounting to a total of 2,500reais (R2,500), about seven times the then minimum monthly salary, forthem a considerable amount of money. As Dona Morena told me in 2002,My God, I never got hold of any money! I worked cutting cane, going outat dawn; when Saturday came, I went to the market, nothing was left [fromher wages]. Then when I got hold of such money the people up here
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[told me]: Spend! Buy this, buy that, buy, buy! I spent it all! I dont knowhow to work with money. She relates her inability to deal w ith money toher previous experience of receiving weekly wages and to her confusionwith the instructions by the settlement leadership and agriculturaltechnicians on how to spend the allowance. Money was spent in variousways not contemplated in the official blueprint: buying additional materialfor their house (as the official grant allowed only a small standard house);remedies in case of illness; or beds, furniture, domestic appliances,televisions, and used cars or motorbikes. In other words, they prioritized themaintenance of life and what they saw as the symbols and means of a goodlife. Money was made to serve life, not the economy.

Thus, money is good, as it is a basic condition for life, but it is essentiallyshort-term and fleeting. By contrast, friends are valued as a long-term

resource: friendship is a personal relation, supposedly enduring.37

Realfriendship is a long-term relationship that involves the willingness (if not theactual possibility) to help, along with mutualconsiderao (respect). Theformer boss, still living in the middle of one settlement and running a tourist

joint, commented to me, it changed, because the sugarcane ended, but partnership, good will, friendship, are still the same. Even today, if someonegets ill, needs a car [to be taken to the town hospital], it continues the sameas at the time of my father, I send my car or I go myself. In other words,he claimed to continue acting according to the frame of reference of theengenho, faithful to his fathers reputation as a good boss ( bom patro)mobilizing the vocabulary of friendship.

Friendship is used to refer to a wide range of personal relationships, bothhorizontal and vertical (Rebhun1999). One needs both friends who areones social equal to help in daily life on the basis of reciprocity and friendswho are socially more powerful to help one when undergoing difficulty. Infact, need or crisis is an acid test of friendship. Whereas money, once spent,leaves one basically as deprived as before, friends (and relatives) offer thenearest equivalent to a social insurance: they are supposed to help in case of

illness, to take care of the children if someone dies or goes away. Friends arealso important to enlarge ones field of opportunities .38 Asking friends forhelp is a morally valued and socially recognized way to act on uncertainty.Thus, an unemployed beneficiary told me he was waiting (esperando) forthe elected mayor to give him work, explaining that The new mayor is agreat friend of mine, he likes me very much, and he told me he would helpme, knowing I am in a state of need. The socially legitimate language of
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friendship allows many uses; it does not preclude the circulation of moneyand other resources but inserts them in a moral frame.

In a setting of generalized unpredictability, the one area where one canreduce uncertainty is by playing on interpersonal relations. Mobilizing personal links is a traditional resource for the poor .39 One cannot constrain a boss to give you work, but if he knows you, he may choose to hire yourather than an unknown worker. This familiar pattern is activated in the newconfiguration of uncertainty: from the beneficiarys point of view, bureaucracies (including INCRA, banks, NGOs, and the federalenvironmental agency) act in an arbitrary and inscrutable manner. Youcannot control INCRA, but you might befriend the technician by offeringhim a drink at your place. The World Bank is out of reach, but if one is afriend or relative of the local assistant of the technician in charge, one may

end up on the list of beneficiaries of a development project. So, in fact, building friendship appears to be the single best human resource in theface of uncertainty.

Radical uncertainty is beyond human powers, while relative uncertainty may be acted on. Thus, when Jos son cau ght a rare virus, leaving him gravelyimpaired, the only possible cure involved a complex operation that couldonly be performed in Recife; its cost in a private hospital was over R30,000(60 times a monthly minimum salary), clearly beyond her reach. DoctorBernardo, a family friend and candidate for mayor, who is a surgeon inRecife, directed her to a surgeon friend of his in another Recife publichospital. For about 2 years, she hoped/waited (and prayed) until theoperation was finally performed in 2012. Its better to have a friend aroundthan money in the bank, commented the surgeon, explaining that it was Dr.Bernardos insistence that led him to prioritize Jos son over a long list of

patients. Jo pointed out that Dr. Bernardo did not even ask me to vote forhim. Not asking for something in return was for her a mark ofconsiderao, of true friendship, as opposed to an interested move (she ofcourse voted for him). Jo, having converted to Pentecostalism during her

sons illness, also offered a t hanksgiving service.For most of my interlocutors, hope is ultimately related to God, who lends itmeaning. It is precisely because the future is unpredictable that one has totrust God. God is by no means an insurance: He does not always preventmisfortune, but He may help you to cope with it. God not only offers aconsolation for the evils of the present but also offers a stable point in an
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otherwise uncertain world, providing unique certainty. The repeatedstatement that God is greater, God is powerful, especially frequentamong Pentecostal believers, suggests that while Gods plans cannot beknown, He knows what is best and can control the future. God has the powerto release ones son from prison, to help one find food if one is hungry, toreconcile wife and husband, or to crush ones enemies .40 This is noteconomy, not even a religious economy, but an alternative definition ofreality.

Conclusion: From the Economy to Living and Good Living

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Money is good, but a friend is better could be construed as an economic

formulation (with the utility of a friend being superior to the one ofliquidity). However, I argued that such a statement instantiates a specificmode of coping with precariousness, articulating hierarchically twotransactional orders or spheres of value. Uttering formulas such as thisone involves a statement about the state of the world, where the future isuncertain, about the proper attitudes for those who face it, and a moral claimto be a good person.

The openness ofesperar thus reflects the indeterminacy of the future and theuncertain character of life. While these are general features of the humancondition, they deeply affect life situations in Pernambuco settlement projects. In this world, marked by radical uncertainty, the future appearsirreducible to calculation. It is a field of open expectation that involves bothespera (waiting) and esperana (hope). While reducing structuraluncertainty is impossible, the poor, in Brazil as elsewhere, have beendevising alternative ways of coping with structural precariousness and withunexpected (but probable) accidents. These strategies involve bothinvestment in social relationships (making friends) and trust in God, whoultimately guarantees that hope is not in vain. Esperar also makes apparentthat expectations, framed by previous experience, are attuned to a givenconfiguration of uncertainty they hold for a given world, being defined byspecific fields of opportunities and frameworks of reference. When thatsetting changes, expectations become unadjusted, producing a sense ofcognitive and moral disorientation (Schutz 1944).


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This invites us to challenge more fundamentally the very framework of theeconomy. Those for whom the economy is a basic ontological tenet tend toregard those who do not see the world in such terms as naive, ignorant, oralienated because they fail to grasp the basic structure of reality. This isespecially the case when referring to the poor, as if, in a situation ofdeprivation, they should privilege their most basic needs, that is, theeconomic ones. Thus many discussions, both political and scholarly, ofland reform settlements tend to be framed by issues of economic success(or failure), whereas for its beneficiaries concerns of autonomy and protection are much more pressing.

When our interlocutors speak of work, salary, selling, money,going to the market, and sustaining the house, our own frameworkmisleadsus into understanding these as primarily economic. However,when referring to such realities, they are not articulating a peasant view ofthe economy or a moral economy ; they are talking about how to live andlive well, how to articulate the striving for autonomy and the need for protection. The decision to plant or not to plant a particular crop depends notonly on the quantity of labor one is able to mobilize and on the estimate offuture prices but also on taking into account the possibility of being robbedof its products or even killed. The concern for security is not economic butregards the conditions and means necessary to live and live well, to useAristotelian categories.41 This Pernambucan version ofoikonomia, in thesense of government of the household encompassing concerns forsustaining the house by providing material and social resources andsecurity involves autonomy, morals, religion, reproduction, politics, anda capacity for maneuvering in a complex and fluid world.

Phenomena usually accounted for as economic such as the crisis of thesugarcane agro-industry in the mid-1990s, the decline of foreign tourismfollowing the rise of the exchange rate of the real, and the policy of socialredistribution of the Brazilian federal state have indeed been instrumentalin redefining the sets of opportunities and constraints faced by my

interlocutors. Moreover, many of these structuring factors such assubsidizing or not subsidizing the sugarcane agro-industry, investing federalmoney in buying land for settlements, or developing agricultural exports have been brought about by people thinking and acting within theeconomic framework (Neiburg 2010).


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Scholars share this difficulty in imagining a world outside the framework ofthe economy. Even if along with Polanyi they are critical of thereductionism of free-market economics, economic anthropologists typicallytake for granted in a loosely Marxian way that the economy provides theinfrastructure or material basis of other (social, cultural, political,religious) phenomena. As inhabitants of the modern Western world, we havefully incorporated the division of life into distinct institutional spheres: theeconomic, the political, the social, and the religious. By establishingthe economic as a specific level or sphere distinct from the social andthe political, we desocialize and depoliticize it; compartmentalizing theeconomic and the religious prevents us from seeing the ontological andcosmological dimensions of the economy. We have incorporated theeconomy as a frame of reference, indeed, as an ontological principle, to t he point that we literally project it everywhere, and when we look at unfamiliarsettings, we see other economies. Even when endeavoring to pluralize thenotion of economy, it is still the latter that provides the explicit or implicitstandard in relation to which we define our critical approaches.

Naturalizing the use of economic categories as a privileged tool tounderstand the world has been binding anthropological imagination in astraightjacket, blinding us to alternative understandings. In order to rethinkthe economy, we should, at least as a temporary experiment, suspend ouruse of the language of economics and ofthe economy. What happens if welook at such configurations not as other economies but as somethingother than economy ? Instead of trying to qualify standard economicaccounts by looking at what is lacking in them, we may want to explorethe world of the economy from the viewpoint of other forms of life,other ways of constructing worlds. Fields of opportunities and frames ofreference are tools that might be used in the task of analyzing peoplesexpectations and experiences, in order to go beyond our own taken-for-granted division of life into distinct spheres.

If we set out to describe ethnographically the world without assuming the

existence of the economy but look instead at the ways people conceive ofand act to live and lead a good life, new understandings may emerge. Howdo people differently cope with structural uncertainty and deal with the possible contradictions between longing for autonomy and needing security?In what situations do they privilege friends over money or money overfriends? Church over family? Going to school over going to the field? Whatare the requirements to validate ones claim to be a good person ? In rural


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in Rio de Janeiro. I dedicate this article to the memory of Lygia Sigaud,thanks to whom I first met the rural workers of the Zona da Mata.

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Notes

1. In 1997 in the place I call here Coqueiros, I started to study threesugarcane plantations that soon thereafter turned into settlement projects as part of the Brazilian land reform program. I have continuedfieldwork since then, gaining increasing intimacy with the familiesinvolved, in 1999, 2003, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2011, and 2013. The threesettlements officially accommodate 94, 38, and 59 families holding plots of between 4 and 9 ha.
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2. This is basically the actuarial principle of the insurance systemsince the seventeenth century: while nobody can predict a shipwreckor a sudden death, it is possible to estimate its probability, and basedon this, to calculate a premium that offers the security of (monetary)compensation for the incurred loss (Hacking1975). On the notions ofuncertainty in economics and finance, see also Brian ( 2009).

3. These various dual concepts may be taken as variants of MaxWebers ideal -typical distinction between natural economy andmoney economy (Weber 1968 [1922]:100).

4. Such a conception informs the very project of economicanthropology, as is apparent, e.g., in the recent synthesis by Hann andHart 2011.

5. Aristotle, Politique (bilingual French/Greek version:http://remacle.org/bloodwolf/philosophes/Aristote/politique2a.htm [accessed June 6, 2012]). 6. Bateson (1935) warned us long ago against such misplacedconcreteness. See also Bohannan (1967).

7. Following Knights ( 1921) famous distinction between risk ascalculable uncertainty and uncertainty (as uncalculable),economists argued over uncertainty and expectations. Seeespecially Keynes(1974 [1937]), von Hayek(1937), and von Mises(1949).

8. I am aware that these notions are far from being equivalent andrelate to different theoretical frameworks, but as this is not central tomy present purpose, I use here a loose definition of frame ofreference.

9. I entered this field thanks to my late friend Lygia Sigaud, withwhom I organized in Coqueiros in 1997 a transnational fieldworktraining experiment involving faculty and graduate students from thecole normale suprieure and cole des Hautes Etudes en SciencesSociales, Paris, and the Programa de pos-graduao em AntropologiaSocial (PPGAS)/Museu Nacional, Federal University of Rio deJaneiro (de LEstoile and Sigaud 2006). My own work has been made possible by the previous work of a group of Brazilian anthropologistswho set out to study the Zona da Mata region in the late 1960s, producing a remarkable body of scholarship (for an overview, seeSigaud 2008). A key insight of these studies was that the developmentof local markets ( feiras) in the Northeast had affected both peasanteconomies and forms of domination (Garcia 1993; Palmeira 1971).Grounded in economic anthropology and Marxist studies of peasant
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