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Tous droits réservés © Lien social et Politiques, 2016 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ Document generated on 07/27/2021 9:41 a.m. Lien social et Politiques Mouvements sociaux, mouvements post-politiques Social movements, post-political movements Alberto Melucci LSP/RIAC : un demi-siècle de débats sociaux et politiques Number 75, 2016 URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1036303ar DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1036303ar See table of contents Publisher(s) Lien social et Politiques ISSN 1703-9665 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Melucci, A. (2016). Mouvements sociaux, mouvements post-politiques. Lien social et Politiques,(75), 173–190. https://doi.org/10.7202/1036303ar Article abstract The author analyses various social movements characteristic of post-industrial societies as indications of a profund transformation of the logic and the mechanisms underlying contemporary society. He outlines his interpretation of the collective action proposed by the new "post-political" movements: youth, women, national minorities and ethnic groups as well as ecology groups. These movements are considered as "post-political" in the sense that they do not fit into traditional analyses of political organization and action in industrial societies. The modes of analysis appropriate to political action in industrial societies may constitute more of a hindrance than a help to our understanding of these movements. One may well ask whether the term "movements" is the most appropriate. Perhaps it would be more useful to speak in terms of "focal points" or informal networks. It would seem, in any case, that our analysis must be radically different than in the case of the politically organized collective actor. Should these new forms of organization and action be seen simply as a breakdown of traditional behaviour? Or would it be more useful to say that we are facing a new model of organization of the collective actor which poses the problem of the relationship between these movements and the traditional systems of political representation and organization.
