'Mother of Liberation': Regional Diversities in Himalayan Metal Depictions of ‘Tara’.

5/16/2018 'Mother of Liberation': Regional Diversities in Himalayan Metal Depictions ...

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Mother of Liberation: Regional Diversities in Himalayan MetalDepictions of ‘Tara’.

Freddie Matthews



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“Glorious Arya Tara, who embodies the insight, kindness

And strength of all buddhas, and uplifts those in need;

The female budda of enlightenment energy miraculously born

From the force of the Buddha of Compassion:

Homage.”

Hymn to Arya Tara, The First Dalai Lama.



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This essay sets out to trace, discuss and examine the development of Buddhist metal

sculpture across North India, Nepal, and Tibet through a condensed iconographical study of

representations of Tara; noting the various regional stylistic features found throughout.

Whilst it is generally acknowledged that there is a fourth major region relevant to the study

of Himalayan Buddhist metal sculpture, namely the Chinese influenced, ‘Sino-Tibetan’ style;

this essay limits its examination exclusively to Indian, Nepalese and early Tibetan styles.

Any reference to ‘Newar’ art refers singularly to Nepalese art of the Kathmandu Valley; the

Newar people being historically the predominant craftsmen of the region.

‘Tara’, also known as ‘the-One-Who-Liberates’ 1, ‘the Mother-of-all-Buddhas’, The Mother of

Liberation’ and, ‘the Wisdom Dākinī,’ is generally regarded as, “the most important and

popular female deity”, 2 “of the entire Indo-Tibetan pantheon.”3 Within both the Mahayana

and Vajrayana (or ‘Tantrayana’ ) forms of Buddhismi, Tara is believed to be a heavenly savior

who compassionately ferries devotees across the troubled waters of intrinsic existence, or

‘saṃsāra’; the Sanskrit root ‘t ār’ literally translating to ‘traverse’, ‘cross over’ or ‘ferry across.’ii

To this day, Tara’s artistic representation throughout the religious landscape of the Himalayas

is impossible to ignore, where she is venerated by lay and ordained Buddhist devotees alike,

as a maternal figure who tirelessly assists every type of being, “including animals, humans and

beings of other realms.”4 iii

Tara’s significance as a central Vajrayana deity was solidified with the rise of Tantric

Buddhism in the 8th century, in particular during the Pala Empire of North India (750-1174

C.E.), throughout which devotion to her became so intensely profound that she eventually

1 Sherab, Kenchen Palden Rinpoche and Dongyal, Khenpo Tsewang Rinpoche. 2007. Tara’s Enlightened Activity: An Oral Commentary on The Twenty-one Praises to Tara. Snow LionPublications, Ithaca, New York, p. 18.2 Leoshko, Janice J. 1987. The Iconography of Buddhist Sculptures of the Pala and Sena periods from Bodhgaya. (Volumes I and II). UMI Press, MI, p. 281.3 Shah, Miranda. 2006. Buddhist Goddesses in India. Princeton University Press, New Jersey,p. 307.4 Sherab, op cit., p. 23.



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became the official emblem of the Pala Dynasty banner.5iv Prior to this apogee of fame

however, the earliest (extant) textual reference of Tara can be found within the Mañjuśrī-

mūla-kalpa (ca. 5-8th centuries CE),6 and the earliest (clearly identifiable) artistic

representation of Tara can be seen within 7 th century carved reliefs of cave 6 at Ellora. (See

FIG. 1). Indeed, after this depiction, nascent metal representations of Tara began appearing

all across North India, largely within the trade-linked regions of Uttar Pradesh, Pakistan,

Afghanistan, Kashmir and the Swat Valley. (See FIG. 2, 3 & 4).

FIG. 1: 7 th Century Rock-Cut Carving of Tara

Cave 6 of the Ellora Caves, Maharashtra.

5Leoshko, op cit., p. 284.6 Martin Willson. 1992. In Praise of T ārā: Songs to the Saviouress. Wisdom Publications,MA. pp. 40.



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FIG. 2: Tara

7th century, Pakistan (Swat Valley region),Brass inlaid with silver and copper, H. 4 5/8 in. (11.8 cm)Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

Accession Number: 1987.142.62

FIG. 3: Tara

ca. 7th century North India (possibly Uttar Pradesh)Copper alloy H. 12 in. (30.5 cm)Classification:SculptureMetropolitan Museum of Art, New York

Accession Number: 1987.218.

FIG. 4: Tara seated on lion throne

Afghanistan, 2nd half of the 7th century - 1st half of the 8thcentury AD,Bronze, inlaid with silver,5 x 3.4 x 2.3 cm max

Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Accession no: EA1997.200



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Identifying a particular depiction of Tara can be a particularly daunting task, not simply

because there is a historical abundance of cosmetically similar female Tantric deities to

choose from, (including Cunda, Vasudhārā, Marici, and Prajñāpāramitā 7), but also because

Tara’s representation became greatly complicated with the evolution of Vajrayana Buddhism

inside Tibet, where she was assigned twenty-one major forms, each tied to a specific colour

and energy and embodying each of the Buddha’s twenty-one techniques for attaining

enlightenment. Nonetheless, these diverse manifestations are largely isolated to Tibetan

contexts and in both India and Nepal her iconographic representation has always generally

remained limited to two main emanations; a ‘green’ and a ‘white’ form, known respectively as

‘Arya-Tara’ and ‘Sita-Tara’ (or sometimes ‘Cintacakra-Tara’ and ‘Saptalocana-Tara’), each

mythically born from the two tears of the bodhisattva Avalokiteś vara, who momentarily wept

over his seemingly impossible task of freeing all sentient beings from suffering. Despite her

multiple emanations however, Tara is still popularly regarded as a single being manifesting

herself through a variety of different forms, as is most appropriate for tackling the specific

situation for which she has being invoked.

Asides from her mythical roots, v the primary purpose of metal statues depicting Tara (as with

similar artwork conceived through the Vajrayana form of Buddhism) has always been to

function as an “aid to the practitioner in his or her quest for enlightenment.”8 Indeed, beyond

ornamental or aesthetic concerns, the primary objective of the artist was to create a figural

conception of a fully enlightened being, not merely as an object of aesthetic delectation but

rather as a “religious symbol;”9 often even harnessed during meditation and tantric

7 Gordon, Antoinette K. 1939. The Iconography of Tibetan Lamaism. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 73-75.

8 Reedy, Chandra L. 1997. Himalayan Bronzes: Technology, Style, and Choices. AssociatedUniversity Press, London, p. 27.9 Pal, Pratapaditya. 1990. The Arts of Tibet. Los Angeles County Museum of Art, California, p. 3.



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visualizations. vi At a practical level therefore, meditation upon a statue of Tara would, “confer

all the wisdoms and aspects of realization of ultimate reality.”10vii

From a purely technical point of view, the sculptures discussed in this essay were almost all

certainly crafted using the ‘cire perdue’ or lost wax method, the antiquity of which has been

pushed back by several scholars to the days of the great Harappan culture. 11viii Furthermore,

many of them have been inlaid with metals such as copper and silver, mercury gilded (or

painted with ‘cold gold’ paint), and adorned with precious and semi precious stones.

In terms of iconographical sartorial adornments, Tara is almost universally seen wearing

some kind of crown; regally adorned with lavish ornamentation in the form of ear-disks,

necklaces, wrist and ankle bracelets, the beaded ‘yajñopavī tam’ and also an ornate belt,

although the later is a typically Pala-inspired artistic phenomenon. She is usually adorned

with a sash or dhoti that descends from her waist to her ankles; often striped with silver and

copper inlay in North Indian depictions. In many cases, her upper body and breasts are

exposed, if not fully discernable through some kind of diaphanous fabric. In terms of more

general iconography, as Bhattacharya has remarked, “in her simplest form, Tara carries the

night lotus in the left hand and exhibits the Varada mudrā in the right.”12 However, the flower

that Tara holds is in fact more specifically (and doctrinally intended to depict) the ‘n īlotpala’

or blue lily.ix Furthermore, as Shah comments, the ‘mood’ of Tara that an artist strives to

execute is one that is, “ethereal yet regal, delicate yet majestic, exuding supreme confidence

that she can answer every prayer and fulfill any need … [with her characteristic] shimmering,

dancing energy.”13

10 Sherab, op cit, p. 18.11 Sharma, Sudhakar. 2004. The Heritage of Buddhist Pala Art. Aryan Books International,New Delhi, p. 36.12 Bhattacharya, Benoytosh. 1968. The Indian Buddhist Iconography. Firma K.L.Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, p. 306.13 Shah, op cit., p. 306.



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Whilst Tara would later be characterized by her graceful ‘tribhanga’ pose throughout

Nepalese, Tibetan and Pala related North Indian sculpture, in both a brass representation

attributed to Kashmir in the 10th century (See FIG. 5 ), and a bronze representation attributed

to West Tibet or Kashmir in the 11th or 12th century (See FIG. 6) one witnesses a figure that

stands with a rigid, almost immobile frontal posture. Indeed, in both depictions, her smooth,

abstractly modelled torso appears almost grafted to her waist, somewhat typical of metal

sculpture from the Kashmir region at this time.

FIG. 5: Arya-Tara

North West India: Kashmir;

c. 10th century,Brass; hollow cast.Height. 14.5 c

Alain Bordier Foundation, Switzerland.



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FIG. 6: Standing figure of Tara

West Tibet/Kashmir, 11th-12th century,Bronze, 20.5 x 6.8 x 4.7 cm.

Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Accession no: LI181.12

Indeed, both statues reflect characteristically Kashmiri features including; “tripartite crowns

divided into three triangular sections,”x “heavy and sturdy bodies,” “clearly defined abdominal

muscles,”14 “broad noses,”15 “bloated faces,”16 “broad foreheads, large almond eyes” 17 (both

14 Ibid.



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with previously inlayed silver18), and “receding chins.”19 Furthermore, the stylized flame

mandorla that Tara stands within in both representations is emblematic of North West

India,20 as are both statue’s somewhat stylized pedestals; reflecting North India’s “wide range

of base types”21 at this time.

Considering its centrality within a major central Asian trade route, Kashmir “received a lot of

impetus from the art of Gandhara”22 throughout its Buddhist history, likewise offering

significant stylistic influence to the art of Western Tibet.23 Indeed, the 11th/12th century

representation above has a totally unfinished back, largely characteristic of Western Tibetan

statues.24 Furthermore, regarding trade and transit, it is important to note the size of these

statues, generally between four and sixteen inches tall. This combination of portability and

durability meant that they could be taken along with the practitioner whilst travelling, thus

serving as “portable shrines.”25 This portability largely explains why so many Indian bronzes

initially found their way into Tibet.xi

It is important to note the silver inlaying showcased in the eyes of both the above examples

(whilst removed in the later one) as emblematic of North Indian Buddhist metal sculpture.

Furthermore, considering the fact that silver ore sources have historically been most

abundant in Afghanistan, North Pakistan and Kashmir, as well as around Bengal and Bihar

area, it becomes clear that regional stylistic conventions throughout Himalayan metal

sculpture often correspond with the basic geographical distribution of certain metals. Indeed,

a few major findings of Chandra Reedy’s (1997) exhaustive study into this matter were that

15 Ibid.16 Pal, Pratapaditya. 1996. On the Path to Void: Buddhist Art of the Tibetan Realm. MargPublications, Mumbai, p. 124.17 Reedy, op cit., p. 150.18 Heller, Amy. 1999. Tibetan Art: Tracing the Development of Spiritual Ideals and Art inTibet, 600-200 AD. Jaca Book, Milan, Italy.19 Reedy, op cit., p. 150.20 Reedy, op cit, p. 181.21 Reedy, op cit, p. 150.22 Malla, Bansi Lal. 1990. Sculptures of Kashmir (600-1200 A.D), Agam Kala Prakashan,Delhi, p. 62.23 Von Schroeder, Ulrich. 1981. Indo-Tibetan Bronzes. Visual Dharma Publications Ltd., Hong

Kong, p. 158.24 Reedy, op cit., pp. 184–5.25 Reedy, op cit., p. 27.



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silver and tin ores were most commonly found in the regions of North West India, and copper

ores most abundant within Nepal, whilst gold ores were most accessible within the fringes of

the Tibetan border. (See FIG. 7 ).

FIG. 7: Geographical Distribution of Metals across Himalayan Region.

From: Reedy, Chandra L. 1997. Himalayan Bronzes: Technology, Style, and Choices. Associated University Press, London.

However, whilst Reedy’s (purely metallurgical) approach goes a long way towards explaining

specific inter-regional stylistic differences,xii certain anomalies do nonetheless appear; for

example the fact that almost all Nepalese statues are lavishly gilded in gold whilst their

Tibetan counterparts chose to use gold far more sparingly in their work, although being

geographically surrounded by the most dense gold reserves in the entire Himalayan region.

This was perhaps in imitation of what they perceived as North East India’s ostensibly more

‘spiritually authentic’, non-gilt metalwork. Nonetheless, it is no surprise that copper was the



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principle metal adopted for Nepalese sculpture given the abundance of it occurring

throughout the Kathmandu Valley; and likewise, that North Indian craftsmen worked so

freely with mixed inlaid metals such as copper, silver and gold in light of these metals’

corresponding regional availability.

Within the same space of time that the Kashmiri (or Western Tibetan) statues above had been

produced, in East India the Pala Dynasty (c. 750-1174 AD) had established a fierce political

and religious grip across North India that had incredible power and influence; at times

spreading to the very tips of North West India- Kashmir itself even falling under the Pala

dynasty from 850-890 under Devapala. However, it was the areas of Bengal and Bihar that

were the powerhouse; not only of this powerful dynasty, but also of the Vajrayana school of

Buddhism (and its visually captivating accompanying art forms), to which the Pala rulers

were considerable patrons.xiii Indeed, whilst much of the inspiration and sustenance of Pala

period artwork ultimately derived from pre-Pala works, (in particular the ‘classical’ legacy of

the Gupta age), it was the intense ‘tantricity’ of the Vajrayana form of Buddhism that was to

inject the art of the Pala period with what Sharma calls, “its mysterious vitality.” 26 (See FIG.

8 & 9).

26 Sharma, op cit., p. 246.



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FIG. 8: Seated Tara

Bangladesh (Pala period),ca. second half of the 8th century,

bronze, H. 6 5/8 in. (16.9 cm),Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

Accession Number:1979.510.3

FIG. 9: Seated Tara

Pala period, bronze,ca. 10th century,H. 5 in. (12.7 cm)Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York




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Indeed, it was the Pala style that was to exert the greatest, and most long lasting stylistic effect

on the Nepalese and Tibetan traditions of art, with their vigorous articulation and extremely

sensitive correlation of particular aspects of different deities. A late, stylistically mature Pala

inspired dynasty bronze depiction of Tara characterizes the North Indian aesthetic features

that would soon become proto-typical to the ‘non-gilt’ school of artists working from the 12 th

century onwards inside Tibet.xiv (See FIG. 10).

FIG. 10: Seated figure of Tara

Late 12th century-early 13th century,East IndiaBronze, 14 x 8.7 x 5.8 cm max.

Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Accession no: LI181.64

The naturalistic grace of this depiction of ‘White’, or ‘Seven Eyed’xv Tara epitomizes some key

characteristics of the Pala style; namely the defined muscular treatment, refined elaboration

of detail and multi-tiered base with beaded edging. Furthermore, as Huntington notes, both



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the high piled chignon and flat disc earrings, are also characteristic of the sculpture of the late

Pala period.27

Nonetheless, a brass statue of Tara with copper and silver inlay from around the same period

expresses the characteristic stylistic diversity of late Pala dynasty North Indian sculpture. xvi

(See FIG. 11).

FIG. 11: Tara

India, 12th century,

Brass, copper andsilver inlay, height32cm, privatecollection. P78.Previously unpublished.Heller, Amy. 1999.Tibetan Art: Tracingthe Development of Spiritual Ideals and Art in Tibet, 600-200 AD. Jaca Book, Milan,Italy, p. 78.

27 Huntington, Susan L. 1984. The 'Pala-Sena' Schools of Sculpture. Brill, p. 190.



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In this somewhat unique depiction, Tara is presented seated between two nīlotpala flowers,

with her hands in Dharmacakra mudrā presenting a teaching to two devotees at her feet.

Indeed, as Amy Heller has noted of this statue, “Tara’s coiffure and broad face epitomize

beauty according to Indian tastes during the Pala dynasty.”28 However there is also a clear

North West Indian influence to this sculpture, in its silver and copper ornamentation of Tara’s

hair and wide almond shaped eyes; as well as the complex inlay of her long dhoti, striped in

copper and silver, illustrating the North Indian craftsman’s mastery of highly sophisticated

casting techniques. Nonetheless, the naturalistic modeling and clearly delineated planes of

Tara’s form, particularly around the abdominal area, are indeed emblematic of Pala dynasty

Bihar and Bengal. 29 Her relaxed tribhanga posture particularly contrasts with the Kashmir

depictions previously examined as well, bodily naturalism being a central dimension of the

Pala aesthetic.

In another Pala sculpture of a similar age (which now resides in the Red Palace at Lhasa),

Tara is depicted standing in a slightly bent tribhanga pose with voluptuously modeled hips

and waist, and with a characteristically Pala-style elongated silhouette. (See FIG. 12). She

gently holds the stalk of the nī lotpala which writhes up from the pedestal to blossom above

her left shoulder, in a posture that would later become largely characteristic of Nepalese

depictions of Tara throughout the Malla period (1200-1769).xvii

28 Heller, op cit., p. 78.29 Pal, op cit., p. 109.



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FIG. 12: Tara

Indian Work in Tibet: Late Pala Style;11th/12th century Brass, Height: 166 cm.Potala: Li ma lha khang; inventory no.1616.Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001.

Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. One: Indian & Nepalese, pp. 312–313,



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One obvious observation of this statue is the painted face and crown, a feature that almost

always assures a Tibetan provenance.xviii As Von Schroeder suggests however, beneath the

paint, her eyes “are probably inlaid with silver;”30 as discussed, a predominantly north-Indian

feature. Importantly also, as Von Schroeder notes, is how the bottom of this statue is not

sealed, differing from natively Tibetan sculptures which typically have consecrated relics

inserted and sealed inside.xix

Also particularly characteristic of the Pala style as showcased in this statue, is the highly

refined levels of chasing and decorative designs; in particularly the complex jewellery and

ornamentation that Tara is adorned with, including an elaborate three leaved crown, intricate

bangles on her upper arms and wrists, anklets, and spouting beaded tassels. Furthermore, the

decorated cloth tied around her hips with the ornamental belt and beaded sacred thread or

‘yajñopavī tam’ attached, (which subtly delineates her form) is emblematic of the late Pala

style. Also notable here is the fact that this statue has ribbon like sideward projections or

‘streamers’ around the headdress; indicating the Pala style from the tenth century onwards,

although later adopted in many Nepalese and Tibetan depictions.31

With the almost complete disappearance of Buddhism in India towards the end of the 12th

century, largely as a result of the relentless Muslim invasions that followed the eclipse of the

Pala dynasty by the Sena dynasty (1070-1230 CE); the importance of Nepal, especially the

Kathmandu Valley, as a vital centre of Buddhist studies and artistic production increased

dramatically. Indeed, in contrast to the previously examined depiction of Tara, it is pertinent

30 Von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Volume One: Indian and Nepal.

Visual Dharma Publications Ltd., Hong Kong, p. 312.31 Von Schroeder, Ulrich. 1981. Indo-Tibetan Bronzes. Visual Dharma Publications Ltd., HongKong, p. 338.



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to perceive the stylistic

differences on a Newar statue of Tara from a similar period. (See FIG. 13).



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FIG. 13: Tara

Nepal (Transitional Period); circa 11th century Gilt copper. Height 53 cm.Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no. 111.Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. One: Indian &

Nepalese, pp. 488–489.

Whilst this statue’s face is painted in a similar way as the previous Pala example (again

reflecting Tibetan provenance), there are striking differences in style, technique and

modeling. Indeed, whilst the posture and iconography are almost identical, some distinctly

Nepalese features can be perceived such as the lavish, full body gilding; a feature that is

predominantly Nepalese in style, usage and aesthetic.xx Particularly noticeable also is that

Nepalese sculptures such as this one lack the elaborate lotus pedestals that were central to the

statues of Tibet and North India. When this was not the case, the lotus pedestal was usually

separately cast, and was thus susceptible to loss.

In terms of the sartorial aspects of this depiction; familiar ornamentation such as necklaces,

earrings, and bracelets, more or less correspond to the same types encountered among post-

Gupta, North Indian style castings.xxi The only regional difference perhaps lies in the fact that

the Nepalese favored a particularly lavish amount of precious stones insetted onto their

statues, unlike their somewhat more modest Tibetan and Indian counterparts. (See FIG. 14).



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FIG. 14: Tara

Nepal, 11th or 12th century. Gilt copper with inlaid precious stones.Private collection, Showcased at Sotheby's Hong Kong, May 2011.Indeed, the Newar statues worshipped by the Nepalese Buddhists of the Kathmandu Valley

are almost exclusively ornamented with precious stones such as rubies, sapphires, emeralds,

rock crystals, etc, unlike the Tibetans who apparently preferred semi-precious stones like



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turquoise, corals and lapis lazulis.xxii In fact, the Tibetans often even replaced precious stones

with less precious stones (such as turquoise and coral) when importing sculptures from the

outside.xxiii

A later sculpture from Nepal from around the 14th century epitomizes the exquisite finesse

attained by the Newar craftsman. (See FIG. 15 ). Whilst stylistically and iconographically

similar to the previous statue, this representation of Tara vividly demonstrates the

“restrained, but still erotic sensuality”32 that the Newar craftsmen of the Kathmandu Valley

became renowned for inside Tibet. Indeed, this statue satisfies all of the notable

characteristics of Nepalese sculpture as defined by Singer; “a soft shape, graceful

déhanchement, pure edges, short face, fine nose, and a narrow space between the eyes,”33 also

exemplifying the full-body gilding technique Nepalese artists almost unanimously

endorsed.xxiv Particularly notable here also, are Tara’s tranquil and benevolent downward

casting eyes, elegant proportions, and diaphanous robe type; all of which reflect the Sarnath

aesthetic tradition which was introduced into Nepal in the Licchavi period (400-750 AD) and

which persisted there long after.

32 Von Schroeder, Ibid., p. 247.33 Singer, David and Weldon, Jane Casey. 1999. The Sculptural Heritage of Tibet. LaurenceKing, pp. 249-250.



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FIG. 15: Sitatara

Nepal, ca. 14th century,Painted and gilded copper,

with semi-precious stones;turquoise, imitation rubiesand lapis lazuli.

Victoria and AlbertMuseum, London.Museum number: IM.239-1927

In contrast to this tranquil Nepalese depiction however, is an early Tibetan representation of

Tara; depicted as alert, awake and fully receptive to the external world, and whose physical

characteristics reflect a more North Asian ethnic type. (See FIG. 16).



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FIG. 16: Tara

Tibetan Gilt Copper Traditions;13th/14th century Gilt copper, Height 68.5 cmLhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no.110Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. Two:Tibetan & Chinese, pp. 1034–1035.

Here Tara is covered in turquoise jewels, reflective of Tibetan tastes, with a ‘pinched’ waist

that contrasts with the rigid contour of her entire left side. Whilst the statue remains

reminiscent of the images from the Nepal Valley in terms of its lavish gildingxxv and upright

posture (uncommon for Tibetan depictions of Tara which are predominantly depicted seated),

this statue lacks the refined finesse of contemporary Newar metalwork. Indeed, Tara’s

tribhanga posture appears ill at ease and almost ‘locked’, and her features seem somewhat

cartoonish; a far departure from the naturalistic achievements of earlier North Indian and

Nepalese craftsmen. As Von Scroeder forgivingly reminds the reader of early Tibetan art



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however, “unlike the traditional Newars the occupation of an artisan was not hereditary for

the Tibetans, rather was it a voluntary vocation.”34 Indeed, early (natively crafted) Tibetan

sculpture, when compared to contemporary Nepalese and North Indian sculpture, which are

the result of centuries of experienced craftsmanship, “naturally look less refined.”35

A humble recognition of Nepalese genius for artistic expression therefore, was largely why

Tibet offered such significant patronage to Newar artists of the Kathmandu Valley throughout

its Buddhist history.xxvi At the same time, this generous Tibetan patronage existed for Indian

craftsmen as well; Tibetans themselves having always historically classified Nepalese

sculpture within the category of ‘East Indian.’36 Indeed, as Pal notes, “by the twelfth and

certainly during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, there was an extensive ‘catalogue’ of

styles available for Tibetan artists, who started copying foreign models so skilfully that we

sometimes have real problems determining whether they are imported images or Tibetan

copies.”37

Eventually, two distinct styles of metal sculpture emerged in Tibet; the North Indian inspired

‘non-gilt school’ and the Nepalese inspired ‘gilt school’. Besides from their obvious difference

being the application of (‘cold’ or mercury) gilding to the exterior of the sculpture, in regard to

the raw materials used the ‘gilt’ school followed the Nepalese custom of casting statues with

an alloy of almost pure copper whilst the ‘non-gilt’ school followed the typically North Indian

tradition of using brass; an alloy of copper and zinc.

The group of statues below are examples of depictions of Tara created in Tibet during or

shortly after the fall of the Pala Dynasty that follow North Indian stylistic and aesthetic

conventions largely pursued throughout Tibet’s ‘non-gilt’ school. Whilst many of the early

craftsmen of these statues would have been native born North Indians perhaps living in exile

inside Tibet, these same individuals no doubt helped train native Tibetan artists who

34 Von Schroeder, Ulrich. 1981. Indo-Tibetan Bronzes. Visual Dharma Publications Ltd., HongKong, p. 411.35 Von Schroeder, Ibid., p. 416.36 Von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2008. 108 Buddhist Statues in Tibet: Evolution of Tibetan Sculptures. Serindia Publications, Chicago. Hong Kong, p.18.37 Pal, Ibid., p. 115.



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preserved the stylistic legacy of Pala metal sculpture long into the future.xxvii Indeed,

considered as a group, these non-gilt statues vividly echo the seated, 12th century Pala

representation of Tara previously examined. (See FIG. 10). They are all highly naturalistic,

lavishly adorned with intricate ornamentation, and all exhibit the characteristically Pala-style

beaded lotus pedestal. (See FIG. 17, 18 & 19).



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FIG. 17: Arya-Tara

Tibet (Pala Schools); circa 12th century Brass. Height 10.8 cm.Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no. 377.(Photo: Ulrich von Schroeder 1996) Published: vonSchroeder, Ulrich. 2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol.Two: Tibetan & Chinese, p. 1106, pl. 288A–B.

FIG. 18: Arya-Tara

Tibet (Pala Schools); circa 13th century Brass. Height 16.2 cm.Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no. 629.Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001. Buddhist

Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. Two: Tibetan & Chinese, p. 1182,pl. 318A.

FIG. 19: Arya-Tara

Tibet (Pala Schools); 12th-13th century,Brass. Height 22.9 cm.Bri gung mthil monastery. Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001. BuddhistSculptures in Tibet. Vol. Two: Tibetan & Chinese, pp.1106–1107, pl. 288C.



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In parallel to the Pala-style non-gilt school, the Nepalese inspired ‘gilt school’ also established

its own artistic lineage in Tibet although in time evolving its own unique aesthetic, perhaps

due to the fact that Buddhist art in Nepal had not been effected (and ultimately extinguished)

by Muslim invasions as it had done in North India by the end of the 13th century; ‘stylistic

preservation’ therefore perhaps being less of a concern.xxviii A notable feature of these ‘gilt’

Nepalese style statues as exemplified by the examples below, is an increasingly Chinese

aesthetic; which in turn would influence the introduction of the ‘Sino-Tibetan’ style inside

Tibet. Although now predominantly seated (something of a stylistic imperative for depictions

of Tara later created inside Tibet), the statues below still display the lavish gilding of the

Nepalese style and are crafted using a predominantly copper based alloy; indeed, the copper

itself probably still imported from Nepal (See FIG. 20, 21 & 22).



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FIG. 20: Sita-Tara.

Tibetan Gilt copper Traditions; 14th century Gilt copper. Height 27.2 cm.Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no. 315.Published: Von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001. BuddhistSculptures in Tibet. Vol. Two: Tibetan & Chinese, pp.1036–1037.

FIG. 21: Sita-Tara

Tibetan Gilt Copper Traditions; 15th/16th century, Giltcopper. Height 22.1 cm.Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no. 147.

Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001. BuddhistSculptures in Tibet. Vol. Two: Tibetan & Chinese, pp.1066–1067

FIG. 22: Tara Tibet, 16th Century, Gilt bronze,Private CollectionExhibited at Christie’s New York, Rockefeller Plaza.(16/11/2011)



32

By the 17th century Tibetan craftsman from both the gilt and non-gilt schools alike had truly

mastered their art. Furthermore, by this stage the art of Tibet had adopted, in the words of

Pal, an “eclectic character”38 that imbibed (whilst paying homage to), a broad variety of

stylistic influences; that in many ways encompassed all the regional variations discussed in

this essay. These two final examples exemplify Tibet’s later stylistic eclecticism; indeed, both

veritable glossaries of the various regional characteristics available throughout a historical

sweep of Himalayan Buddhist metal sculpture. (See FIG. 23 & 24).

FIG. 23: Seated Green Tara

Tibet, 17th century.Cast gilt bronze. Height 17.5cm.Published in Ashencaen, Deborah

and Leonoc, Gennady. Light of Compassion: Buddhist Art from Nepal and Tibet. 1997.Spink & Son Ltd, London. Object24, p. 46.

38 Pal, Ibid., p. 202.



33

FIG. 24: Seated Green Tara

Tibet, 17th–18th century,Bronze, H. 10 3/16 in. (25.9 cm)Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

York Accession Number: 50.138.3

This essay has discussed the spiritual centrality of Tara throughout the Himalayan region

tracing her stylistic development across North India, Nepal and Tibet through distinct

regional metal representations. The examples used in this essay showcase the key dimension

of portability within Himalayan metal Buddhist sculpture, illustrating the resultant inter-

regional stylistic penetrations that were made possible via their transit. This essay’s

methodology also recognizes the necessity of compiling broad groups of individual statues

before fully informed, regional stylistic generalizations can be assigned to each. Furthermore,

it has illustrated the importance of detailed metallurgical examinations as an integral

dimension of any robust study into Himalayan metal sculpture, as well as highlighting the

progressional, almost linear movement of stylistic influence that has been transmitted

historically through Himalayan Buddhist metalwork- from North India to Nepal to Tibet and

eventually, to China.



34

Bibliography

Ashencaen, Deborah and Leonoc, Gennady. 1997. Light of Compassion: Buddhist Art from Nepal and Tibet . Spink & Son Ltd, London.

Ashencaen, Deborah and Leonoc, Gennady. 1995. The Mirror of Mind: Art of Vajrayana Buddhism. Spink & Son Ltd, London.

Bellezza, John Vincent. 2001. Antiquities of Northern Tibet: Pre-Buddhist Archaeological Discoveries on the High Plateau. Adroit Publishers, Delhi.

Bhattacharya, Benoytosh. 1968. The Indian Buddhist Iconography. Firma K.L.Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta.

Blofield, John. 2009. Bodhisattva of Compassion: The Mystical Tradition of Kuan Yin.Shambhala Publications,

Bokar Rinpoche. 1999. Tara: The Feminine Divine. Clear Point Press, San Francisco,

California.

Casey, Jane; Parmeshwar Ahuja, Naman and Weldon, David. 2003. Divine Presence: Arts of India and the Himalayas. Casa Asia, Barcelona.

Casey, Jane and Denwood, Philip. Eds. 1997. Tibetan Art: Towards a Definition of Style.Laurence King Publishing, London.

Chandra, Lokesh. 1987. Buddhist Iconography. Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi.

Fisher, Robert E. 1997. Art of Tibet . Thames and Hudson, London.

Gordon, Antoinette K. 1939. The Iconography of Tibetan Lamaism. Columbia University

Press, New York.

Heller, Amy. 1999. Tibetan Art: Tracing the Development of Spiritual Ideals and Art inTibet, 600-200 AD. Jaca Book, Milan, Italy.

Hutt, H. 1994. Nepal: a Guide to the Art and Architecture of the Kathmandu Valley.Kiscadale Ltd., Stirling.

Leoshko, Janice J. 1987. The Iconography of Buddhist Sculptures of the Pala and Sena periods from Bodhgaya. (Volumes I and II). UMI Press, MI.

Linrothe, Rob. 1999. Ruthless Compassion: Wrathful Deities in Early Indo-Tibetan Esoteric Buddhist Art. Serindia Publications, London.

Malla, Bansi Lal. 1990. Sculptures of Kashmir (600-1200 A.D), Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi.

Mallar Ghosh. 1980. Development of Buddhist Iconography in Eastern India. Munshiram Mullin, Gleenn H. 2003. Female Buddhas: Women of Enlightenment in Tibetan Mystical Art. Clear Light Publishers, New Mexico.

Pal, Pratapaditya. 1974. The Arts of Nepal. E.J. Brill, Netherlands.

Pal, Pratapaditya. 1990. The Arts of Tibet. Los Angeles County Museum of Art, California.

Pal, Pratapaditya. 1996. On the Path to Void: Buddhist Art of the Tibetan Realm. Marg

Publications, Mumbai.



35

Postel, Michel. 1992. Ear Ornaments of Ancient India. Franco-Indian Research Private, Ltd,Bombay. Shah, Miranda. 2006. Buddhist Goddesses in India. Princeton University Press, New Jersey

Sharma, Sudhakar. 2004. The Heritage of Buddhist Pala Art. Aryan Books International,

New Delhi.

Sharma, Arvind. 2005. Religious Studies And Comparative Methodology: The Case For Reciprocal Illumination. State University of New York.

Sherab, Kenchen Palden Rinpoche and Dongyal, Khenpo Tsewang Rinpoche. 2007. Tara’s Enlightened Activity: An Oral Commentary on The Twenty-one Praises to Tara. Snow LionPublications, Ithaca, New York.

Singer, David and Weldon, Jane Casey. 1999. The Sculptural Heritage of Tibet. LaurenceKing.

Reedy, Chandra L. 1997. Himalayan Bronzes: Technology, Style, and Choices. Associated

University Press, London.

Von Schroeder, Ulrich. 1981. Indo-Tibetan Bronzes. Visual Dharma Publications Ltd., HongKong.

Von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Volume One: Indian and Nepal. Visual Dharma Publications Ltd., Hong Kong.

Von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Volume Two: Tibet and China. Visual Dharma Publications Ltd., Hong Kong.

Von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2008. 108 Buddhist Statues in Tibet: Evolution of Tibetan Sculptures.Serindia Publications, Chicago. Hong Kong.

Willson, Martin 1992. In Praise of T ara: Songs to the Saviouress. Wisdom Publications, MA.

Zwalf, Wladimir. Ed. 1985. Buddhism: Art and Faith. The British Museum Press. London.



36

Journals

The Indian Buddhist Cult of Avalokita and His Consort Tara ‘The Saviouress,' Illustrated fromthe Remains in Magadha.

Author(s): L. A. Waddell

Reviewed work(s):Source: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland,(Jan., 1894), pp.51-89Published by: Cambridge University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25197183.

Accessed: 05/12/2011 13:22

Human Agency and Divine Power: Transforming Images and Recreating Gods among theNewarBruce McCoy OwensHistory of Religions

Vol. 34, No. 3, Image and Ritual in Buddhism (Feb., 1995), pp. 201-240Published by: The University of Chicago PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1062940

On the Antiquity of Nepalese MetalcraftMary Shepherd Slusser, Gautamvajra Vajracharya

Archives of Asian Art Vol. 29, (1975/1976), pp. 80-95Published by: University of Hawai'i Press for the Asia Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20062580

Mediæval Indian SculptureHorace H. F. JayneBulletin of the Pennsylvania Museum

Vol. 23, No. 116 (Nov., 1927), pp. 15-17Published by: Philadelphia Museum of Art

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3794535

The Art of Nepal and TibetStella KramrischPhiladelphia Museum of Art Bulletin

Vol. 55, No. 265, Art of Nepal and Tibet (Spring, 1960), pp. 23-38Published by: Philadelphia Museum of ArtStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3795115

Indian Bronzes Ananda K. Coomaraswamy The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs

Vol. 17, No. 86 (May, 1910), pp. 86-89+92-94

Published by: The Burlington Magazine Publications, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/858336

Religious and Ethical Issues in the Study and Conservation of Tibetan SculptureChandra L. Reedy Journal of the American Institute for Conservation

Vol. 31, No. 1, Conservation of Sacred Objects and Other Papers from the General Session of the 19th Annual Meeting of the American Institute for Conservation of Historic and Artistic

Works. Albuquerque, New Mexico, June 3-8, 1991 (Spring, 1992), pp. 41-50Published by: The American Institute for Conservation of Historic & Artistic WorksStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3179611



37

Appendix: Image List (including other significant images)

Images Descriptions Images Descriptions

Tara

Pakistan (Swat Valley region), 7thcentury, Brass inlaid with silver andcopper.H. 4 5/8 in. (11.8 cm)Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

York. Accession Number: 1987.142.62

Tara

North India (possibly Uttar Pradesh),ca. 7th century, copper alloy H. 12 in. (30.5 cm)Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Accession Number: 1987.218.

Figure of Tara seated on lionthrone

Afghanistan, 2nd half of the 7thcentury - 1st half of the 8th century ADBronze, inlaid with silver.5 x 3.4 x 2.3 cm

Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Accession no: EA1997.200

A rare bronze plaque of Tara

Swat Valley or Kashmir, Circa 7th

century, bronze.

7 5/8 in. (19.6 cm.)

Property from a Private CaliforniaCollection Provenance: Spink and Son,Ltd., 1996.

Tara

9th century, Pakistan (NorthwestFrontier Providence, Swat Valley),

Bronze, 15.9 x 6 x 4.8 cm,Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

York. Accession Number:1984.484.2

Syama-Tara.

N.-W. India: Kashmir;

c. 10th century,

Brass; hollow cast.

Height. 14.5 cm

Alain Bordier Foundation, Switzerland.

Standing figure of Tara

West Tibet (or Kashmir), 11th-12thcentury, bronze,20.5 x 6.8 x 4.7 cm max. (height x

width x depth) Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Accession no: LI181.12

Green Tara, Leaf from a dispersed Ashtasahasrika Prajnaparamita(Perfection of Wisdom)Manuscript

Bengal, Pala period, early 12th century,Opaque watercolor on palm leaf, 2¾ x16½ in. (7x 41.9 cm)Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Accession number: 2001.445e



38

Green Tara Dispensing Boons toEcstatic Devotees: Folio from a AshtasahashirikaPrajnaparamita Manuscript

Bengal, Pala period, 12th century, ,eastern India or Bangladesh, Opaque

watercolor on palm leaf, 2 3/4 x 167/16 in. (7 x 41.8 cm)Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

York. Accession Number:2001.445i

Arya Tara

Bangladesh: Pala period, ca. second half of the 8th century Bronze,Dimensions: H. 6 5/8 in. (16.9cm)Classification: Metropolitan Museum of

Art, New York.


Arya Tara

India, Pala period, ca. 10th century, bronze.

H. 5 in. (12.7 cm)Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

York. Accession Number:1987.142.343

Standing Tara

North-Eastern India: Late Påla Style;11th century, brass.

Height 16.1 cm.Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no.161[B].(Photo: Ulrich von Schroeder 1996)Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001.

Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. One: Indian & Nepalese, pp. 288–289, pl.95C–E

Standing Tara

North-Eastern India: Late Påla Style ;

12th century; Brass. Height 15.2 cm.Jo khang / gTsug lag khang Collection;inventory no. 232.Published: Von Schroeder, Ulrich.2009. The Jokhang Bronzes, in

JokhangTibet’s Most Sacred Buddhist Temple,edited by Gyurme Dorje; Part 4, Pl. 1C.

Arya Tara

India, 12th century

Brass, copper and silver inlay, height 32cm, private collection. P78. Previously unpublished. Heller, Amy, 1999. Tibetan

Art: Tracing the Development of Spiritual Ideals and Art in Tibet 600-200 AD. Jaca Book, Milan, Italy. P78

Seated figure of Tara

East India, late 12th century - early 13th century, Bronze.14 x 8.7 x 5.8 cm.

Asmolean Museum, Oxford. Accession no: LI181.64

Standing Tara.

Indian Work in Tibet: Late Påla style;11th/12th century; Brass. Height: 166cm,Po ta la: Li ma lha khang: inventory no.1616 Published: von Schroeder,Ulrich. 2001. Buddhist Sculptures inTibet. Vol. One: Indian & Nepalese,pp.312-313, pl.107C-D. von Schroeder,Ulrich, 2008.108 Buddhist Statues inTibet, pp.84-85, pl. 22B.



39

7 th Century Rock-Cut Carving of Tara

Cave 6 of the Ellora Caves,Maharashtra.

http://www.elloracaves.org/caves.php?cmd=search&words=&cave_ID=6&pl

an_floor=1&image_ID=4305.(29/11/2011)

Standing Tara

Nepal (transitional period); circa 11th Century, Gilt copper. Height 53cm,Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no.111,Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich, 2001.

Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. One: Indian & Nepalese, pp. 488-489,

pl.155C-E. von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2008.108 Buddhist Statues in Tibet, pp. 100-101, pl.28A.

Arya-Tara

Nepal (transitional period); circa 11th Century, copper with remains of gilding.Height 51 cm. Lhasa gTsung lag khang;inventory no.282 [B].

Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich.2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet.Vol. One: Indian & Nepalese, p. 488,pl.155A-B. von Schroeder, Ulrich.2008. 108 Buddhist Statues in Tibet,pp. 100-101, pl.28B.

Standing Tara

Indian Work in Tibet: Late Pala Style;11th/12th century; Brass.Height 166cmPo ta la: li ma lha khang: inventory no.1616.

Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich, 2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. One: Indian & Nepalese, pp. 312-313, pl.107C-D. von Schroeder, Ulrich.2008. 108Buddhist Statues in Tibet, pp. 84-85,pl.22B.

Standing Tara

Nepal (Transitional Period); 10thcentury, Gilt copper.Height 25 cm.Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no.357.

Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich.2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet.

Vol. One: Indian & Nepalese, p. 480,pl. 151A–B.

Standing Tara

Nepal 11th/12th century, gilt copper alloy with inlaid precious and semit preciousstones. Private collection. Sold atSotheby's Hong Kong. (02/11/2011)

Sitatara

Nepal, ca.14th century, painted andgilded copper, with semi-preciousstones; turquoise, imitation rubies andlapis lazuli.

Victoria and Albert Museum, London.Museum number:

IM.239-1927

Standing Tara

Nepal (Kathmandu Valley), 14th century,Gilt copper alloy with colour, inlaid withsemiprecious stones.Dimensions: H.20 1/4 in. (51.4 cm)Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Accession Number: 66.179



40

Arya-Tara

Nepal, 14th century, cast non-gilt alloy,inlaid with turquoise and rock crystal.Height 21 cm, Published in:

Ashencaen, Deborah and Leonoc,Gennady, Light of Compassion:

Buddhist Art from Nepal and Tibet.

1997. Spink & Son Ltd, London. Object24. P14.

Standing Tara

(Tib.: sGrol ma) Tibetan Gilt CopperTraditions; 13th/14th century, Giltcopper.Height 68.5 cmLhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no.110

Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. Two:Tibetan & Chinese, pp. 1034–1035, pl.257B–D.

Arya-Tara

Tibet (Påla Schools); circa 12thcentury, Brass.Height 10.8 cm.Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no.377.

(Photo: Ulrich von Schroeder 1996)Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich.2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet.Vol. Two: Tibetan & Chinese, p. 1106,pl. 288A–B.

Arya-Tara

Tibet (Påla Schools); 1150-1250 AD,Brass.Height: 22.9 cm. íBri gung mthilmonastery.Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001.

Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. Two:Tibetan & Chinese, pp. 1106-1107,pl.288C.

Arya-Tara

Indian Schools in Tibet: Påla Style;13th century, Gilt copper.Height: 20.4 cm.Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no.

153 [B]. Published: von Schroeder,Ulrich. 2001. Buddhist Sculptures inTibet. Vol. Two: Tibetan & Chinese, p.942, pl. 222A.

Arya-Tara

Tibet (Pala Schools); circa 13th century,Brass.Height 16.2 cm.Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no.

629.Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001.

Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. Two:Tibetan & Chinese, p. 1182, pl. 318A.

Arya-Tara

Tibet (Påla Schools); circa 13th century,Brass.Height 30.8 cm.

Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no.604.Ulrich. 2001. Buddhist Sculpturesin Tibet. Vol. Two: Tibetan & Chinese,p. 1100, pl. 285A.

Standing Tara

Tibet (Påla Schools); 13th century, Brass.Height 49cm. Lhasa gTsug lag khang;inventory no. 599. Published: von

Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. Two: Tibetan & Chinese, pp. 1100–1101, pl. 285C.



41

Sita-Tara.

Tibet, 13th–15th century,Copper alloy with silver inlay Classification:


Sita-Tara.

Tibetan Gilt copper Traditions; 14thcentury Gilt copper.Height 27.2 cm.Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no.315[B].

(Photo: Ulrich von Schroeder 1996)Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich. 2001.Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. Vol. Two:Tibetan & Chinese, pp. 1036–1037, pl.258D–E.

Sita-Tara

Tibetan Gilt Copper Traditions;15th/16th century, Gilt copper.Height 22.1 cm.Lhasa gTsug lag khang; inventory no.147.

Published: von Schroeder, Ulrich.2001. Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet.Vol. Two: Tibetan & Chinese, pp.1066–1067

Arya-Tara

Tibet, 17th century,Cast gilt bronze.Height 17.5 cm.Published in: Ashencaen, Deborah andLeonoc, Gennady, Light of Compassion:

Buddhist Art from Nepal and Tibet.1997. Spink & Son Ltd, London. Object24. P46.

Arya-Tara

Tibet, 17th–18th century,Bronze.Dimensions: H. 10 3/16 in. (25.9 cm)Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

York Accession Number: 50.138.3



42

Appendix: Endnotes

i Tara was first introduced into a Mahayana and proto-Tantric milieu, and a breadth of interpretation surroundingher spiritual function reflects this genesis. Indeed, whilst in the Mahayana form she is often regarded as consort to

Avalokiteshvara, concrete evidence has yet to be adduced for this characterization. In the Vajrayana form however

her interpretation is more stable, being considered an enlightened Buddha in her own right and radiating thecompassion of perfected wisdom.

ii Whilst often referred to as “the One who-Aids-the-Devotee in the Overcoming of Difficulties,” Tara’s name can also be translated as ‘Star Lady,’ (referring to the northern star), her presence acting as a guiding light through theBuddhist spiritual firmament.

iii As Shah has noted, “motherhood is central to the conception of Tara,” hence why many scholars regard her as the“Buddhist Madonna,” likening her to the Virgin Mary with regard to her, “maternal persona, direct accessibility,cultic status, and miracle-working power.”iii Indeed, (whilst the title also assigned to both Cunda and PrajnaParamita), the fact that she is often considered the “Mother of all Buddhas,” profoundly echoes the significance of theMother Goddess across India.

iv According to Leoshko’s examination of the Nesari plates of Govinda II. Interestingly, Leoshko also interestingly notes that among images depicting female deities surviving from Pala monastic centres such as Bodhgaya, depictionsof Tara are the most numerous.”iv Indeed, there is strong evidence that the worship of Tara was especially important

in eastern India during the Pala and Sena periods. In fact, in the seventh century the famous Chinese Buddhistscholar Xuanzang noted there were shrines in eastern India that were entirely devoted to Tara.iv Indeed, when thetime came for the illustrious East-Indian master Atisha to lead the renaissance of Buddhism in Tibet in the 12 th century, it was no wonder that he only agreed to go if a stone statue of Arya Tara at the great temple at Bodh Gayaspoke to him;iv (which she supposedly did), explaining why Tara was such a significant aspect of Atisha’stransmission of Buddhist teachings to Tibet. Notably, some three hundred years after Atisha’s passing, the First DalaiLama of Tibet made meditation on Arya Tara “his most important daily meditation commitment.”

v According to popular Himalayan myth, Tara was born from the tears of Avalokiteś vara, who, after perceiving thathis efforts to alleviate the suffering of all sentient beings appeared to be in vain, “threw himself on the ground andshed tears of love and compassion.” These tears, the legend has it, “gathered into a pool on which a lotus blossomed.From the lotus arose Tara. She consoled the bodhisattva, assuring him that she would join him in his mission toliberate the world from suffering.” Later, as the legend evolved in Tibet, Avalokiteś vara is said to have wept two tears.From the tear of his left eye emanated the white form of Tara, and from the tear of his right eye emanated the greenform. Yet another theory posits that the two forms of Tara derive from the wives of Songtsen Gampo (ca. 617 - 650

CE), the Tibetan King who brought Buddhism to Tibet for the first time; White Tara being ‘Tritseun’, his Nepali wifeand Green Tara being ‘Wen-ch'eng’, his Chinese wife. Yet another theory claims that Tara was in fact the incarnationof a princess named ‘Jnanacandra’ or ‘Moon of knowledge’ who lived within a different eon, striving to attainBuddhahood within her own lifetime, boldly asserting to her peers that gender was only a barrier to attainingenlightenment according to, "weak minded worldlings.”

vi In the case of Tara, it is ‘prajñā’ or ‘insight’ that is specifically intended to be symbolised; insight being one of theten Buddhist ‘pāramitās’ or perfections, often characterized by a visceral understanding of the perceived ‘emptiness’or ‘ śūnyat ā’ of intrinsic existence. vi

vii Beyond complex tantric rituals however, Tārā can also be perceived as a young 16 year old girl who manifestsherself at times when practitioners take themselves, or their spiritual path too seriously, relieving them with pranks,humour and general light-heartedness.

viii The main difference of the cire perdue method to the other forms, which enabled the re-use of the casting moulds, was that in this method each mould could be used only once because it had to be broken during the course of casting

and was therefore ‘lost’. As Von Schroeder points out however, the great irony in the technique’s name, at least in theIndo-Tibetan context, is that the only substance in the process that is not actually ‘lost’ is the wax, which can be,“collected in a container filled with water and subsequently used again and again.”

ix Although interpretations of Tara carrying the utpala flower do occur in Tibet.

x It is interesting to note that the design of the Kashmiri crown was largely assimilated from neighbouring states suchas Fondukistand.

xi Indeed, the fact that the majority of Himalayan traders have historically, “visited the monasteries and temples ontheir journeys [purchasing] bronzes in the places they visited much as the modern tourist buys souvenirs” is why suchlarge quantities of Indian bronzes initially found their way into Tibet.

xii Nonetheless, as Von Schroeder asserts, “under no circumstances should a statue be attributed to a particular stylearea based on the metal analyses alone, especially when the aesthetic features do no correspond.” This is largely dueto the fluid nature of trade, commerce and indeed labour, historically exchanged throughout the Himalayas.

xiii The Pala rulers “had a special leaning towards Buddhism” and largely funded the region’s major BuddhistUniversities: Bodhgaya, Nalanda, Vikramasila, and Odantapuri, all of which attracted vast numbers of foreignstudents to India to study Buddhism during the dynasty’s existence. This in large part explained the artistic influence



43

the Pala style had on almost every country that professed itself as Mahayana at the time, including Tibet and Nepal.Indeed, the state stability provided by the Pala rulers was “responsible for the explosion of art activity” within theregion, particularly during the 7th-10th centuries.

xv Due to her seven compassionate eyes; her two conventional eyes plus the two on her hands, two on her feet, and thefinal one on her forehead.

xvi Indeed, alongside their ability to convey a refined elaboration of detail it was the Pala craftsman’s openness toinnovation that was at the heart of the style’s elaborate character, pursuing, as Sudhakar adds, “more and moreelaboration and ornamentation with the passage of time.”

xvii Tara holds the nīlotpala stalk particularly delicately as if to remind the beholder not to cling to brittle, worldly pleasures- a brittleness that is further echoed through the intricately winding detail of the flowers around her. It issometimes suggested that the three possible states of blossoming depicted in Tara’s nīlotpala (either as a bud, anopening blossom or a fully blossomed flower) can be interpreted as the three times- past, present and future.

xviii Indeed as Von Schroeder notes, “in Tibetan Buddhism, it has been the custom for the last four or five hundred years to paint the face and uncovered parts of the neck … with a mixture consisting of powdered gold diluted with anadhesive binding agent.” Here the hair is also painted blue to symbolize Tara’s peacefulness, as opposed to the colourred, which would symbolize a tantric deity’s wrathfulness.

xix Von Schroeder also notes that the statue would have originally been mounted on a separately cast, rectangularstepped pedestal with legs, which along with the aureole, is now lost.

xx Indeed as Reedy states, “Nepalese sculpture generally showcases the most gilding out of all Himalayan sculpture.”

xxi In this statue, Tara’s elaborate hairstyle is also somewhat characteristic of the Newar aesthetic, whereby the artisthas striven to depict a crown and hairstyle reminiscent of a contemporary Nepalese princess.

xxii One reason for such lavish ornamentation in Buddhist sculpture of this type, and indeed throughout the entire breadth of Buddhist art, is the notion of generating spiritual merit, an no doubt an important motivation for choosingto adorn a sacred statue with gold and precious jewels. Indeed, as is stated in the Agni-Puranam:

“One (image) made of wood gives greater merit than what is made of clay; one made of bricks yields greater than awooden one; one (image) made of stone yields greater than what is made of bricks. Images made of gold and othermaterials yield the greatest religious merit. Sins accumulated in seven births dissipated even at the very

commencement.”

xxiii It is also interesting to note that precious and semi precious jewels were often adopted on Himalayan sculpture inorder to essentially ‘patch up’ the holes where chaplets (iron wires) may have held the wax in place to its clay coreduring the casting process, or indeed to cover unpredicted casting flaws in general.

xxiv The fact that the (typically Nepalese) gilding on this statue has been largely eroded, is also a likely indicator thatthis statue has historically been in Nepalese possession, where, unlike similar Tibetan works such as the one below,physical contact with the statue was a central part of Buddhist ritual. Indeed, as Von Schroder notes, a statue “whichhas served a ritualistic purpose in a Newar temple or private shrine [is likely to] have lost most of its gilding and insetstones, as well as having been more subject to corrosion.”

xxv It is expected that a Nepalese image in a Tibetan monastery will retain a great deal more of its original mercury gilding and inset precious stones than a statue of the same age in the Kathmandu valley subject to much moreextensive ritual washing and handling.

xxvi For example, the accomplished Nepalese artist Aniko (1244-1306) who in 1261, was sent from Nepal as the leaderof a group of eighty fellow Nepalese craftsmen to work in the Sakya monastery.

xxvii Added to this, there was a period of abundant translations throughout the 11th and 12th century which allowedIndian artistic and iconographic treatises to reach foreign lands such as Tibet. Indeed, throughout the seconddiffusion of Buddhism into Tibet, “translations of Indian manuscripts … were not only confined to religious texts, butcovered all branches of the sciences of that time,” including no doubt, the sacred art of casting religious statues. Thisis perhaps largely why so many Pala-style Tibetan statues correspond with the descriptions contained in the Indianiconographic compendiums that were translated from Sanskrit into Tibetan- most prominent among them theSadhanamala and Nispannayogavali.

xxviii As Singer adds; “It may be thus suggested that there was, among scholars and in aristocratic circles in Tibet, notonly a highly developed aesthetic awareness, but also a sophisticated antiquarian taste, or at least a vogue, for Indianstyles, a vogue well attested from the 14th to the 18th centuries.”

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'Mother of Liberation': Regional Diversities in Himalayan Metal Depictions of ‘Tara’.

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