Morphological and phonological patterns in Mapudungun stress
assignmentMAPUDUNGUN STRESS ASSIGNMENT
P-WORKSHOP
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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Outline
Mapudungun (a.k.a. Araucanian) has been presented in the literature
as a classic example of a rhythmic stress system It is not I will
review previous accounts of Mapudungun stress, and propose a new
one Morphology plays an important role — phonology, not so much
Mapudungun is not alone in assigning little phonological value to
stress assignment
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Preliminaries
What exactly is stress?
Stress is primarily a perceptual or mental instantiation of
prominence, rather than a uniform physical trait of syllables It
creates syntagmatic contrasts within a domain (Martinet 1954) It is
instantiated on a syllable and does not spread There is no single
tell-tale sign of its location:
“The definition of stress is one of the perennially debated and
unsolved problems of phonetics” (Hayes 1995: 5) Acoustic and
phonological correlates to the percept of stress must be
established, a posteriori, on the basis of speaker intuitions
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Preliminaries
What is stress for?
Distinction (i.e. lexical contrast) A feature of so-called ‘free
stress’ languages, creates minimal pairs based on the position of
stress. A marginal pattern for most languages, often attributable
to morphology. Rhythm In so-called ‘fixed stress’ languages ‘stress
is the linguistic manifestation of rhythmic structure’ (Hayes
1995:1, see also Liberman 1975, Liberman & Prince 1977, etc.)
Culminativity Usually associated to the word-level: one main stress
per word. Hence, stress defines the prosodic word domain.
Demarcation The signalling of domain edges — usually the word — via
stress.
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Preliminaries
How is stress studied?
Phonetic realisation: The acoustic and perceptual cues of stress
have been studied extensively for some languages, focusing on
duration, intensity and pitch (Fry 1955; Lehiste 1970; Beckman
1986; Gordon & Nafi 2012). Functional role: Work in the Prague
School tradition (Trubetzkoy 1939; Martinet 1964; Garde 1967)
considers stress to actively mark word and/or morphological
boundaries placing emphasis on stress’ ‘demarcative’ function.
Structural properties: The core idea is that stress conveys rhythm
through regularly spaced prominences first at the word level, but
also at the phrase and utterance level (Liberman & Prince 1977;
Hayes 1980, 1985, 1995; Kager 1989, 1997, 2007: etc.).
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Preliminaries
The Generative approach
‘[S]tress is the linguistic manifestation of rhythmic structure. .
. the special phonological properties of stress can be explicated
on this basis’ (1) Rhythmic structure can be accounted for with
parameters: foot type, quantity sensitivity, direction of parsing,
end rules, etc. There is a universal set of restrictions on the
placement of stress Interaction with morphology is
non-essential
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Preliminaries
How important is stress?
English/Germanic languages: pretty key ‘it has become clear that
English enjoys a remarkable prosodic organization that plays a role
in virtually every aspect of its phonological system’ (Hammond
2006: 411) Hyman ‘it would be folly to attempt to analyse English
without stress’ (2014: 58)
Speakers of some languages have been considered “stress-deaf” Other
languages seem to find little role for stress outside the
stress-assignment system itself: Hungarian, Turkish While others
still are claimed to have no stress/accent at all: Nuxalk (a.k.a.
Bella Coola, Salishan)
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Preliminaries
Stress and phonology a la Hyman (2014)
Different languages might have different levels of phonological
activation for a given feature (Clements 2001) This should also be
the case for stress (Hyman 2014) English seems to have a highly
activated stress system, which participates at all levels of the
phonology In some languages stress might not be activated at all
Most languages lie somewhere in between
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Preliminaries
Stress and the Morphology
As in the case of the phonology, can we say that languages may have
different degrees of morphological activation for stress? What
types of features of the stress system would a ‘canonical’
morphologically active stress system have? Mapudungun is a good
case study for the tension between phonological activation and
morphological role of stress.
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The tradition: ‘Araucanian’ stress
Chile: c.144,000 speakers (Zuniga 2007) Argentina: c. 8,400 (INEC,
2005)
It is considered endangered, due to poor transmission
Monolingualism is vanishingly rare Most speakers are elderly and
live in traditional, rural communities It is presumed to be an
isolate Polysynthetic, agglutinating and head-marking
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The tradition: ‘Araucanian’ stress
Echeverra & Contreras (1965)
The main source for most typological accounts of Mapudungun stress
A three-page article on the entire segmental and suprasegmental
system of Mapudungun No reference to the sources of the data: no of
speakers, provenance, linguistic competence, etc. No mention of
methods
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The tradition: ‘Araucanian’ stress
Echeverra & Contreras (1965)
“General rule: A phonological word has main stress on the second
syllable and, if applicable, secondary stress on the fourth and
sixth syllables” (134).
a. [wu."le] b. [úùi."pan.to] c. [e."lu.-mu.-j-u] tomorrow year
give-INV.2-IND.1-D
‘tomorrow’ ‘year’ ‘you give us (both)’
d. [e."lu.-a-.e-.n-ew] f. [ki."mu.-fa.lu.-wu-.la-j]
give-FUT-INV-1-3 know-SIM-RFX-NEG-IND.3 ‘s/he will give me x’ ‘s/he
(her/himself) pretended not to know’
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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The tradition: ‘Araucanian’ stress
Stress typologists and theorists 1977-2015
Under the name Araucanian, and the analysis of E&C, Mapudungun
is discussed within the following publications on stress:
Hyman (1977); Kager (1993, 2005); Hung (1993); Kenstowicz (1994);
Hayes (1995); Revithiadou (1999); Gordon (2002, 2011); Hyde (2002);
McGarrity (2003); Tesar (2004); Hermans (2011); Goedemans et al.
(2014); Martnez-Paricio & Kager (2015) ...to name but a
few
The analysis tends to be that of a ‘perfect grid’, sometimes
interpreted as a quantity insensitive iambic pattern. For example,
(Hyde 2002) gives the following representations:
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The tradition: ‘Araucanian’ stress
de Lacy (2014)
Discusses the empirical conditions on stress data for generative
analyses. Finds E&C lacking on several counts:
Not enough fine-grained data No account of word categories Possible
lexical/morphological biases Not enough examples!
Not enough background Methods: tasks, diagnostics, word-contexts
Speakers: number, competence, origin, background, age, sex
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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The tradition: ‘Araucanian’ stress
The other literature on Mapudungun stress
Mapudungun-specific literature tends to present stress as final if
the syllable is closed, otherwise, as penultimate (cf. Lenz
1895-1897; Augusta 1903; Suarez 1959; Echeverra 1964; Salas 1976,
1992; Zuniga 2006; Smeets 2008; Sadowsky et al. 2013)
Right-edge stress (from Salas (1976, 1992)):
a. [wa.Ni."len] ‘star’ b. [we.jul.-k1."le-j] ‘swim-PROG-IND.3’ c.
[ma."wi.Ta] ‘woodland’ d. [le.li.-"fi.-m-i]
‘watch-INV.3SP.IND-2-S’
None of these studies is specifically focused on stress No phonetic
data or formal analysis available This does look like a
right-aligned moraic trochee... Most accounts also place an
additional stress on the first or second syllable of longer
words
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The tradition: ‘Araucanian’ stress
Language-specific and typological approach differ in all parameters
(e.g. Salas (1992) vs. Martnez-Paricio & Kager (2015))!
FOOT WEIGHT DIRECTION ITERATION
We might need a fresh look...
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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A new account of Mapudungun stress
New Data
Gathered near Cholchol, in Chile’s Araucana Region Seven native
speakers interviewed – all late Spanish bilinguals Words recorded
in context and isolation Native intuitions elicited
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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A new account of Mapudungun stress
Acoustics and perception of stress
Acoustic analysis of stress cues (in monomorphemes): duration,
intensity and pitch maxima were analysed only F0 significantly
related to stress (Molineaux 2014)
"To.mo
ma."w1n Additional study on native and non-native stress perception
(Molineaux 2016)
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Stress patterns: morphologically simplex words
Based on native intuition (matches pitch peaks)
Mono-, di- and trisyllabic nouns:
a. ["f1n”] ‘seed’ b. ["ko] ‘water’ c. [n”a."m1n”] ‘foot’ d.
[l”af."ken”] ‘sea’ e. [wa.Ni."len] ‘star’ f. [ma."wi.Ta] ‘woodland’
g. [a.tSuL."peñ] ‘floating ash’ h. [puñ."pu.ja] ‘armpit’
Final closed syllables are stressed, elsewhere, the penult No
evidence for secondary stress A single, right-aligned moraic
trochee? ([µµ]); ([µµ] µ); ([µ] µ) However: Vowel-final disyllables
alternate stress position (i, j)
Vowel-final disyllables:
i. ["ma.pu] ∼ [ma."pu] ‘land’ j. ["piw.ke] ∼ [piw."ke]
‘heart’
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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A new account of Mapudungun stress
Stress patterns: multi-suffix verbs
Complex words may have two stresses Stress falls on:
word-final (ω) moraic trochee ([µµ]); ([µµ] µ); ([µ] µ) stem-final
(s) syllable (here, root-final)
No clash: a. [[úùe."ka.]s-ja."w-a-j]ω b.
[[1."úù1f.]s-tu.-pu.-ke."la-j.-m-i]ω
walk-AMB-FUT-IND.3 throw-REST-TRLOC-HAB-NEG-IND-2-S
‘s/he will walk around’ ‘You don’t usually throw x back here’ c.
[["lef.]s-pu."le-j]ω d. [[úùi."pa.]s-ke."la-j.-m-i]ω
run-TRSLOC-PROG-IND.3 exit-HABIT-NEG-IND-1S
‘s/he is running here’ ‘I don’t usually go out’
(a)(b)(c)(d) No clear word-level stress hierarchy (no
culminativity)
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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Stress patterns: multi-suffix verbs
a. [[a.mu]s-"la-j.-m-i]ω b. [[le.li.]s-"fi.-m-i]ω go-NEG-IND-2-S
look-DIR.3SP-IND-2-S
‘You didn’t go’ ‘you looked at him/her/it’ c.
[[e.lu-ñ."ma.]s-fi-j.-m-i]ω d. [l”a."N-1m]s-fi-j]ω
give-APPL-3.OBJ-IND-2-S die-CAUSE-3SP-IND.3 ‘You give him/her/it x
for y’ ‘s/he killed him/her/it’
In most cases, root stress is demoted, and only the ω-final trochee
is stressed (a, b) ‘Extended’ roots (i.e stems, as in c, d), take
stress, while the ω-final stress is lost
Extended roots have a valency-changing suffix such as: -Ne ‘PASS’;
-ñma ‘APPl’; -(l)el ‘APPL’; -(1)m ‘CAUSE’; (1)l ‘CAUSE’
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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A new account of Mapudungun stress
Stress patterns: Nominal compounds
Stress is on the final syllable of the first root, and on the final
moraic trochee of the second
No Clash:
a. [tSa."fo]D-[ku."úùan]H b. [tSa."NuL]H-[n”a."mun”]D
‘cough-disease’(a cold) ‘finger-foot’(toe)
In clash, the head of the compound retains stress Head (H) and
dependant (D) roots bracketed
Clash:
a. [ku.Ti]D-["fo.ro]H b. [fo."ro]H-[tSaL.wa]D ‘morter-bone’(spine)
‘bone-fish’(fishbone)
c. [we.nu]D-["ma.pu]H d. [i."lo]H-[úùe.wa]D ‘high-land’(heaven)
‘meat-dog’ (dog-meat)
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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A new account of Mapudungun stress
Accounting for previous accounts
Echeverra & Contreras (1965) and the typologists: Focus on the
first morpheme, usually a disyllable Initial stress (stem-stress)
seems quantity insensitive NO-CLASH means at least one syllable
intervenes between stem- and word-stress
Language-specific literature Focuses on the right-edge, trochaic
Allows for a ‘two-syllable stress window’ on left edge of verb
Salas (2006); Zuniga (2006)
Both analyses overlook the morphology
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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A new account of Mapudungun stress
Phonology of Mapudungun stress
Stress refers to prosodic units: morae (weight), feet, PRWDS
NOCLASH plays a role at the morpheme boundary Possibly a rhythmic
constraint
But, Native speakers have no intuitions as to stress
hierarchy
culminativity is not definitional (at the PRWD-level)
Stress is signalled by pitch alone, not lengthening No evidence for
vocalic reduction/neutralisation in unstressed position (Sadowsky
et al. 2013) No stress-based phonotactic asymmetries (Salas 2006;
Zuniga 2006) No attested stress-based processes in Mapudungun’s
synchronic or diachronic phonology (Molineaux 2014)
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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A new account of Mapudungun stress
Stress and the morphology
Barring clash, stress is a reliable cue for the stem edge In clash,
it signals compound heads, and valency changes It signals the
word’s right edge as coextensive with a foot
Stress-based demarcation helps disambiguate Mapudungun stems among
abundant, highly agglutinating morphology
[[ke."Lu.]s-pu.-tu.-ke.-"fu-n]
help-TRLOC-REST-HABIT-BI-IND.1S
‘I used to go back there to help’
Rhythm (clash avoidance) is subordinate to the morphology
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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A new account of Mapudungun stress
Stress and the morphology II
Paucity of stress-based phonological asymmetries is advantageous to
parsing of agglutinative morphology:
a. [Tu."Nu.-ke.-"la.-j.-m-i] ‘speak-HABIT-NEG-IND-2-S’ b.
[Tu."Nu.-ke.-"le.-j.-m-i] ‘speak-HABIT-PROG-IND-2-S’ c.
[Tu."Nu.-ke.-la.-"j-i-ñ] ‘speak-HABIT-NEG-IND-1-P’ d.
[Tu."Nu.-ke.-le.-"j-i-ñ] ‘speak-HABIT-PROG-IND-1-P’
Productive agglutinating morphology means the target morpheme for
stress changes dynamically Computing enhancement and reductions
online could create processing difficulties
*[Tu."
[email protected]"j-i-ñ] ‘speak-HABIT-???-IND-1-P’
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Rhythm vs. demarcation in stress systems
Mapudungun and stress typology
Mapudungun phonology seems to ‘care’ very little about stress
According to (Hyman 2014: 59):
‘Languages which exploit metrical structure for multiple
purposes... will exhibit the kind of “metrical coherence” found in
Germanic (Dresher & Lahiri 1991) . . . Languages such as
Hungarian or Turkish . . . seem different because their metrical
structure has little or no relevance outside the stress system
itself. The contrast with English, whose phonology cares so much
about stress, is quite striking.’
The morphology of Mapudungun does appear to ‘care’ about stress
What about languages like Hungarian and Turkish?
Benjamin Molineaux (04 November 2016) Stress in Mapudungun
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Rhythm vs. demarcation in stress systems
Does Hungarian phonology care about stress?
Hungarian main stress is word-initial (Varga 1994)
a. "iskola ‘school’ b. "forrosodik ‘grows hot’ c. "szenanatha ‘hay
fever’
Secondary stress is... a quantity sensitive feature: Szinnyei
(1912) a LR syllabic trochee: Kerek (1971); Varga (2002) in
alternation with tertiary stress: Hammond (1987)
Blaho & Szeredi (2011) and Vogel et al. (in press) find no
phonetic evidence for (impressionistic) secondary stress F0 cues
primary stress, but is weak outside focus position Phonological
correlates to stress are conspicuously absent (Kalman & Nadasdy
1994; Blaho & Szeredi 2011)
“this putative rhythmic intensity alternation is phonologically
irrelevant as it does not interact in any way with the rest of the
phonology”(Siptar & Tokenczy 2000: 22)
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Rhythm vs. demarcation in stress systems
Does Hungarian morphology care about stress?
Hungarian is predominantly suffixing (Kenesei et al. 1998): so main
stress does not interact with morphology Exception: some compounds
with stress on the first syllable of second element (Varga
2012)
utott-kopott ‘beaten-worn (battered)’ tizen-egy ‘one-on-ten
(eleven)’
Functionally, Hungarian stress demarcates the word level very
clearly, and occasionally, the structure of compounds as well
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Rhythm vs. demarcation in stress systems
Does Turkish phonology care about stress?
Default stress is claimed to be on a word-final syllable
Turkish stress (from Goksel & Kerslake, 2005: 29)
a. ki"tap “book” b. kitap-"lar “books” c. kitaplar-"m “my books” d.
kitaplarm-"da “in my books” e. kitaplarmda-"k “the one in my books”
f. kitaplarmdaki-"ler “the ones in my books” g. kitaplarmdakiler-"e
“to the ones in my books”
Stress cueing is extremely subtle (F0) (Levi 2005) May be
epiphenomenal (boundary tone?) (Vogel et al. in press)
Predictability of the pattern may result in a degree of deafness to
it (Domahs et al. 2013)
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Rhythm vs. demarcation in stress systems
Does Turkish morphology care about stress?
The default prominence seems to have a word-demarcative function
(Kabak & Vogel 2001) Non-final stress is lexically specified,
relating to borrowed nouns, pre-stressed or stressed suffixes Cues
for these lexical stresses are more robust (Levi 2005; Vogel et al.
in press) There is no evidence for secondary stress overall Neither
final nor non-final stress show any broader phonological
effects
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Some conclusions
Conclusions: General
In Mapudungun, Hungarian and Turkish, stress has little structural
value (rhythm, phonology) The three languages, however, show a
clear functional role for stress (demarcation, morphology) They all
signal default stress via F0 only, with little phonological
involvement Evidence for rhythmic, secondary stress is scanty if
not altogether absent The three languages are also highly
agglutinating
Morphemes don’t have a pre-established prosodic structure/position
Stress-based asymmetries would make morphological parsing
sub-optimal
More typological work needed to assess the relation between
function/acoustics of stress and morphological
agglutination/fusion
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Some conclusions
Conclusions: Mapudungun
The default stress pattern for Mapudungun seems to be a word-level
right-aligned trochee A second main stress marks the right edge of
the first morpheme Previous accounts fail to consider the role of
morphology in stress-assignment Evidence for rhythmic, secondary
stress is lacking altogether Lack of major stress-based
phonological asymmetries conspires to maintain agglutinating
morphology transparent Demarcation is a valuable feature of stress
which in this case trumps rhythm and culminativity. If there are
languages where stress is morphologically activated to a higher
degree: Mapudungun would probably be a good example: marks lexical
and sub-lexical boundaries, headedness, complexity of the stem,
etc.
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To do
Further work
A closer look at phrasal prosodic phenomena in Mapudungun The
effects of contact on the stress system A diachronic view of the
stress system: How does it arise? Dialectal variation in the
assignment/realisation of stress Other potential metrical
phenomena: epenthesis
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de Lacy, Paul (2014) Evidence for stress systems. In Word Stress:
Theoretical and Typological Issues, Harry van der Hulst, ed.,
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Domahs, Ulrike, Safiye Genc, Johannes Knaus, Richard Wiese, &
Bars Kabak (2013) Processing (un-)predictable word stress: ERP
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Cambridge University Press, 195–227.
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Thank You!
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Stress or accent?
Is it even stress? Could it just be a pitch-accent system? F0 is
the key cue for Mapudungun stress Here we follow Hyman (2009) in
characterizing Mapudungun within a property-driven prosodic
typology. Mapudungun prominence is obligatory (i.e., every lexical
word must have at least one stressed syllable) It is clearly
assigned at the level of the output lexical word, and not at the
input morpheme level. These two key traits place Mapudungun firmly
within the spectrum of stressed languages.
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Disyllables, again
But what about those pesky vowel-final disyllables? It’s really
only the nouns that alternate
N: ["ru.ka] ∼ [ru."ka] ‘house’ Other word categories stress a final
open syllable
Adj: [f1."úùa] ‘old/large’; [pi."tSi] ‘young/small’ Adv: [we."lu]
‘tomorrow’, [pe."tu] ‘still/yet’
Adjs. and Advs. appear mostly as first elements in a phrase, since
Mapudungun tends to pre-specify:
cf. [f1."úùa ma."wi.Ta]φ ‘old wodland’ cf. [pe."tu k1."pa-j]φ ‘s/he
is still coming’
In isolation they behave like nouns: [f1."úùa]∼["f1.úùa] Nouns
don’t alternate within larger PRWDS (compounds) Adj.+N and Adv.+V
look a lot like N+N compounds Phrasal and word levels are somewhat
blurred here
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Stress patterns: multi-suffix verbs
Conflation:
a. [["pe]s-j]ω b. [[je-ñ."ma]s-j]ω see-IND.3 carry-APPL-IND.3 ‘s/he
sees’ ‘s/he watches x’
Patterns of stem- and word-level stress interaction (n=282)
Structure Pattern n Percentage a. [[(σ) σ]S σ1 σ(σ)]ω No
interaction 114 (40.4%) b. [[(σ) σ]S(σ)]ω Conflation 68 (24.1%) c.
[[(σ) σ]S σ(σ)]ω STEM de-stress 52 (18.4%) d. [[(σ) σ]S σ(σ) ]ω
WORD de-stress 38 (13.5%) e. [[(σ) σ]S σ(σ)]ω Clash tolerated 10
(3.5%)
Stem-level stress faithful: 81.6% Word-level stress faithful:
86.5%
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Preliminaries
Some conclusions
To do