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Posted: Thu Nov 29, 2007 3:19 pm  

Route of Naga Migration 

R.B. Thohe Pou

Note: Introduction to Nagas (Please read Affinities between Nagas and the Indigenous

People Southern Seas)

The exact route of migration is difficult to delineate but it may be traced through the study of 

folksongs, folktales and legends of different tribes of Nagas. According to the oral tradition,

they did not migrate from Brahmaputra valley (Assam) to the Naga Hills. But the myths of 

origin traced the route of migration to Southeast. In ancient times, the migration took place

mainly along the river corridors. So it is quite possible that they migrated from mainland of 

China and followed the route along the rivers to Myanmar and retreated to Naga Hills.

According to Keane, the migration of the people undoubtedly first took a southward turn fromthe Asiatic mainland, then from the Archipelago eastward to the Pacific. Contrary to eastward

movement to the Pacific, the Nagas followed the southward movements from the Asiatic

mainland and after reaching the Moulmein Sea coast (Myanmar) they migrated northwestward

and lived in Irrawaddy and Chindwin Valley for some period of time and finally migrated to the

present Naga Hills. It is also written by Kaith Buchanan that over hundreds of years the pre-

Chinese people of central Asia were displaced into the upland areas of Indo-Chinese lands far

to the south. It is possible that Nagas were one such group who were displaced from central

Asia and migrated to the Southeast Asia.

The route of Southward movements from China by the Nagas would be difficult to delineate

due to lack of written history. But geographically and from a geographical perspective, the

Southward movement (migration) from main land China is possible following along the three

rivers like Salween (Nu-Jiang), Mekong and Irrawaddy River.

It is believed that the Nagas migrated from Mainland China and followed the southward

movement along the route of Salween River and eventually reached the Southern Seas in

Moulmein (Myanmar). It is because the Salween River originated from the mainland of China

near Tanglha Range and flowed to Southern Seas in Moulmein (southern Myanmar) and the

other tributary near Bangkok.

Diagram 3.1 Route of Nagas Migration

(Diagrammatical Representation)

Nagas from Mainland of China Yunnam Province Salween River

(China) (China & Myanmar)

Moulmein Irradwaddy & Chindwin River Imphal River

(Myanmar) (Myanmar) (Manipur)

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Barak River Makhel (Dispersal site of Nagas) Naga Hills

(Senapati District) (Senapati District) (India & Myanmar)

The Irrawaddy River and Chindwin River do not originate from mainland of China. The Mekong

River originated from mainland of China but it runs through Laos, Cambodia and eventually to

the Southern Seas in Mytho City in Vietnam. It is not proved by the historical facts that the

Nagas took the route of migration along the Mekong River.

The custom and tradition of Nagas resemble those of the Tribes of Thailand, Myanmar,

Indonesia, Philippines and Malaysia than to the tribal people in Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam.

Perhaps the Nagas took the route of migration along the Salween River to reach the southern

seas of Moulmein (Myanmar).

Fig. 1.1 Map of South East Asian Peninsula

Showing the possible route of Nagas migration

It is supported by historical facts that once the Nagas lived in Irrawaddy valley in the

periphery of Salween River. One of the tributaries of Irrawaddy River from Mandalay,

(Myanmar) also has a confluence with Salween River near Loi-Kaw (Myanmar), and it is

possible to migrate through this river.

However, the researchers believed that the Nagas migrated further south to Moulmein Sea,

where marine shells are found. It is supported by their (Nagas) fondness of marine shells in

decorating their dresses (kilt) and the marine shells are not found in the hills. They were alsovery familiar with the cowries and conches since time immemorial. The Nagas are basically

from the mainland of China most probably from the Yunnam province taking southward

migration along the Salween River to the south of Moulmein (Myanmar) and lived there for

some period of years. It is also believed that some of their (Naga) clans (brothers) were left in

Moulmein and they retreated to the Irrawaddy and Chindwin Valleys.

Those who were left in the vicinity of seas coast continued to press further southward through

the south of Myanmar to Malaysia, Indonesia and Philippines. Once the Naga are believed to

have lived near the seas but the reason for their migration from the Southern Seas to the

Nagas Hills is still obscure. It is difficult to ponder on this matter and give a reasonable

reason.

Some of the probable reasons for their retreat may be mentioned as-

i) The plains people who were more civilized with better equipment in warfare in Moulmein or

near the seacoast might have pressed the Nagas to push up the Irrawaddy Valley.

ii) There could be frequents waves, tornados and pestilence living near the seacoast.

iii) Another reason may be; they felt safe from their enemies’ attacks, living in the hills

than living in the plain, where there is not much protection.

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iv) As they were basically from the mainland, they may not be adapted to the coastal

environment and may liked to pursue other occupations like hunting, gathering fruits;

cultivation etc which might have made them shift to the hills of Chindwin and Irrawaddy River

valleys near Monywa (Myanmar).

There was not historical record like, when did they reach the southern seas, how long they

lived there, when did they live near the seacoast or when did they migrate to the Naga

Hills.The Naga Scholar R.R. Shimray suggested that Nagas lived near the seas coast during

the Neolithic Age, and migrated to the hills during the Bronze Age or early Iron Age and, thus,

he wrote,

“There is a legend of a huge tiger which had blocked the gate way and with great difficulty

they could cross it after having the tiger by adopting various ingenuities. This ingenuity of 

killing the said tiger includes use of arrows. It, therefore, appears that after roaming in the

Irrawadi valley and the south East Asian countries in the Neolithic Age, the Naga group had

reached the hole in the Bronze Age (3100-2000BC) or early Iron Age (1200BC).†50  

Some of the authorities on Nagas like Hutton; Pearl; Capt. Steel etc showed the evidence of 

Neolithic culture in Nagaland with the studied of those smooth stones found in Nagaland,

which is still preserved in Oxford University. The recent discoveries of pebble chopper in

Maring Naga village and the Khangkhui cave materials at Ukhrul by an Archaeologist O.K.

Singh proved the evidence of Paleolithic culture in Naga country.

However according to S.K. Chatterjee, the presence of the Nagas in the Naga Hills was felt by

the 8th century B.C (700 BC) 51 The Nagas after they lived near the Seas Coast for

generations, they retreated north- west from Moulmein along the Irrawaddy River to the

confluence of Chindwin and Irrawaddy River near Monywa (Myanmar).

According to some stories, the valley where once the Nagas lived was too warm for permanentsettlement and also there were too many mosquitoes. But most probably the aboriginal

settlers in Irrawaddy valley might have pressed the Nagas to the Hills where they are

occupying now. In ancient time the more powerful races in warfare usually drive out the

weaker races. For instance, the Dravidians were suppose to be the first settler in Indian

Gangetic plain, but later the Aryans drove them from the valley and migrated to the south.

The wave of migration from Irrawaddy valley took along the Imphal River and corridor of 

Indo-Myanmar to reach Manipur. As the Manipur valley was swampy and filled with water in

those days, they moved to the hills. One of the Manipur historians J.Roy wrote, “Though

the sea receded from that area, the valley portion of Manipur remained under the water for a

long time. The Manipuri Purans also refer to this fact that everything was under the water inthe beginning.†52  

From Imphal River, (which is linked to Irrawaddy River) they moved further to the north of 

Kangpokpi (Imphal River rises from Kangpokpi) and then to Karong (Senapati District). From

Karong, most probably they took the route along the Barak River and eventually settled at

Makhel (near Nagaland border) Senapati District Manipur, which the Nagas consider to be the

cradle of dispersion. In ancient time, the people from Makhel go to Imphal along the Barak

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River, which rises from the periphery of Makhel.

The Nagas were convinced and accepted “MAKHEL†as the place of origin as there are  

ample of historical facts showing the evidence. At Makhel, there are Stone of dispersal,

departure tree (a wild Pear Tree), three Stone Monoliths representing God, Man and Tiger, a

sacred Shield and small Stones kept at Makhel Chief’s place. The monolith representing

Tiger had fallen and the other two stones are still standing. According to the prediction and

legend of the Nagas, all the Nagas will come to unite and live together under one

administration before the monolith- representing man falls and the monolith representing God

will fall when the end of the world comes. One can still see all the above facts while visiting

theplace of dispersal.

 __________________________________________________

For Diagramatic representation and Map showing the route of migration can be seen from the

given link:

THE CHIN-KUKI-ETHNIC DILEMMA: SEARCH FOR ANAPPROPRIATE IDENTITY

31 May 2007 No Comment

INTRODUCTION

April 26, 2007: An attempt is made in this paper at studying the early history of the tribal ethnic group—Kuki-Chin-Mizo. An

attempt is also made to trace their original ethnic identity, especially in view of differing, and sometimes conflicting, interpretations

of their past and present made by historians and social scientist.

Like other hill tribes of the North East or elsewhere in the county, they too do not have any recorded history of their ancient past.

When we know today and discuss in this paper is part of their memory and oral tradition, hundred down to them through word of 

mouth by their forefathers.’ Folk tales legends and stories of struggles and movements etc. constitute one major source of their 

history. The other major source of information about their past are the administrative reports and monographs published by British

officers during the colonial rule.

The colonial administrators met the people, fought battles against them and finally brought them under their rule. They introduced

civil and military administration in these areas. Therefore, we read the history of the tribal peoples and learn about their ethnic

identity from the British records. No doubt, these two major sources provide us with a good deal of information to construct the

ancient history of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. However, rigid scholars have questioned the validity of these sources of information

and have opined that the early part of their history in shrouded in mystery.

ORIGIN OF THE CHIN-KUKI-MIZO

Scholars from the Chin-Kuki-Mizo group have recorded in their history that during the prehistoric period, they came out of a big

stone cave, referred to alternatively as Chhinlung, Sinlung and Khul. In one way, they all claim that Sinlung was their original

home. There are traditional songs composed after the name “Sinlung”. These songs also narrate the history and civilization of the

people, which have passed from generation to generation. Because of limitations of space, we will not go into the details of these

narratives.

The exact location of Sinlung is still debated. Dr. Lalrinwawia2 indicates that it is located in the province of Szechwan in China,

between 10″ E and latitude 3″ N, on the bank of Yalung river, 5400 ft. above msl. Mr. Lalbiak Thanga, 3 the ex-Chief Secretary of 

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Manipur, gives an altogether different version. He argues that ‘Chinlung’ referred not to a cave but rather to the name of a

Chinese prince in China, and that the correct form of the word was CHINLUNG.

Further, he goes on to state that Sinlung was the son of Hwang Ti of Chin Dynasty who built the great wall. Dr. B.N. Mullick,4

former Director, Intelligence Bureau of India, refers to an uninhabited territory, measuring about 16000 sq. miles, situated between

north and south of Ladakh.

Through this land, one trade route via Kajihangar passes through ‘Shinlung’. If Shinglung is equated with Sinlung or Chinlung then

it may be inferred that the location of this legendary cave is somewhere around the Ladakh region. On the whole, it is clear that no

final conclusion can be derived at about the location of the legendary cave. Notwithstanding the controversy, all the tribes and

clans within the Chin-Kuki-Mizo groups believe that it is this legendary cave, which is their original home and birthplace.

With regards to their racial origin, most people as well as scholars accept that they belong to the Mongolian race. The migration

route the people took to reach their present habitat and their biological properties go on to support this view. In their long history,

they did come in contact with people of different origins and were put under different systems of administration. Therefore the

administrators and scholars have designated the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people with different names and have identified them mainly as

Lusei and Kuki in India.

Scholars have identified them as ‘Khuongsai’ in Manipur, and as ‘Kuki’ in Assam, Nagaland and Tripura. As is usual, different

neighbouring tribes are known by different local ethnic names, which have been used to build up and project their identity. As far 

as the Chin-Kuki-Mizo group is concerned, the people accept that they are one and the same race, having the same culture,

tradition, customary practices including marriage and inheritance.

Now it is in order to discuss in brief the origin of the three ethnic names—Chin, Kuki and Mizo—separately and try to find out how

they came to be coined to identify these people.

THE CHIN

Not enough evidence is available to trace the origin of the name ‘Chin’. It is perhaps a Burmese term as people inhabiting the

Chin Hills in Burma (Myanmar) are identified as Chin and the British recorded this ethnic name to refer to these people. During the

colonial rule, the Chin Hills Regulation was enacted in 1896, the provisions of which determined the Village and Provincial

Administration in the region. Thus, the ethnic name became popular and widely accepted. Literally, ‘Chin’ means ‘little’ in one of 

the dialects spoken by the people. It also connotes an affectionate name given to daughters.

THE KUKI

The term ‘Kuki’ is a generic name. Some scholars have proposed that the term Kuki was applied by the Bengalis from Kachar,

Tripura and Chittagong Hill Tract as well as by the Assamese in Brahmaputra Valley to identify the hills people. But, if we peep

into their ancient history and their migration route to India from far east countries like Thailand, Burma and Vietnam; in fact, the

term Kuki was coined to refer to these people long before they came in contact with the Bengalis or Assamese. Equally baseless

is the proposition to categories these people as ‘old’ and ‘new’ Kuki. It is therefore necessary to adopt a holistic approach to

truthfully understand the origin of the term and the people referred to.

Perhaps a more reliable source is in Col. James Shakespeare’s account. 5 Shakespeare served in the Lusei hills from 1891 to

1905. He has meticulously recorded the customs, culture, and history of the Lusei as well as non-Lusei tribes, all of the same

origin. While he does not refer to the Mizos as an ethnic group, he identifies a number of clans within the Lusei and non-Lusei

groups. Till today, Shakespeare’s account and classification have remained unchallenged.

THE MIZO

Literally, the term ‘Mizo’ is a compound, – ‘mi’ means ‘man’ or people and ‘zo’ means a cold place at a high altitude. According to

such a literal interpretation, all people living in cold, hill regions should be addressed as ‘Mizos’. But, undoubtedly, the term Mizo

refers to a particular group of ethnic people. Tuck and Carey 6 mention that the people preferred the terms Kuki or Chin when

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addressed in public, but in private discussions they often used the term ‘Mezo’. Given the language barrier between the Britishers

and the local people, it is plausible that the terms ‘Mezo’ and ‘Mizo’ meant the same. I hold the opinion that there are some ethnic

groups who address themselves as Mizo since long, in their own societies and outside the present state of Mizoram.

Today, it is widely accepted as a term with long historical background. Interestingly, in popular perception, the term is not

exclusionist in the sense that it does not refer to any particular clan group in a restrictive way. Thus, it is widely believed that all

the people who cook rice on three stone pillars. “Lungthu”, are all Mizo. More recently, some leaders from within the community

have tried to replace ‘Mizo’ by ‘Zomi’, on the argument that ‘Zo’ should come first and ‘mi’ later. It does not make any substantive

difference, the two terms, ‘Mizo’ and ‘Zomi’, may be taken to refer to the same people.

IN SEARCH OF ETHNIC UNITY

Here we briefly examine the historical move to project the term ‘Mizo’ as an ethnic identity marker. Soon after the end of the

Second World War and on the eve of attaining independence, there was a spurt of hectic political activity in Mizoram. Then, the

main issue before the people was to decide whether to join the Chin Hills in Burma, so that they might remain with their Chin

ethnic brethren, or to opt for merger with India.

For the first time in their history, the people of Mizoram formed a political organization known as “Mizo Union”, which held its first

conference on the 9 April 1946 to discuss some important agenda. The first item on the agenda was the abolition of the Chief’s

rights and change of the name of Lusei Hills into Mizo Hills. The Lusei Hills District Council, created according to the provisions of 

the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India, took initiative to implement the (Moullungtha) resolutions passed in the Mizo Union

Party.

On the recommendations of the district Council, the Government Assam enacted two important legislations in 1954; the first was

the Lusei Hill District (Acquisition of Chief Rights) Act, 1954, which came into force on 1 April 1954. The second was the Lusei Hill

District (Change of Name) Act, 1954, (Act 18 of 1954), passed under an Act of Parliament. As per provisions of the second Act,

the name of the district was changed to ‘Mizo District’ with effect from 29 April 1954.

These two Acts were the result of long public struggle and fulfilled the cherished dream of the people of Mizoram. It may be

pointed out that the conferment of official status to the term “Mizo” not only provided an ethnic identity to the people, it also

brought all clans and tribes of the same origin under one umbrella. The terms received widespread acceptance by sister ethnoses

not only inside Mizoram but also by those residing outside, particularly in the Southern District (now Chura chandpur) or Manipur 

and Zampui Hills in Tripura. Songs were composed and sung to suit the occasion and the spirit of the movement.

In the post-independence period, many political parties were formed, and all of them were seized with the questions of ethnic

identity and unity. We may mention a few of them here. Mr. Vanlawma formed a political party, called the Mizo Union Council, with

the main objective of bringing the entire Mizo people, scattered in India, Myanmar and East Pakistan (Bangladesh) tinder one

administrative umbrella. Mr. Lalmawia formed another political party, the United Mizo Freedom Organisation (UMFO), with the

objective of uniting with the Chin brothers in the Chin Hills in Burma. UMFO seems to have ignored the issue of unificating the

Mizo people in Manipur, Tripura, Assam and Chittagong Hill tract of Bangladesh. Hence, the Mizo Union Party, the party in power 

in the then District Council, advocated the reunification of these people within the Indian Union.

The Khul Union, formed in Manipur in 1947-48, was another political organisation with the primary agenda of Mizo ethnic

unification. The Union contested the f irst ever Assembly elections in the state and returned 5 candidates out of 7 seats contested.

In the 1950s these people launched a political movement in Manipur, demanding the merger of their areas with Mizoram.

The Mizo National Famine Front Formed on 2 October 1961 under the leadership of Pu Late Laldenga, gave birth to the Mizo

National Front (MNF), formed on 12 October 1962. The MNF spear headed the demand for a Sovereign Greater Mizoram, to be

organised on ethnic lines. The idea generated a great deal of enthusiasm and many public leaders as well as young boys and

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girls from inside and outside Mizoram joined the movement to fulfil the objectives of an independent Greater Mizoram. Many of the

youth in fact took up armed struggle, raking positions in the war front from their jungle hideouts.

A little later, in January 1965, an All Party Meeting was held at Churachandpur, the headquarters of South District of Manipur,

under the initiative of the Mizo Union Party. This meeting resolved to work for the creation of a Greater Mizoram/Kuki State,

comprising all the Mizo-Kuki inhabited areas in the entire North Eastern region on ethnic considerations. About two decades later,

the Champhai Conference in Mizoram held on 19-21 May 1988, aimed at the same objective of ethnic unification. The Conference

was attended by many representatives from Manipur and other neighbouring states. The Zomi National Congress (ZNC)

Declarations (No. 7/88), December 6 to 15, 1988, related to the same political movement in search of ethnic unity.

Going back to the 40s and 50s again, it is worth pointing out that when all the tribes in Northern India were silent and the leaders

in the Indian sub-continent were divided with regard to the political strategy of the freedom movement, during and after the

Second World War, the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people made a great contribution by joining hands with the Indian National Army, under 

the command of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.

Netaji came to North East India though Chin Hills and held several rounds of the talks with the chiefs and elders of the tribal

groups. Subhas Chandra Bose came up to a small hamlet called Rengthai, close to Churachandpur town. He won the hearts of 

people during this visit. Thus, when the INA soldiers came to Manipur in 1944, these tribes joined hands with the INA. They had

entered into some sort of mutual understanding with INA in respect of their political future at the end of the war.

But, following the defeat of the Axis at the end of the World War II and the disappearance of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, their 

cherished dream and political aspirations for the future set up went in vain. There was no scope to revive the Treaty of Yandaboo,

1826 and no chance to reverse the course of history as two independent nations of India and Burma had been created by the

Government of India Act, 1935. The Kabo valley, inhabited by these tribes, was included in Burma. Though throughout their 

modern history, the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people had valiantly challenged British authority (Lusei Expedition of 1871-72 in Mizoram and

the Kuki Revolt in 1917-19 being the major examples), ultimately their political aspiration for ethnic reunification within one

administrative umbrella met with great disappointment. The Independence Act, 1947 simply confirmed the territorial arrangement

made by the Act of 1935.

By and large, all the political movement launched by this ethnic group had virtually the same objective. However, the movements

failed for a member of various reasons. It is difficult to single out any one reason as the main impediment. However, it is my

considered opinion that the emergence of the sovereign states of India, Burma and Bangladesh caused both administrative

fragmentation and ethnic division of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. It is clear that the then leadership could not appreciate the needs

and aspirations of these people. For example, following partition, the whole of Chittagong Hill Tract went to Pakistan, by default.

Most of the post-partition insurgency problems reflect the ignorance of the then leadership in respect of the Mongoloid people.

Now, the Chittagong Hill Tract has not only become the immediate sanctuary for most of the northeastern insurgent groups, but it

has also created the Chakma-Hajong related problems. Most importantly, it has upset the social equilibrium of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo.

Had the resolution passed by the Chin-Lusei Conference of Fort Williams in Calcutta, on 29 th January 1892, for bringing the

whole tract of country inhabited by them under one administrative umbrella been implemented, the situation would have been

quite different today.

DISTINCTIVENESS OF THE CHIN-KUKI-MIZO

THE CLAN SYSTEM

The clan system of Chin-Kuki-Mizo people is unique and is markedly different from other tribes in North-Eastern India. In most

cases, the names of the different clans were derived from their progenitors forefathers. Inter-clan relationships can be used as the

basis for determination of the family lines of the people. In fact, the clan system constitutes one of the most interesting and

intriguing aspects of their history and society. There are a large number of clans within the Chin Kuki-Mizo and, hence, it has not

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been possible to prepare an exhaustive list of the clans as yet. Consequently, members of the same clan/family can and do

exercise their option for being identified as a Chin, Kuki or Mizo. Further, they also keep on changing their ethnic identity,

according to their habitat.

Inter-marriages among the different clans within the Chin-Kuki -Mizo group have been in practice, throughout the ages, without

any restrictions whatsoever. Claims and counter-claims, including litigation, for exclusive ownership of some cultural items, such

as the Puonlaisen, have surfaced only recently. Some scholars interpreted these as indicative of separate identities within the

group. Mr. Nikhil Chakravarty, the noted journalist, was surprised to know that there were a many as sixty-eight different tribes.

There might be some minor hick-ups among the clans. But, it is unfortunate that the point that these different clans are related to

each other by blood and processes of historical evolutions is often missed by scholars not acquainted with the culture and history

of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people.

The different clans are scattered all over the North Eastern region (Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland, Tripura and Assam) as well as

the bordering states of Bangladesh and Myanmar. In fact, a majority of them have settled in Myanmar and far eastern countries.

Pu Lalthanhira]a, the Chief Minister of Mizoram, in a discussion with the Sunday magazine of Gangtok, stated that more Mizos

lived outside Mizoram than inside.9 Scattered all over the NE region and countries, through generations of settlement, they have

been identified by neighbouring out-groups by different ethnic names. This in spite of the fact that the different clans have lived

and mixed together in the same areas sunders the same system of administration, throughout the ages. Marriage and divorce,

including other social practices are virtually uniform in their respective societies.

All clans within the Chin-Kuki-Mizo groups followed the patriarchy system and therefore men occupied a high position in their 

society. They took all the important decisions and were responsible for all family affairs. Recently their patriarchal system has

undergone significant transformation whereby women have been accorded an important position in society and they have an

equal say in the family. In fact, now the whole management of the household is in the hands of the women. They also equally

participate in jhum cultivation, sowing seeds and weeding grass in the field. Of course, the practice of adopting names of their 

father’s clans continues. In terms of succession and inheritance also, the patriarchal system continues, though there is internal

variation.

For some clans, the eldest son inherits the property of the family; in others it is the youngest son who has the right to succession

and inheritance. In case of death, however, they follow uniform system of burial. After they embraced Christianity, the churches

introduced more or less the same system. Though there are no restrictions for people belonging to the Chin-Kuki-Mizo group, they

strictly prohibit the sharing of the burial ground with others. This aspect of their culture is deeply rooted in their history, and it goes

on to show that they are the same people and their clan relationship is based on ethnic affinity through blood.

They introduced their own traditional institutions for village adminis tration and, interestingly, the advent of the British consolidated

and strengthened rather than weakening or disturbing, these Institutions.

For example, the Chin Hills Regulation of 1896 put the traditional village administration on a firm footing and clearly defined the

areas of administration of the village and the provincial states. Thus, they were governed by the same customary practices and

same procedures followed for trial of civil suits and criminal cases. They therefore can be best accommodated under the same set

of laws and courts. The British colonial rulers understood this well and hence they treated the Chin- Kuki-Mizo as one tribe under 

the Chin Hills Regulations of 1896, Clause 2(3). Though the term ‘Lusei’ figured, Mizo’ did not and the ‘Chin’ included Burmans

domiciled in the Chin Hills and any person who had adopted the customs and language of the Chins.

SOCIETY AND CULTURE

A large number of other socio-cultural customs and practices may be mentioned. Some of these are common to other 

Northeastern tribes while some are unique to the group. We will make only passing reference to a few of them. A system of 

slavery existed among the Chin-Kuki -Mizo since time immemorial, but it is no longer in vogue. Adoption through Saphun (a social

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system by which a family changes its clan affiliation) has been in practice throughout their history. For ‘Saphun’ it is not necessary

to go to a court of law or a registration office; all that is required is to arrange a community feast and announce the adoption.

Like many other hill tribes, the Chin-Kuki-Mizo also has common places, which may be broadly equated with community halls

and/or dormitories. The Garos call it the bachelor’s house; the Zemes call it Noktorong, while the Chin-Kuki-Mizo calls it ‘Zawlbuk’.

The ‘Zawlbuk’ is an institution — it is the centre of most social activities. Further, these people practice intensive cultivation of 

tobacco in their jhum fields. Both males and females smoke tobacco. The men use a pipe called ‘Dumbel’ or ‘Vaibel’: the women

use a special type of bamboo pipe, called ‘Tuibur’ that is fitted below with a small water container called ‘Tuiburtui’.

These people celebrate a number of festivals such as ‘Mim-Kut Pawlkut’, ‘Chapchar Kut’, ‘Thalfavangkut’ (the Autumn festival)

and the like. The adoption of Christianity has not negatively affected the celebration of these festivals. In fact, THALFA VANGKUT

continues to be celebrated in a big way, and all sections of the people participate in it. In Manipur, they have named it as the Chin-

Kuki-Mizo Kut, which is grandly celebrated on the first of November every year. They have developed in into a most enjoyable

occasion in which different cultural items such as dances, singing-competition and beauty contests are organised. Each year a

new location is selected for the Kut festival and public leaders and government officials from both Manipur and Mizoram grace the

occasions.

The Chin-Kuki-Mizo people are great lovers of music and songs. In all their villages one can find a number of musical instruments,

both traditional and modern-western. Their sweet music and good voices charm the hills and mountains in the region. They are

fond of dancing, particularly in social gatherings. They perform different dances or different occasions, or festivals and in honour 

of visiting dignitaries. They have hymnbooks containing songs to be sung to a specific tune. These songs are composed to suit

different occasions.

They singing in accompanied by beating of the traditional drum called Khuong made of wooden material and covered by animal

skin. Khuong is found in all the villages inhabited by people of this ethnic group. Among dances, the most popular are the ‘Khal

Lam’, ‘Cheraw Lam’, ‘Pheiphit Lam’ and the bamboo dance. The different dances are not exclusive in the sense that they are

common to all the tribes and clans, and no one group can claim separate ownership.

Lastly, it may be ment ioned that these people are experts in weaving. The ladies weave clothes of different designs and colour 

combinations. The important thing is that different clans wear different patterns of shawls, which serve as the immediate clan

identity marker of the people. They also weave traditional dresses like Zakuolaisen and Hmaram, which are extremely popular 

among young girls who wear them on important occasions. Zakuolaisen is the most popular shawl pattern. Saipikhup is the name

of another shawl decorated with beautiful designs and very popular among the Kukis, especially those living outside Mizoram.

During one of my Flights between Delhi and Guwahati, I came across a photo-reproduction of a gentleman from Mizoram wearing

a Saipikhup shawl on the cover of Swagat magazine. The shawl was projected as Mizo Shawl, reflecting the ignorance of the out-

groups. In Manipur, one finds different shawls of different designs among the different tribes and clans such as Aimol, Anal, Chiru,

Chothe, Gangtc, Hmar, Kom, Koireng, Lamgang, Mating, Tarao, Paite, Simte, Vaiphei. The moot point is that the different designs

of the shawls serve as identi ty markers and any confusion in this regard can create misunderstanding.

THE LANGUAGES OF CHIN-KUKI-MIZO

The language/dialect of issue relating to Chin-Kuki-Mizo people has been matter of controversy. The linguistic diversity of India is

well known. Several scholars have said that if we travel on foot from one end of the country of the other, at every five kms., we

would find a different language/dialect being used by the people. In spite of certain differences, we can say that the

languages/dialects spoken by the Chin- Kuki-Mizo people are closely related. The Tower of Babel legend is too well-known to be

repeated here.

The Chin-Kuki-Mizo people do not have an original script of their own. Broadly speaking, we can divide them into two linguistic

groups — the R group and the Non-R group. Let us take a few examples to explain this classification of R and Non-R Groups in

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the contexts of Mizoram and Manipur. Since they did not have a script of their own, they chose to adopt the Roman script, of the

English alphabet variety of 24 letters. The Duhlien (Lusei) dialect was the first one to be codified by the British missionaries. They

first translated the Bible into Lusei. This Dahlien/Lusei dialect is now known as Mizo language, perhaps the most popular and

commonly used by these people. It serves as the lingua franca among the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. The maximum numbers of 

songs, including love songs, have been composed in Mizo and hence it is very popular among the youth. Thus Mizo has the

potential to develop into a full-fledged, advanced link language.

No doubt, there are internal differences with regard to the acceptance of Duhlien dialect as the Mizo language. But, it must be

realised that the Mizo language (based on the Duhlien/Lusei dialect) only stands a good chance for inclusion in the Eighth

Schedule, which would serve the interests of all the tribes within the Chin-Kuki-Mizo. There are many different clans, living in

Chandel and South Manipur (Churachandpur) districts of Manipur, who speak dialects most of which belong to the Non-R group.

These dialects are so closely related that in inter-clan, inter-tribe public gatherings they speak in their own respective dialects and

yet there is no problem of communication. In the written form as well the same holds true.

In village meetings, the Secretary records the proceedings in his own dialect and reads them aloud for approval by the members.

It is logical that the dialect/language spoken by the largest number of clans should be accepted and developed as the link

language. In the present situation, the Kuki language stands the first chance to develop as the lingua franca as well as the literary

language among the different clans in Manipur for the Non-R group.

MARRIAGE SYSTEM

The Chin-Kuki-Mizo people have a common marr iage system. Boys pay the customary bride price for getting wives and there is

no dowry system. In fact, boys having accepted a dowry and decorated their houses with materials brought by their wives are not

held in respect in the society. With modernity, however, girls are allowed to bring with them some of their valued dresses,

including daily garments. Since in terms of details the different clans have different customary practices we cannot provide an

exhaustive account here. Let us simply refer to the most common practice.

Customary bride price is paid in both cash and kind. Marriages were normally arranged by relatives and parents by taking ‘Zu’ to

the girl’s house. Since the advent of Christianity, this practice has been given up. Rather, the parents and/or relatives boil

tealeaves in the house of the girl to initiate marital discussion and to finalise the details, including fixation of customary price. The

customary price paid for a girl is generally shared by the close relations of her family. The traditional marriage system is a great

virtue of the system.

NAMING SYSTEM

The naming system is important for clan-wise identification of a person. The name of a person is the most important clue to the

person’s clan/ group identity. Mostly, the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people have avoided western names. Usually names are formed by

taking parts of the parents or maternal uncles’ names or from the achievement of the family. However members of the Catholic

Church usually have two names—an original ethnic name and the other a Catholic name. Sometimes the name of a child

indicates the history of his/her family. But, under no circumstances do they adopt a Hindu name.

It may be passingly mentioned here that there is no caste system among the different clans of Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. All clans

enjoy equal status within the group. The customary price paid for girls varies from clan to clan, but it is in no way indicative of the

status of the clan.

TIlE JEWISH CONNECTION?

Recently, some historians have tried to connect the history of origin of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people with that of the Jews, claiming

that the former are of Jewish origin—descendants of Manasse—one of the 12 children of Jacob. Jyoti Lal Choudhary” reported

that Mrs. Zaithan Chhungi had brought out books in support of the claim that these people were descendants of the Jews. In fact,

people who have advocated this theory or the racial claim belong to the Chin-Kuki-Mizo group living in Mizoram, Manipur and

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Nagaland. In India these people are mostly known as Kukis or Mizos, regardless of their habitation but in terms of Jewish identity,

they are put under one ethnic name, i.e. Israelis/ Jews. While some families have already migrated to Israel, many more are still

waiting for an appropriate opportunity.

Clearly, this new development has created some ethnic dilemma within the group. Shifts in identity have been a continuous

phenomenon among the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. It is therefore extremely difficult to definitively determine the origin and history of 

these people. Hence, there is always confusion, of some kind or the other, among authors and scholars, in establishing their 

ethnic identity. Sunil Janah has included a number of photographs, in his recent hook, of various tribal people taken (luring his

tour to Churachandpur in Manipur state. 12 Many of these photographs are captioned as Kuki-Naga women or Kuki-Naga girls. In

fact, Janah identifies photos of Kuki girls and women as Naga women and girls. Given the current ethnic conflicts in Manipur.

Such misrepresentations create further confusion and bitterness.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

I have attempted in this paper to highlight the ethnic identity and affinity of the Chin- Kuki-Mizo people. Though the discussion is

not exhaustive, I hope I have been able to focus some important aspects. The work is essentially based on my personal

experiences and my interaction with a number of social and religious leaders. I have taken up this work, not because I belong to

this group or because I come from the northeast region, but because of my intense desire to enable this particular ethnic group to

share our national glory and enrich our tradition of unity in diversity.

Following tremendous economic and technological development in Northeast India since Independence, there has been marked

increases in interaction and inter-mixing among the people in this region. A number of Seminars and Conferences organised to

bring together these people and scholars to discuss the various issues and problems facing them. Given great fluidity in the

region, questions relating to ethnic identity, unity and affinity have assumed great importance.

On the basis of the foregoing information and discussion in this brief paper, I come to the conclusion that there is no necessity to

continue the search for appropriate identity for the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. It is quite clear these people are of the same origin, a

based on blood-relationship, shared history and common socio-cultural traits, customary laws and rights and lastly by common

biological physical features. They have a common clan system; the different clans are named after their progenitors and the super 

ordinate group name, Chin-Kuki-Mizo, covers all the clans within the group.

Of course, it is next to impossible to identity members of different clans for independent inclusion under either Chin-Kuki-Mizo

tribe. It is for this reason that a group of students and scholars have made a proposal to coin a new ethnic name ‘Chikim’ (Chin,

Kuki, Mizo). Distinctions based on clans as well seem to be disappearing, particularly among person who live outside the region

and the elite section of the society. Further, while the terms Mizo and Kuki are most appropriate in Mizoram and Manipur 

respectively, Chin may be the preferred identity marker in international fora.

To sum up, the entire North-eastern region is identified as a paradise of research for historians, economists, sociologists,

anthropologists and other social scientists; it is equally a hot bed for politicians and an area where administrators are in great

dilemma while working out suitable governmental schemes to suit the diverse cultures and social systems in the region. It is

regrettable that even after 50 years of independence, we do not have enough historical and contemporary information about the

North-eastern peoples, their societies and cultures.

Thus, they do not find appropriate place in books on Indian history and society used in our educational curricula. Sincere efforts

therefore must be made to reconstruct Indian history, which must include the history of the peoples of the North Eastern region,

dealing with their ethno-cultural aspects, their struggles and fight against colonial rule and their sacrifices as well as their human

potential.

REFERENCES

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1. Zou, Hososei, M. 1998. Chin-Kuki-Mizo Folk Tales, Aizawl.2. Lalrinmawia, 1995. Mizoram History and Cultural Identity, Aizawl.

3. Thanga, L.B. ] 978. The Mizo-A Study in Social Personality , Aizawl.

4. Mullick, B.N. The Chinese Betrayal.

5. Shakespeare, J. 1912. The Lushai-Kuki Clans, London: McMillan & Co. (Reprinted by Tribal Research Institute, Govt. of 

Mizoram, Aizawl, 1975.)

6. Tuck, H.W. and 13.S. Carey, 1976. The Chin Hills. Aizawl; KLM Private Limited (Reprinted from original of 1896).

7. Shakespeare, J. op. cit.

8. Chakravarty, Nikhil, 1995. Address at the Seminar on North-East region at 21st Century, Cowan.

9. Lalthanhawla’s discussion with Sunday magazine, Gangtok.

10. John Luke and The Acts of Apostle (first translation of Bible into Lusei).

11. Choudhury, J.L. 1994. The Mizos Journey to Israel: Assert to the Promised Lord. The Sunday Sentinel , October 10, 1994.

12. Janab, Sunil. The Tribals of India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Chawnglienthang Changsan, “The Chin-Kuki-Ethnic Dilemma: Search for an Appropriate Identity” in Dynamics of identity and

Intergroup Relations in North-East India

Yunnan takes pride in its rich natural and cultural resources. The most attractive of which is

the folklore and culture of the area's 25 ethnic minority groups. It's rare to see so many

different ethnic minority groups living harmoniously in one province. Majestic and colorful are

the most frequently used words to describe people's life in Yunnan.

• Get lost in the spectacular Stone Forest, the World Karst Landscape Museum with

countless stone pillars weathered into countless bizarre shapes;

• Step back in time in the narrow cobblestone streets of  Lijiang Old Town, and have

a cycling adventure around the countryside;

• Visit the Naxi Baisha Village and witness the Naxi people's ancient music,

and see how they have lived unchanged for centuries;

• Make an astonishing adventure in Three Parallel Rivers of Yunnan Protected

Areas

and experience the adventurous outdoor life;

• Conquer the amazing Jade Dragon Snow Mountain, and enjoy the breathtaking

scenery and pristine glaciers;

• Trek the world's deepest gorge, the Tiger Leaping Gorge, a breathtaking

hike amid soaring cliffs and waterfalls;

• Visit the town of Shigu, the best vantage point to view the "First Bend of 

Yangtze River";

• See the towering Three Pagodas of Chongsheng Temple, and cycle along

the shore of the ear-shaped Erhai Lake;

• Wander the ancient streets of the Dali Ancient City, and witness the Bai

people with their ancient and fascinating culture;

• Discover the mystery and tradition of Tibetan Buddhism in Zhongdian by

visiting the Songzanlin Monastery, the Napa Hai Grassland and

even a Tibetan family;• Take your taste buds to paradise with the diverse, unique Yunnan

Cuisine which is a perfect blending of many traditional minority cuisines;

• Many photographers have visited the Yuan Yang rice terraces, Nujiang River,

Dongchuan Red Land to capture the thrilling beauty of the landscapes. Strolling

in Jianshui, which with a 1200-year history, rich in cultural heritages from the

ancient;

• Domestic unique, world-class, beautiful magical Xishuangbanna

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Today, it is widely accepted as a term with long historical background. Interestingly, in popular perception,the term is not exclusionist in the sense that it does not refer to any particular clan group in a restrictive way.Thus, it is widely believed that all the people who cook rice on three stone pillars. "Lungthu", are all Mizo.More recently, some leaders from within the community have tried to replace 'Mizo' by 'Zomi', on theargument that 'Zo' should come first and 'mi' later. It does not make any substantive difference, the twoterms, 'Mizo' and 'Zomi', may be taken to refer to the same people.

Hornbills

(Bucerotidae)

Class Aves

Order Coraciiformes

Suborder Bucerotes

Family Hornbills (Bucerotidae)

Thumbnail description

Medium to large-sized, stocky, highly vocal birds with long, slightly decurved bills

topped by casques of various shapes, sizes, and colors

Size

11.8–47.3 in (30–120 cm); 0.22–13.2 lb (100g–6 kg)

Number of genera, species

14 genera; 54 species

Habitat

Forest, woodlands, and savanna

Conservation status

Endangered: 2 species; Critically Endangered: 2 species; Vulnerable: 5 species; Near 

Threatened: 12 species

Distribution

Sub-Saharan Africa, south and Southeast Asia, New Guinea, and the Solomon Islands

Evolution and systematics

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In his classic work The Hornbills published in 1995, Alan Kemp wrote "Trying to decide

what other groups of birds are most closely related to hornbills is not quite so easy." Time

has not made that decision any easier; the classification of these bizarre, large-billed birdsis still debated. Most modern taxonomic treatments place hornbills within the order 

Coraciiformes together with their closest relatives: the hoopoe (Upupidae) and the

woodhoopoes and scimitarbills (Phoeniculidae). This classification is based primarily onsimilarity in foot and jaw morphology, and a prolonged retention of quills by nestlings,

which gives them a prickly "pin-cushion" look. All birds of these families nest in tree

holes, but only hornbills seal the entrance to their cavities.

As of 2001, science recognizes 54 species of hornbills grouped within 14 genera and twosubfamilies. All but two species are classified within the subfamily Bucerotinae. The

exceptions are the terrestrial ground-hornbills, which fall within the subfamily

Bucorvinae. The distinction between Bucerotinae and Bucorvinae is based on uniquefeather lice and anatomical and behavioral differences such as a greater number of neck 

vertebrae and the lack of nest-sealing behavior in the Bucorvinae. In 2001, S. Huebner 

and colleagues conducted detailed molecular studies of the two groups. They found thatground-hornbills were probably the earliest form.

All 54 hornbill species display unique anatomical features that clearly identify their 

affinities. These include being blessed with long, sweeping eyelashes on their upper lids

and a fusion of the first two cervical vertebrae to provide support for large bills. Allhornbills lack carotid arteries as well as the short feathers under the wings that cover the

 primary and secondary flight feathers of other birds. Finally, hornbills have unusual

kidneys in that they are two-lobed instead of three, and the Z chromosome, one of a pair 

of sex chromosomes, is oversized.

Physical characteristics

Hornbills are among the most flamboyant birds of their habitat. The oversized, slightly

decurved bills topped by sometimes outlandish casques shaped as bumps, ridges, or horns

make hornbills an unforgettable component of any landscape. Hornbills varytremendously in size and shape, starting with the large, long-legged southern ground-

hornbill ( Bucorvus leadbeateri) weighing up to 13.2 lb (6 kg), and going down to the

0.26 lb (120 g) red-billed dwarf hornbill (Tockus camurus). Males are always larger andstouter than females but the greatest dimorphism often occurs in bill length with males

having up to 30% longer bills. Horn-bill plumage is described as "drab," lacking the

 brilliant colors of relatives such as the kingfishers (Alcedinidae) and rollers (Coraciidae).

However, the bold black-and-white patterns of many forest hornbills and the delicategray pied patterns of many Tockus species are far from dull. Add in bills and casques of 

 brilliant orange, yellow-gold, deep crimson, or shiny black, and patches of bare skin

around the eyes and throat in a kaleidoscope of garish hues, and you have a colorfulgroup of birds.

Plumage color and size and shape of the casque identify the age and sex of an individual.

 Newly fledged hornbills have

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underdeveloped casques and small bills, but after the first year of life, appearances

converge on that of their adult counterparts. In species where sexes differ in color as

adults, determining the gender of the young can be difficult. For example, in almostall Aceros, Rhyticeros, Penelopides, and Tockus species, the young, regardless of their 

sex, resemble their fathers for the first year of life. The opposite is true for 

the Bycanistes and Ceratogymna who resemble the adult female. Young of the northernground-hornbill ( Bucorvus abyssinicus) and a few Tockus species show plumage true to

their sex while chicks of the rufous hornbill ( Buceros hydrocorax) are radically different

from both parents.

 Numerous authors have described the noise produced by flying hornbills as that of anapproaching train. This incredible "whooshing," produced in different pitches depending

on the species' size, is a result of wing structure. Because horn-bills lack the small

feathers that normally cover the shafts of the primary and second flight feathers, each powerful stroke of the wing allows air to pass through and vibrate the large feathers.

The most outstanding feature, and the one from which hornbills acquire their commonname, is the casque on the top of the bill. Casques vary from the mere ridge of the

redbilled hornbill (Tockus erythrorhynchus) to the wash-board bumps of the wreathedhornbill ( Rhyticeros undulatus) and the elaborate banana of the rhinoceros hornbill

( Buceros rhinoceros). The function of casques, which may take up to six years to

develop, is the topic of many debates. It is possible that casques provide structuralsupport for a long bill. Casques may also serve an acoustic function by helping amplify a

horn-bill's call. Additionally, casques may be attractive to the opposite sex. The helmeted

hornbill uses its casque in bizarre, aerial displays where individuals of either sex collide

in midair, casque-to-casque. The head-butting competitions always occur near fruiting figtrees ( Ficus spp.). Although Gustav Schneider once reported that helmeted hornbills

 perform this comical ritual when they are intoxicated on fermented figs, observationsfrom Sumatra indicate that this acrobatic act may be in defense of clumped foodresources.

Distribution

Hornbills occur across sub-Saharan Africa, through India and southern Asia, across the

Indonesian and Philippine archipelagos, and east to the Solomon Islands. There are nohorn-bills in the New World. Within the hornbill family, 23 species inhabit Africa, while

the remaining 31 are found in Asia. The largest and most widespread genus in

Africa, Tockus, is represented by 13 species. The most ubiquitous of the Tockus species is

the African gray hornbill (Tockus nasutus), a medium-sized gray and white bird with populations occurring from the shores of Mauritania in the west, east to the Red Sea, and

as far south as Namibia and South Africa. In Asia, Aceros and Rhyticeros hornbills

dominate with five genera each, occurring from Bhutan and northern India in the west tothe Solomon Islands in the east. Two species of the genus Ocyceros, the Malabar gray

hornbill (Ocyceros griseus) and Indian gray horn-bill (Ocyceros birostris), occur 

exclusively in India while the third species, the Sri Lankan gray hornbill (Ocyceros

 gingalensis), is restricted, as its name implies, to the island of Sri Lanka. Several hornbill

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species, especially those occupying oceanic islands, have restricted distributions. The

tarictic hornbills are a prime example. The Luzon ( Penelopides manillae), Visayan

( Penelopides panini), and Mindanao ( Penelopides affinis) tarictic hornbills occur only ona few neighboring islands within the Philippine archipelago. A fourth Philippine species,

the Mindoro tarictic hornbill ( Penelopides mindorensis) is endemic to the small island of 

Mindoro while the fifth species of the genus, the Sulawesi tarictic hornbill ( Penelopidesexarhatus) is found only on the Indonesian island of Sulawesi. Several other species are

endemic to single islands, including the Sulawesi red-knobbed hornbill ( Aceros cassidix),

the Sumba hornbill ( Rhyticeros everetti), and the Narcondam hornbill ( Rhyticeros

narcondami).

Habitat

Arid deserts, scrubby woodlands, cool mountains, and steamy rainforests all constitute

hornbill habitat. In general, however, hornbills are birds of the forest. Of the 30 speciesfound in India and Southeast Asia, only the Indian gray horn-bill lives in open savanna.

In Africa, where forests are less extensive, the proportion of savanna-dwelling speciesincreases accordingly; 13 of 23 species reside in savannas and woodlands while the

remaining 10 inhabit forests. Species occupying savannas tend to have more extensiveranges but, like the red-billed hornbill, may be separated into many distinct populations

 by imposing bands of woodland. Endemic species are, by default, limited to habitats

available within their restricted range. This is particularly true of insular species like theSumba hornbill, which occupies all forest types on its native island.

There are key features that must be present in all hornbill habitats—an ample number of 

large trees for nesting, an adequate year-round supply of food, and enough habitat area to

support a viable population. Each species has a particular set of requirements, which may

help explain why several species can simultaneously occupy the same habitat. In theforests of Thailand, where nine hornbill species may occur together, a small Tickell's

 brown hornbill ( Anorrhinus tickelli) is able to use nest holes of smaller dimensions thanthe larger great hornbill ( Buceros bicornis). On Sumatra, where a similar number of 

species coexist, they generally forage on different diet items; when diet overlap occurs, as

with rhinoceros and helmeted hornbills, they partition their habitat by feeding at differentheights in the canopy. Habitat quality will influence the number of hornbills an area can

support. Habitat size also limits hornbill populations. On the island of Sumba, hornbills

are rare or absent from forest patches less than 3.6 mi2 (10 km2) in size.

Behavior

Hornbills generally wake at dawn, preen their feathers, then begin their search for food.

 Normally, hornbills move about in pairs, but some species are found in family groups of 

three to 20 individuals. Some hornbills gather in large flocks around clumped food

resources. The Sulawesi redknobbed hornbill is occasionally seen in groups of more than100 individuals at large fruiting figs. In Thailand, wreathed hornbills roost in flocks of 

over 1,000 individuals. The plain-pouched hornbill ( Aceros subruficollis) takes the record

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for the largest aggregations; over 2,400 individuals were counted in Malaysia in 1998

traveling to roost. Roosts may serve as "information centers" where individual birds can

reduce foraging time by following a knowledgeable, long-term resident. As Alan Kempsummarizes, these massive gatherings are "wonderfully noisy and visually stunning, and

must surely rate among the foremost spectacles of the bird world."

Hornbills are believed to be monogamous. The only research on the faithfulness of 

hornbills failed to find evidence

of extra-pair paternity in Monteiro's hornbill (Tockus monteiri), boosting confidence in

their monogamous behavior. Monogamy may have many variations on the theme.

Among cooperative social groups, there is generally one monogamous breeding pair and

a number of offspring who become "helpers" during the nesting season, deliveringmorsels to their mother and siblings and defending a mutual territory. Cooperative

 breeding occurs more often in hornbills than any other bird family, and may characterize

up to one-third of all hornbill species.

Many hornbills range widely but none of these movements is considered migratory. Most

hornbills are sedentary and many are territorial. The majority of Tockus and small-bodied

forest hornbills are territorial throughout the year. Larger hornbills such as

the Aceros and Rhyticeros that rely on scattered fruit resources, may range over 21 mi2 (58km2) and only defend temporary territories around nest sites.

Hornbills communicate through a wide range of spectacular calls and each species can be

identified by its vocalizations. Loud calls announce territories, or in the non-territorial

species, aid in maintaining contact. Territorial ground-hornbills "boom" when their  boundaries are invaded and non-territorial wreathed hornbills bark like dogs while

coordinating flocks. While calls are important in dense forest habitats, visual displays aremore prevalent in open grasslands. For example, the Hemprich's hornbill (Tockus

hemprichii) has an elaborate territorial display that resembles the mechanical movements

of a wind-up toy; the bill is pointed skyward, while the bird whistles, and lifts and fans its

tail over its back.

Feeding ecology and diet

Hornbill diets span the spectrum from animals to fruits and seeds but most are

omnivorous, mixing meat and fruit in their meals. AmongTockus, diets tend more toward

insects, scorpions, lizards, snakes, and small mammals, while Ocyceros

and tarictic diets include more fruit. Omnivory is the rule among the territorial, group-living hornbills. Because animal prey often occurs at low density and is available year-

round, hornbills may develop defendable territories in which dietary needs for the pair or 

group are satisfied. Additionally, these species maximize exploitation of their territories by using abundant but ephemeral fruit resources as they become available. The

availability of fruit resources within a habitat may determine the degree of omnivory

observed.

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Heavy reliance on fruits requires that hornbills have large home ranges, and may affect

reproductive rates. Fruit diets combined with large home ranges have important

consequences for forest ecology. As hornbills travel, they disperse seeds of the fruits theyrelish, playing a role in regenerating the forests in which they live.

Reproductive biology

Hornbill reproduction tends to coincide with rainfall and increased food supply. In

seasonal African savannas, Tockus species begin courtship and reproduction with therains, when invertebrates and fruits are plentiful. The opposite occurs on Sulawesi where

lack of rainfall stimulates reproduction in the Sulawesi red-knobbed hornbill, so the burst

in fruit supply occurs immediately after fledging. In aseasonal Bornean rain-forests,reproduction appears to be supra annual, tied to highly cyclical peaks in food supply.

Breeding in these populations may be controlled by the rate at which pairs regain

condition between reproductive cycles. In fig-rich forests of North Sulawesi, hornbills breed every year, usually returning to the same nest tree.

The hornbill's unique nesting behavior is the feature that has most fascinated students of 

nature. All hornbills are hole-nesters, preferring natural cavities in trees or rock crevices.

Unlike any other group of birds, the female hornbill seals the entrance to her nest cavity,leaving only a narrow slit through which she, and later her chicks, receive food from her 

mate. In most species, the male ferries mud to the female who then works for several

days to seal the cavity entrance. Where mud is a rare commodity, the female uses her 

own feces as building material.

 Nest sealing is believed to have evolved as a form of predator defense, for protection

against other intruding hornbills, and to enforce male fidelity. Nest sealing has been

described as an example of male chauvinism in which the male cloisters his female,forcing her to depend on him for survival. In reality, the female incarcerates herself and

later frees herself, forcing the male to provide for her and their offspring. Because the

male is busy provisioning his family, he is incapable of maintaining two nests, and the

female can be sure of his complete attention.

The onset of breeding begins with courtship. When in flight, courting pairs act as though

they are attached by an invisible rubber band, reacting swiftly to each other's movements.

They perch in cozy proximity, engage in mutual preening, and exchange food gifts as ademonstration of their ardor. Other clues of the onset of breeding include the

intensification in color of the exposed fleshy areas around the face and throat, reflecting

hormonal changes. Nest inspection increases in frequency until copulation occurs and thefemale enters the nest cavity.

The number of eggs, their size, and the length of incubation are all correlated with body

size. Clutch size ranges from two to three eggs in large hornbills and up to eight for 

smaller hornbills. Incubation runs from 23-49 days in small and large species,

respectively. Eggs hatch in intervals and the emerging chicks are naked and translucent

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 pink with closed eyes. Feather growth begins within a few days and as chicks develop,

the skin blackens and begging calls change from feeble cheeps to loud, insistent calls.

The timing of female emergence varies tremendously; some females accompany their chicks from the nests and others leave well before chicks fledge. Research on Monteiro's

hornbill suggests that females emerge to ensure survival when their body conditionreaches its lowest point.

Male hornbills can be impressive providers. Although many Tockus species carry itemsto the nest one-by-one, most hornbills collect multiple food items, stuffed into a bulging

gullet before delivering a load to the nest. A Sulawesi redknobbed hornbill once delivered

162 fruits in one trip, a load equivalent to nearly 20% of his body weight.

 Nesting success is high for those species studied. In southern Africa, chicks fledged from90–92% of the nests of four Tockus species and in Thailand, 80% of great hornbill nests

monitored fledged young. Sulawesi red-knobbed hornbills averaged 80% nesting success

over three years, but this figure plummeted to 62% during the 1997 El Niño/ENSO fires.Smaller hornbills fledge up to four chicks, but large hornbills rarely fledge more than one

chick per year.

Conservation status

Only 16% of all hornbill species are classified as being under some level of threat,ranging in increasing degree from Vulnerable to Critical and Endangered, according to

the IUCN. An additional 12 species, however, are considered Near Threatened and will

 probably experience a decline in status within the twenty-first century. Africa presently

has no hornbills in danger of extinction; only two West African forest inhabitants, the

yellow-casqued hornbill (Ceratogymna elata) and the brown-cheeked hornbill( Bycanistes cylindricus), are classified as Near Threatened. All nine species suffering

endangerment reside in Asia, and most (77%) occur on small oceanic islands. The Sumbaand Narcondam hornbills, both single-island endemics, are classified as Vulnerable, with

total populations hovering around 4,000 and 300, respectively. The situation in the

Philippines is especially urgent. Rapidly dwindling forests contain two species ranked asthe most endangered hornbills in the world, the Visayan and Mindoro tarictic hornbills,

as well as two species classified as Critical, the Sulu ( Anthracoceros montani) and

rufous-headed ( Aceros waldeni) hornbills, and one Vulnerable species, the Palawanhornbill ( Anthracoceros marchei). There are no rigorous population estimates for these

species, but we assume populations are extremely small and may vanish within decades

unless conservation measures are adopted.

The underlying threat to hornbill populations is habitat alteration resulting in forest lossand fragmentation. As forests become smaller and more isolated, hornbill populations

decline, resulting in increased vulnerability to extinction from natural disasters such as

disease. Protection of hornbill populations and their habitats within conservation areas of 

adequate size offer some hope for their long-term persistence. In the late 1990s, two parks were established on Sumba to aid in the conservation of the Sumba hornbill, and

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the Philippines have proposed to establish the Central Panay Mountains National Park 

(NP) for the Visayan tarictic hornbill. In India and Africa, vast tracts of savanna and

forest have been protected as parks for decades. The long-term success of hornbillconservation in these parks, however, depends on active management to ensure that they

are more than "parks on paper."

Unsustainable hunting for food, pets, and body parts is also a problem. Although illegal,

trade in helmeted hornbill ivory continues. Great and oriental pied hornbill casques arecommon souvenirs in Thai and Laotian markets. Traditions that require feathers or skulls

take a toll on living birds. Female Kenyalang dancers of Malaysia carry up to 10 hornbill

tail feathers in each hand, thus supplying a full complement of 20 dancers can cost up to80 hornbills.

The 1990s have seen a dramatic increase in awareness of hornbill ecology and

conservation needs. The number of horn-bill studies, especially those by range-country

 biologists, escalated during this time and continues to increase. Developments in hornbill

research and conservation are quickly communicated to the global community throughthe IUCN Species Survival Commission's Hornbill Specialist Group and facilitated by

Internet communication. Only with such global attention are we able to finance localinitiatives and put pressure on a range of state governments to conserve these unusual

 birds.

Significance to humans

Like many other groups of birds, hornbills are hunted for food and consumed for medicine. In Africa, parts of the ground-hornbill are eaten to improve health and sagacity,

whereas in India, the great hornbill, the Indian pied hornbill, and the Indian gray hornbill

are rendered into oils that supposedly aid in childbirth and relieve gout and joint pains. InIndonesia, the meat of the Sumba hornbill is roasted and eaten to relieve rheumatism and

asthma. Because they are easily tamed, horn-bills are captured and traded for pets or 

exhibition. Unlike any other group of birds, however, hornbills play special roles in the

folklore and ceremonies of the countries where they occur. Long, elegant tail feathers arethe most sought-after hornbill part, but heads and casques are also coveted. The Nishis

 people of Arunachal Pradesh, India, attach the upper beak of the great hornbill to

rattan bopiah caps as traditional male headgear. Neighboring Wanchos of easternArunachal use the warm, chestnut-colored neck feathers of rufous-necked hornbills to

cover caps. On Borneo, the helmeted and rhinoceros hornbills reach mythical proportions

in the eyes of the local inhabitants. The helmeted hornbill, in particular, is strongly

associated with headhunting. C. Hose, an early twentieth century naturalist and explorer,reported that only someone who has taken a human head is allowed to wear the

intricately carved earrings created from the "ivory" of the helmeted hornbill casque, or to

adorn themselves with the bird's long, central tail feathers. Helmeted hornbills are also believed to judge souls leaving their mortal existence.

Today, hornbills are increasingly highlighted as local mascots or state birds. This is

especially true in Asia. The great hornbill is the state bird of Arunachal Pradesh, northern

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India. The rhinoceros hornbill has been adopted as the state bird of Sarawak, Malaysia,

where it appears on tourism advertisements, T-shirts, and even the state coat-of-arms. In

Indonesia, the helmeted hornbill, the Sulawesi red-knobbed hornbill, and the Sumbahornbill proudly serve as official mascots for three provinces.