NASA History Division | NASAhistory.nasa.gov/SP-4314/Chap2.pdf · Transition into NASA: 1959 –...

Atmosphere of Freedom Sixty Years at the NASA Ames Research Center

50

Harvey Allen, chief of Ames’ high

speed research division explaining

the blunt body concept.

Transition into NASA: 1959 – 1968 51

HICONTA simulator (for height

control test apparatus), in February

1969, mounted to the exterior

framing of the 40 by 80 foot wind

tunnel. It provided extraordinary

vertical motion.

Chapter 2:From a Laboratory to a Research Center


Ames contributed much of the technology that helped NASA succeed in the mission

that most preoccupied it during the 1960s—sending an American to the Moon and

returning him safely to Earth. Ames people defined the shape, aerodynamics, trajectory

and ablative heat shield of the reentry capsule. They mapped out navigation

systems, designed simulators for astronaut training, built magnetometers to

explore the landing sites, and analyzed the lunar samples brought back.

Still, compared with how it fueled growth at other NASA Centers, the rush

to Apollo largely passed Ames by.

Ames’ slow transition out of the NACA culture and into the NASA way

of doing things, in retrospect, was a blessing. Under the continuing

direction of Smith DeFrance, then Harvey Allen, Ames people quietly

deepened their expertise in aerodynamics, thermodynamics, and simulation,

then built new deep pockets of research expertise in the space and life

sciences. They sat out the bureaucratic politics, feeding the frenzy toward

ever more elaborate and expensive spacecraft. The gentle refocusing of

Ames’ NACA culture during the 1960s meant that Ames had nothing to

unlearn when NASA faced its post-Apollo years—an era of austerity, collaboration, spin-

offs, and broad efforts to justify NASA’s utility to the American public.

RELATIONS WITH NASA HEADQUARTERSPresident Dwight Eisenhower signed the National Aeronautics and Space Act into

law on 29 July 1958, and its immediate impact was felt mostly in redefining Ames’

relations with its headquarters. The NACA was disbanded, and all its facilities incorpo-

rated into the new National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) which

formally opened for business on 1 October 1958. Eisenhower wanted someone in charge

of NASA who would take bold leaps into space and he appointed as administrator

T. Keith Glennan, then president of the Case Institute of Technology. Hugh Dryden,

who had been NACA chairman, was appointed Glennan’s deputy. Glennan first renamed

the three NACA “Laboratories” as “Centers,” but kept Smith DeFrance firmly in charge

of the NASA Ames Research Center.

Transition into NASA


52

DeFrance went a year without making

any organizational changes to reflect

NASA’s new space goals. At the end of

1959, he announced that Harvey Allen was

promoted to assistant director, parallel to

Russell Robinson. Robinson continued to

manage most of Ames’ wind tunnels, some

of which were mothballed or consolidated

into fewer branches to free up engineering

talent to build newer tunnels. Allen’s

theoretical and applied research division

was reconfigured so that he now managed

an aerothermodynamics division and a

newly established vehicle environment

division. In addition, DeFrance formed an

elite Ames manned satellite team, led first

by Alfred Eggers and later by Alvin Seiff,

that helped define the human lunar mission

that would soon become NASA’s organiza-

tional mission.

Perhaps the biggest cultural change at

Ames came from personnel shifts. NASA

Ames Research Center,

14 December 1965.


also inherited the

various space project

offices managed by the

Naval Research Laboratory—

specifically Project Vanguard,

upper atmosphere sounding rockets,

and the scientific satellites for the

International Geophysical Year. These

offices had been scattered around the

Washington, D.C. area, and Glennan

decided to combine them at the newly built

Goddard Space Flight Center in Beltsville,

Maryland. Goddard would also be respon-

sible for building spacecraft and payloads

for scientific investigations, and for

building a global tracking and data

acquisition network. Glennan asked Harry

Goett, chief of Ames’ full scale and flight

research division, to direct the new

Goddard Center. Goett’s departure, in

August 1959, was a big loss for Ames. To

replace Goett, DeFrance turned to Charles

W. “Bill” Harper. Fortunately, Goett

resisted the temptation to cannibalize

colleagues from his former division, and

instead built strong collaborative ties

between Ames and Goddard, especially in

the burgeoning field of space sciences.

The flood of money that started

flowing through NASA only slowly

reached Ames. The NACA budget was

$340 million in

fiscal 1959.

As NASA, its

budget rose to

$500 million in

fiscal 1960, to

$965 million in fiscal 1961, and earmarked

as $1,100 million for fiscal 1962. Staff had

essentially doubled in this period, from the

8,000 inherited from the NACA to 16,000 at

the end of 1960. However, most of this

increase went to the new Centers—at Cape

Canaveral, Houston, Goddard and Hunts-

ville—and to the fabrication of launch

vehicles and spacecraft. Ames people had

little engineering experience in building or

buying vehicles for space travel, even

though they had devised much of the

theory underlying them. Glennan, in

addition, followed a practice from his days

with the Atomic Energy Commission of

expanding research and development



54

through contracts with universities and

industry rather than building expertise

in-house. Thus, between 1958 and 1961, the

Ames headcount dropped slightly to about

1,400, and its annual budget hovered

around $20 million.

The disparity between what NASA got

and what Ames received grew greater in

early 1961 when President John Kennedy

appointed James E. Webb to replace

Glennan as administrator. Kennedy had campaigned on the issue of the missile gap and

Eisenhower’s willingness to let the Soviets win many “firsts” in space. So in Kennedy’s

second state of the union address, on 25 May 1961, he declared that by the end of the

decade America would land an American on the Moon and return him safely to Earth.

Ames people had already planned missions to the Moon and pioneered ways to return

space travelers safely to Earth, but they had expected decades to pass before these plans

were pursued. Kennedy’s pronouncement dramatically accelerated their schedules.

Kennedy immediately boosted NASA’s fiscal 1962 budget by 60 percent to $1.8 billion and

its fiscal 1963 budget to $3.5 billion. NASA’s total headcount rose from 16,000 in 1960 to

Model mounted in the 40 by 80 foot wind

tunnel, for studies in 1962 on using

paragliders to land space capsules.

Management process invaded

Ames as the Center shifted from

NACA to NASA oversight. Ames

constructed a review room in its

headquarters building where, in

the graphical style that prevailed

in the 1960s, Ames leadership

could review progress against

schedule, budget, and perfor-

mance measures. Shown, in

October 1965, is Merrill Mead,

chief of Ames’ program and

resources office.


25,000 by 1963. More

than half of this

increase was spent on

what Ames managers

saw as the man-to-the-

Moon space spectacular.

Again, Ames grew little relative to

NASA, but it did grow. Ames’ headcount

less than doubled, from 1,400 in 1961 to

2,300 in 1965, while its budget qua-

drupled, from about $20 million to just

over $80 million. Almost all of this budget

increase, however, went to research and

development contracts—thus marking the

greatest change in the transition from

NA¢A to NA$A. Under the NACA,budgets grew slowly enough that research

efforts could be planned in advance and

personnel hired or trained in time to do

the work. Under NASA, however, the only

way to get skilled workers fast enough

was to hire the firms that already

employed them. Furthermore, under the

NACA, Ames researchers collaborated with

industrial engineers, university scientists,

and military officers as peers who

respected differences of opinions on

technical matters. Under NASA, however,

these same Ames researchers had enor-

mous sums to give out, so their relations

were influenced by money. Gradually,

Ames people found themselves spending

more time managing their contractors and

less time doing their own research.

Ames continued to report to what

was essentially the old NACA headquar-

ters group—guarded by Dryden, directed

by Ira Abbott, and renamed the NASA

Office of Advanced Research Programs.

The four former NACA laboratories—

Ames, Langley, Lewis, and the High Speed

Flight Research Station—continued to

coordinate their work through a series of

technical committees. Even though the

organizational commotion left in NASA’s

wake centered in the East, throughout the

1960s Ames found itself an increasingly

smaller part of a much larger organization.

Gradually the intimacy of the NACA

organization faded as NASA’s more

impersonal style of management took over.

Four examples displayed the cultural

chasm between Ames and the new NASA

headquarters. First, in 1959 NASA head-

quarters told Ames to send all its aircraft

south to Rogers Dry Lake—home of NASA’s

flight research station located at Edwards

Air Force Base, California—except for those

used in V/STOL research and one old F-86

used by Ames pilots to maintain their

flight proficiency. Thus started decades

of debate, and a series of subsequent

Steerable parachute for the Apollo

capsule being tested in the 40 by 80 foot

wind tunnel.


56

disagreements, over how aerodynami-

cists got access to aircraft for flight

research. Second, NASA headquarters

asserted its new right to claim for itself

the 75.6 acres of Moffett Field on which

Ames sat as well as 39.4 acres of adjacent

privately held property. DeFrance argued

that there was no need to change Ames’ use

permit agreement with the Navy, and he

negotiated a support agreement that

showed he was happy with Navy adminis-

tration. Third, NASA renumbered the

NACA report series but, more importantly,

relaxed the restriction that research results

by NASA employees first be published as

NASA reports. New employees, especially

in the space and life sciences, generally

preferred to publish their work in disci-

plinary journals rather than through the

peer networks so strong in the NACA days.

Finally, NASA wanted Ames to leap into

the limelight. DeFrance had encouraged

General Dynamics F-111B aircraft, with its wings fully

extended, undergoing tests in the 40 by 80 foot wind

tunnel in 1969.

Ames

staff to shift

any public attention to

the sponsors of its research, and Ames’

biggest outreach efforts had been the

triennial inspections when industry leaders

and local dignitaries—but no members of

the public—could tour the laboratory.

NASA headquarters encouraged DeFrance

to hire a public information officer better

able to engage general public audiences

rather than technical or industry audi-

ences. Bradford Evans arrived in August

1962 to lead those efforts, and soon Ames

was hosting tours by local school groups.

Schlieren photograph of

a supersonic fighter aircraft

model at Mach 1.4.


Ames moved more firmly into

America’s space program following three

organizational changes. The first occurred

in August 1962, when Harvey Allen

formed a space sciences division and hired

Charles P. Sonett to lead it. Sonett had

worked for Space Technology Laboratories

(later part of TRW, Inc.) building a variety

of space probes for the Air

Force, and he quickly estab-

lished Ames as the leader in

solar plasma studies.

The second organiza-

tional change was the start of

life science research at Ames.

Clark Randt had worked at

NASA headquarters dreaming

up biological experiments that

could be carried into space.

He decided that a laboratory

was needed to do some ground experimenta-

tion prior to flight, and he thought Ames

was a good place to start. So Randt sent

Richard S. Young and Vance Oyama

to work at Ames and build a small

penthouse laboratory atop the

instrument research building. Both

reported back enthusiastically on

how they were received. In the Bay

Area, they had contact with some of

the world’s best biologists and

physicians and, at Ames, they got help from

a well-established human factors group in its

flight simulation branch. With encourage-

ment from headquarters, Ames established a

life sciences directorate and, in November

1961, hired world-renowned neuropatholo-

gist Webb E. Haymaker to direct its many

embryonic activities.

Lockheed JF-104A Starfighter piloted in 1959 by Fred

Drinkwater to demonstrate very steep landing approaches

of the type ultimately used with the space shuttle.

John Billingham, Melvin Sadoff, and Mark

Patton of the Ames biotechnology division.


58

These life scientists, like the physical

scientists that had long run Ames, were

laboratory types who appreciated theory

and its dependence upon experimentation. They, too, shunned operational ambitions. Yet

these biologists still seemed grafted onto the Center. They used different disciplines,

procedures and language. Many of the leading biologists were women, at a time when

women were still sparse in the physical sciences. The biologists looked for success from

different audiences, starting the fragmentation of the centerwide esprit de corps. Ames

people had always been individualists, but all felt they were moving in the same general

direction. Now, Ames served different intellectual communities and reorganized itself

accordingly. Whereas Ames had always organized itself around research facilities, by 1963

it organized itself around disciplines throughout.

The third organizational change happened at headquarters. In November 1963, NASA

headquarters reorganized itself so that Ames as a Center reported to the Office of Advanced

Research and Technology (OART) while some major Ames programs reported to the other

headquarters technical offices. DeFrance could no longer freely transfer money around the

different programs at his Center. Headquarters staff had grown ten times since the NACA

days, and from Ames perspective countless new people of uncertain position and vague

authority were issuing orders. Some of these newcomers even bypassed the authority of

the director and communicated directly with individual employees on budgetary and

Shadowgraph of a flow field around a

sharp nose cone at Mach 17.

Shadowgraph of a finned hemispherical body in free flight

at Mach 2, during a 1958 test of the blunt body concept.


official matters. Virtually all of them

wanted to know how Ames was going to

help get a human on the Moon. Ames’

NACA culture was under direct attack.

”…RETURNING HIM SAFELY TO EARTH”By far the biggest contribution Ames

made to NASA’s human missions was

solving the problem of getting astronauts

safely back to Earth. Ames started working

on safe reentry in 1951, when Harvey Allen

had his eureka moment known as “the

blunt body concept.” In the early 1950s,

while most attention focused on the rockets

that would launch an object out of our

atmosphere—an object like a nuclear-

tipped ballistic missile—a few scientists

started thinking about the far more

difficult problem of getting it back into our

atmosphere. Every known material would

melt in the intense heat generated when

the speeding warhead returned through

ever-denser air. Most meteors burned up as

they entered our atmosphere; how could

humans design anything more sturdy than

those? While many of the NACA’s best

aerodynamicists focused on aircraft to

break the sound barrier, a few of its best

Model of the M-1

reentry body being

mounted in the test

throat of the 3.5 foot

hypersonic tunnel.


60

and brightest aerodynami-

cists focused instead on the

thermal barrier.

Blunt Body ConceptH. Julian Allen and

Alfred Eggers—working with

Dean Chapman and the staff of Ames’

fastest tunnels—pioneered the field of

hypersonic aerodynamics. Though there is

no clean dividing line between supersonics

and hypersonics, most people put it

between Mach 3 and 7 where heat issues

(thermodynamics) become more important

than airflow issues (aerodynamics). Allen

and Eggers brought discipline to hyper-

sonic reentry by simplifying the equations

of motion to make possible parametric

studies; by systematically varying vehicle

mass, size, entry velocity and entry angle;

and by coupling the motion equations to

aerodynamic heating predictions. Allen

soon came to realize that the key parameter

was the shape of the reentry body.

A long, pointed cone made from heat-

hardened metal was the shape most

scientists thought would slip most easily

back through the atmosphere. Less

boundary layer friction meant less heat.

But this shape also focused the heat on the

tip of the cone. As the tip melted, the

aerodynamics skewed and the cone

tumbled. Allen looked at the boundary

Schematic of the 3.5 foot

hypersonic wind tunnel.

H. Julian Allen with a hemispheric model at the

8 by 7 foot test section of the Unitary plan tunnel.


layer and shock wave in a completely

different way. What if he devised a shape

so that the bow shock wave passed heat

into the atmospheric air at some distance

from the reentry body? Could that same

design also generate a boundary layer to

carry friction heat around the body and

leave it behind in a very hot wake? Allen

first showed theoretically that, in almost all

cases, the bow shock of a blunt body

generated far less convective and friction

heating than the pointy cone.

Allen had already designed a wind

tunnel to prove his theory. In 1949, he had

opened the first supersonic free flight

facility—which fired a test model upstream

into a rush of supersonic air—to test design

concepts for guided missiles, intercontinen-

tal ballistic missiles and reentry vehicles.

To provide ever better proof of his blunt

body concept, Allen later presided over

efforts by Ames researchers to develop

light gas guns that would launch test models

ever faster into atmospheres of different

densities and chemical compositions.

Allen also showed that blunt reentry

bodies—as they melted or sloughed off

particles—had an important chemical

interaction with their atmosphere. To

explore the relation between the chemical

structure and aerodynamic performance of

blunt bodies, Ames hired and trained

experts in material science. By the late

1950s, Ames researchers—led by Morris

Rubesin, Constantine Pappas and John

Howe—had pioneered theories on passive

surface transpiration cooling (usually called

ablation) that firmly moved blunt bodies

from the theoretical to the practical. For

example, Ames material scientists showed

that by building blunt bodies from materials

that gave off light gases under the intense

heat of reentry, they could reduce both

skin friction and aerodynamic heating.

Atmosphere entry

simulator in 1958.


62

Meanwhile, Dean Chapman had

developed a broad set of analytical tools to

solve the problems of entry into planetary

atmospheres, including calculations for the

optimum trajectory to get a reentry body

returning from the Moon back into Earth’s

atmosphere. Too steep an angle relative to

the atmosphere, and the air about the body

would get too dense too fast, causing the

capsule to melt. Too shallow an angle, and

the reentry capsule would skip off Earth’s

atmosphere like a flat rock on a smooth

lake and continue off into space. First

published in 1956, Chapman continued to

refine his equations into the early 1960s.

Hitting the precise trajectory angle that

became known as the Chapman Corridor

became the goal of navigation specialists

elsewhere in NASA. At Ames, Chapman’s

methods were used to refine the aerody-

namics of Allen’s blunt body concept and

define the thermodynamic envelope of the

rarified atmosphere.

Ames applied its work on thermal

structures, heating, and hypersonic

aerodynamics to the X-15 experimental

aircraft, which first flew faster than Mach 5

in June 1961 over Rogers Dry Lake. Data

returned from the X-15 flight tests then

supported modifications to theories about

flight in near-space. But as America hurried

Electric arc shock-tube

facility, opened in 1966,

was used to study the

effects of radiation and

ionization during outer

planetary entries.

its first plans to send humans into space

and return them safely to Earth, NASA

instructed Ames to make sure that every

facet of this theory was right for the exact

configuration of the space capsules. So in

the early 1960s Ames opened several new

facilities to test all facets—thermal and

aerodynamic—of Allen’s blunt body theory.

Hypervelocity Free Flight FacilityThe hypervelocity research labora-

tory became the home of Ames’ physics

branch and carried out a significant body

of research into ion beams and high

temperature gases. Its 3.5 foot tunnel

opened with interchangeable nozzles for

operations at Mach 5, 7, 10 or 14. It

included a pebble-bed heater which

preheated the air to 3000 degrees Fahren-

heit to prevent liquefaction in the test

section at high Mach numbers. Ames

added a 14 inch helium tunnel (at almost

no cost) to the 3.5 foot tunnel building,

which already had helium storage, and

opened a separate 20 by 20 inch helium

tunnel. These provided a very easy way of

running preliminary hypervelocity tests

from Mach 10 to Mach 25. Compared with


Models tested in the

hypervelocity free flight tunnel.

air, helium allowed higher Mach numbers with the same

linear velocities (feet per second). A one foot diameter

hypervelocity shock tunnel, a remnant of the parabolic entry

simulator, was built into an old Quonset hut. The shock tube

could be filled with air of

varying chemical composi-

tion, or any mixture of

gases to simulate the

atmosphere of Venus or

Mars. It produced flows

up to Mach 14, lasting as

long as 100 milliseconds,

with enthalpies up to 4000

Btu (British thermal units)

per pound. Enthalpy indicated how much heat was transferred from the tunnel atmo-

sphere to the tunnel model, and was thus a key measure in hypersonic research.

The hypervelocity free flight facility (HFF), which grew out of this hypervelocity

research laboratory, marked a major advance in Ames’ ability to simulate the reentry of a

body into an atmosphere. The idea of building a shock tunnel in counterflow with a light

gas gun had been proven in 1958 with a small pilot

HFF built by Thomas Canning and Alvin Seiff with

spare parts. With a full-scale HFF budgeted at

$5 million, Ames management wanted a bit more proof

before investing so much in one facility. So in 1961,

Canning and Seiff opened a 200 foot prototype HFF. Its

two-stage shock compression gun hurled a projectile

more than 20,000 feet per second into a shock tunnel

that produced an air pulse travelling more than 15,000

feet per second. Ames had thus created a relative

airspeed of 40,000 feet per second—the equivalent of

reentry speed. Using this facility, Canning showed that

Hypersonic free flight

gun, in June 1966,

with Thomas Canning

at the breech of the

counterflow section.


64

the best shape for a space

capsule—to retain a

laminar boundary flow

with low heat transfer—

was a nearly flat face.

Seiff also used it to test

the flight stability of

proposed capsule designs.

Ames next increased the

airspeed by rebuilding

the piston driver with a deformable plastic that boosted the compression ratio. By July

1965, when the HFF officially opened, Ames could test models at relative velocities of

50,000 feet per second. To vary the Reynolds numbers of a test, Ames also built a pressur-

ized ballistic range capable of pressures from 0.1 to 10 atmospheres. Every vehicle in

America’s human space program was tested there.

Arc JetsWhile the HFF generated an enthalpy of 30,000 Btu per pound, the peak heating

lasted mere milliseconds. These tunnels worked well for studying reentry aerodynamics,

but the heating time was of little use for testing ablative materials. Ablative materials could

be ceramics, quartz, teflon, or graphite composites that slowly melted and vaporized to

move heat into the atmosphere rather than into the metal structure of the capsule. To test

ablative materials—both how well they vaporized and how the melting affected their

aerodynamics—Ames began developing the technology of arc jets. This work actually

began in 1956, when Ames surveyed the state of commercial arc jets. Under pressure from

NASA, in the early 1960s Ames designed its own. As the Apollo era dawned, Ames had a

superb set of arc jets to complement its hypervelocity test facility.

These arc jets started with a supersonic blow-down tunnel, with air going from a

pressurized vessel into a vacuum vessel. On its way through the supersonic throat the air

was heated with a powerful electric arc—essentially, lightning controlled as it passed

between two electrodes. The idea was simple but many problems had to be solved: air

Ablation test of a

Mercury capsule model.


tends to avoid the electrical field of the arc

so heating is not uniform; the intense heat

melted nozzles and parts of the tunnel;

and vaporized electrode materials con-

taminated the air.

So Ames devised electrodes of

hollow, water-filled concentric rings,

using a magnetic field to even out the arc.

At low pressures, one of these concentric

ring arc jets added to the airstream as

much as 9000 Btu per pound of air.

Though significant, this heating still did

not represent spacecraft reentry condi-

tions. Ames people looked for a better way

of mixing the air with the arc. They

devised a constricted arc that put one

electrode upstream of the constricted

tunnel and the other electrode down-

Glen Goodwin, chief of Ames’ thermo and gas

dynamics division, describing the workings of

the broad plasma beam facility.

stream so that the arc passed

through the narrow constriction

along with the air. This produced

enthalpies up to 12,000 Btu at

seven atmospheres of pressure.

By using the same constricted

arc principle, but building a

longer throat out of water-cooled

washers of boron nitride, in late

1962 Ames achieved a supersonic

arc plasma jet with enthalpies

over 30,000 Btu per pound and

heating that lasted several

seconds. Expanding upon Ames’ techni-

cal success in building arc jets, Glen

Goodwin and Dean Chapman proposed a

gas dynamics laboratory to explore how

arc jets work in a comprehensive way.

Opened in 1962, the $4 million facility

accelerated the theoretical and empirical

study of ablation.

By 1965, Ames had built a dozen arc

jets to generate ever more sustained heat

flows. An arc jet in the Mach 50 facility

could operate with any mixture of gas, and

achieved enthalpies up to 200,000 Btu per

pound. As industrial firms began to design

ablative materials for the Apollo heat

shield, Ames researchers like John Lundell,

Roy Wakefield and Nick Vojvodich could

test them thoroughly and select the best.


66

Gas dynamics facility, in

1964, and the 20 inch

helium tunnel.

Impact Physics and TektitesFor clues on reentry aerodynamics, Allen also suggested that Ames

study meteorites, nature’s entry bodies. Using their high-speed guns,

Ames first explored the theory of meteor impacts by hurling spheres of

various densities at flat targets. At the highest impact speeds, both the sphere and target

would melt and splash, forming a crater coated with the sphere material—very much like

lunar craters. Ames then turned its attention to lunar craters—specifically the radial rays

of ejected materials—by shooting meteor-like stones at sand targets like those on the

Moon. By concluding that an enormous volume of material was ejected from the Moon

with every meteor impact, they paved the way for lunar landings by suggesting that the

surface of the Moon was most likely all settled dust.

One stunning example of what results when Ames’ raw scientific genius is unleashed

was the work of Dean Chapman on tektites. In early 1959, Chapman used the 1 by 3 foot

blowdown tunnel (as it was about to be

dismantled) to melt frozen glycerin in a

Mach 3 airstream. In the frozen glycerin

he first photographed the flattening of a

sphere into a shape similar to Allen’s

blunt body. The ball quickly softened,

its surface melted into a viscous fluid,

and a system of surface waves appeared

that were concentric around the

aerodynamic stagnation point. On his

Apollo capsule free flight

ablation test.

Impact test, simulating space debris hitting an

orbiting capsule. The spark came from a blunt-

nose, 20 millimeter polyethylene model hitting an

aluminum target at 19,500 feet per second in a

pressure simulated as 100,000 foot altitude.


way to England for a

year of research,

Chapman visited a

geologist at the

American Museum of

Natural History, who saw some similarity in the wave patterns on the glycerin balls and the

wave patterns on glassy pellets of black glass called tektites. Tektites had been unearthed

for centuries, mostly around Australia, though geologists still vigorously debated their

origin. When geologists asked the Australian aborigines where the tektites came from, they

pointed vaguely up to the sky.

Chapman applied the skills he had—in aerodynamics and

ablation—and learned what chemistry he needed. He cut open

some tektites and found flow lines that suggested they had been

melted into button shapes, after having been previously melted

into spheres. From the flow lines he also calculated the speed

and angle at which they entered Earth’s atmosphere. He then

melted tektite-type material under those reentry conditions in

Ames’ arc jet tunnels. By making artificial tektites, he established that

they got their shape from entering Earth’s atmosphere just as a

space capsule would.

Chapman next offered a theory of where the tektites came

from. By eliminating every other possibility, he suggested that

they came from the Moon. Ejected fast enough following a meteor

impact, these molten spheres escaped the Moon’s gravitational field,

hardened in space, then were sucked in by Earth’s gravitation.

Harvey Allen walked into Chapman’s office one day and egged

him on: “If you’re any good as a scientist you could tell me

exactly which crater they came from.” So Chapman accepted

the challenge, calculated the relative positions of Earth and

Moon, and postulated that they most likely came from the Rosse

Ray of the crater Tycho.

Dean Chapman showing a tektite to Vice

President Lyndon Johnson in October 1961.

A natural tektite, at

left, compared with

an artifical tektite.


68

Double-delta planform on a supersonic transport

model, mounted in the 40 by 80 foot wind tunnel.

In October 1963, Chapman won NASA’s Medal for

Exceptional Scientific Achievement. His bit of scientific

sleuthing had accelerated curiosity about the composition of

the Moon and the forces that shaped it, in the process validat-

ing some theories about ablation and aerodynamic stability of

entry shapes. But the community of terrestrial geologists kept

open the debate. While most geologists now accepted that

tektites had entered Earth’s atmosphere at melting speeds, most

maintained that they were terrestrial in origin—ejected by

volcanoes or a meteor crash near Antarctica. Only a single

sample returned from the Moon, during Apollo 12, bears any

chemical resemblance to the tektites. Thus, only the return of

samples from the Rosse Ray would ultimately prove Chapman’s

theory of lunar origin.

FLIGHT STUDIESOf course, not every aerodynamicist at Ames was working on the Apollo project.

Ames continued working on high-speed aerodynamics, such as boundary layer transition,

efficient supersonic inlets, dynamic loads on aircraft structures, and wing-tip vortices.

Ames focused its work on high-lift devices to test new approaches to vertical and short

take-off and landing aircraft. Ames continued to use its wind tunnels to clean up the

designs of modern commercial aircraft as air passengers took to the skies in the new jumbo

jets. And Ames solved many of the seemingly intractable flight problems of military

aircraft—problems often uncovered

during action in Vietnam.

Ames also continued to do airplane

configuration studies, most notably for

Thirty caliber vertical impact range, in 1964, with the gun in the

horizontal loading position. William Quaide and Donald Gault of the

Ames planetology branch used the gun range to study the formation

of impact craters on the Moon.


the supersonic transport. NASA decided it

would outline the general configuration

from which an aircraft firm would build a

commercial supersonic transport (SST).

Because of Ames’ long interest in delta

wings and canards—going back

to tests of the North American

B-70 supersonic bomber—

Victor Peterson and Loren

Bright of Ames helped develop

a delta-canard configuration.

The Ames vehicle aerodynamics

branch also suggested a double-

delta configuration that

Lockheed used for its SST

proposal. Then Ames used its wind tunnels

to help the Federal Aviation Administration

(FAA) to evaluate the efficiency

and environmental impact of the

designs. And Ames used its

flight simulators to coordinate

handling qualities research by

NASA, pilot groups, industrial

engineers, and airworthiness

authorities from the United

States, the United Kingdom, and

France. Ames thus led develop-

ment of criteria used to certify

civil supersonic transports; the

European-built Concorde was

certified to these criteria in both

Europe and the United States.

Ames people are famous for reinvent-

ing themselves to apply the skills they have

to problems that are just being defined.

One example of personal reinvention, in the

A simple pitch-roll chair,

a 2-degree-of-freedom simulator built in 1958.

The Ames 5-degree-of-freedom

simulator, 1962.


70

1960s, is Ames’ emergence as a leader in flight

simulators. Ames had begun building simulators

in the early 1950s, when the Center acquired its

first analog computers to solve dynamics, and as

part of Ames’ work in aircraft handling quali-

ties. Harry Goett had pushed Ames to get

further into simulator design, and George

Rathert had led the effort. Ames’ analog

computing staff recognized that they could

program the computer with an aircraft’s aerody-

namics and equations of motion, that a mockup of the pilot stick and pedals could provide

computer inputs, and that computer output could drive mockups of aircraft instrumenta-

tion. Thus, the entire loop of flight control could be tested safely on the ground. Simula-

tors for entry-level training were already widely used, but by building their system

around a general, reprogrammable computer, Ames pioneered development of the flight

research simulator.

By the late 1950s, using parts scrounged from other efforts, Ames had constructed a

crude roll-pitch chair. Goett championed construction of another simulator, proudly

displayed at the Ames 1958 inspection, to test design concepts for the X-15 hypersonic

The 5-degree-of-freedom flight

simulator, in 1962, with time-

lapsed exposure to show its

wide range of motion.

The 5-degree-of-freedom

piloted flight simulator.


experimental aircraft. Ames was ready to

move when NASA asked for simulators to

help plan for spacecraft to be piloted in the

unfamiliar territory of microgravity.

Fortunately, Ames had on staff a superb

group of test pilots and mechanics who

wanted to stay at Ames even after NASA

headquarters sent away most of its aircraft.

Led by John Dusterberry, this analog and

flight simulator branch pioneered construc-

tion of sophisticated simulators to suit the

research needs of other groups at Ames and

around the world.

In 1959, Ames embarked on an

ambitious effort to build a five-degree-of-

freedom motion simulator. This was a

simulated cockpit built on the end of a

30 foot long centrifuge arm, which

provided curvilinear and vertical motion.

The cockpit had electrical motors to move

it about pitch, roll and yaw. It was a crude

effort, built of borrowed parts by Ames’

engineering services division. But the

simulator proved the design principle,

pilots thought it did a great job represent-

ing airplane flight, and it was put to

immediate use on stability

augmentors for supersonic

transports.

In 1963, Ames opened a

six-degree-of-freedom

simulator for rotorcraft

research, a moving cab

simulator for transport

aircraft, and a midcourse

navigation simulator for use

in training Apollo astronauts.

Ames combined its various

simulators into a spaceflight

guidance research laboratory,

opened in 1966 at a cost of

$13 million. One of the most

important additions was a

centrifuge spaceflight

The 6-degree-of-freedom

motion simulator, opened in

1964, was used to investigate

aircraft handling qualities,

especially for takeoff and

landing studies. The cab is

normally covered, with visuals

provided by a TV monitor.


72

simulator at the end of a centrifuge arm,

capable of accelerating at a rate of 7.5 g

forces per second. Another was a satellite

attitude control facility, built inside a

22 foot diameter sphere to teach ground

controllers how to stabilize robotic

spacecraft.

Ames had become the best in the

world at adding motion generators to flight

simulators, and soon pioneered out-the-

window scenes to make the

simulation seem even more

realistic for the pilot. Ames also

emphasized the modular design

of components, so that various

computers, visual projectors,

and motion systems could be

easily interconnected to simulate

some proposed aircraft design.

Ames also made key contributions to

flight navigation. Stanley Schmidt had

joined Ames in 1946, working in instru-

mentation, analog computing and linear

perturbation theory. In 1959, when NASA

first tasked its Centers to explore the

problems of navigating to the Moon,

Schmidt saw the potential for making major

theoretical extensions to the Kalman linear

Brent Creer, chief of the

Ames manned spacecraft

simulation branch,

developed the Apollo

midcourse navigation and

guidance simulator. Here

he is shown with sextants

designed to be carried

aboard the capsule.

Apollo navigation simulator, used to test

concepts for midcourse correction on the

voyage to and from the Moon.


filter. The result was a state-estimation

algorithm called the Kalman-Schmidt filter.

By early 1961, Schmidt and John White had

demonstrated that a computer built with

this filter, combined with optical measure-

ments of the stars and data about the

motion of the spacecraft, could provide the

accuracy needed for a successful insertion into orbit around the Moon. Meanwhile Gerald

Smith, also of the Ames theoretical guidance and control branch, demonstrated the value

of ground-based guidance as a backup to guidance on board the Apollo capsules. The

Kalman-Schmidt filter was embedded in the Apollo navigation computer and ultimately

into all air navigation systems, and laid the foundation for Ames’ future leadership in

flight and air traffic research.

In the mid-1960s, Ames also participated in the design of suits for astronauts to wear

for extravehicular activity. Though none of the concepts demonstrated by Ames were

included in the Apollo spacesuits, many were incorporated in the next-generation of suits

designed for Space Shuttle astronauts. Hubert “Vic” Vykukal led Ames’ space human

factors staff in designing the AX-1 and AX-2

suits for extended lunar operations, and in

validating the concepts of the single-axis

waist and rotary bearing joints. The AX-3

spacesuit was the first high pressure suit—

able to operate at normal Earth atmospheric

pressures—and demonstrated a low-leakage,

low-torque bearing. Ames continued to

advance spacesuit concepts well beyond the

Apollo years, and some concepts were applied

only two decades later. The AX-5 suit,

designed for the International Space Station,

was built entirely of aluminum with only

fifteen major parts. It has stainless steel rotary

Vic Vykukal modeling the

AX-1 spacesuit in 1966.

This human-carrying rotation device opened

in 1966. It was used in studies of motion

sickness, pilot response to microgravity, and

in studies of pilot sensing of rotation.


74

bearings and no fabric or soft

parts. The AX-5 size can be

quickly changed, it is easy to

maintain, and it has excellent

protection against meteorites

and other hazards. Because it

has a constant volume, it

operates at a constant

internal pressure, so it is easy

for the astronaut to move.

Ames also developed a liquid cooled

garment, a network of fine tubes worn

against the skin to maintain the astronaut’s

temperature. To expedite Ames’ efforts in

spacesuit design, in September 1987 Ames

would open a neutral buoyancy test

facility, only the third human-rated

underwater test facility in the country. In

building these suits, as in building the

simulators for aircraft and spaceflight,

Ames came to rely upon experts in human

physiology joining the Center’s burgeoning

work in the life sciences.

START OF LIFE SCIENCES RESEARCHIn the early 1960s, as in the early

1940s, Ames looked like a construction

zone. Not only were new arc jet and

hypervelocity tunnels being built at top

speed, but the life sciences division had to

A 1962 study of breathing

problems encountered

during reentry, with pilot

Robert St. John strapped

into a respiratory restraint

suit and a closed-loop

breathing system.

Flight and guidance centrifuge in 1971 was

used for spacecraft mission simulations and

research on human response to motion stress.


build numerous facilities from scratch. The

first biologists to move out of their

temporary trailers, in 1964, moved into the

biosciences laboratory. Much of this

laboratory was an animal shelter, where

Ames housed a well-constructed colony of

several hundred pig-tail macaques from

southeastern Asia for use in ground-based

control experiments prior to the Biosatellite

missions. In December 1965, Ames

dedicated its life sciences research labora-

tory. It was architecturally significant

within the Ames compound of square, two

story, concrete-faced buildings, because it

stood three stories tall and had a concrete

surfacing dimple like the Moon. It cost

more than $4 million to build and equip its

state-of-the-art exobiology and enzyme

laboratories.

These new facilities were designed to

help Ames biologists understand the

physiological stress that spaceflight and

microgravity imposed on humans. While

the Manned Spacecraft Center near

Houston screened individual astronauts for

adaptability and led their training, Ames

developed the fundamental science

underlying this tactical work. Mark Patton

in the Ames biotechnology division studied

the performance of humans under physi-

ological and psychological stress to

measure, for example, their ability to see

and process visual signals. Other studies

focused on how well humans adapted to

Artwork of an astronaut training

for the Gemini missions using a

simulator chair based on an

Ames design.


76

Flight Simulator for Advanced Aircraft

(FSAA), opened in 1969, was used to

investigate the landing, takeoff and

handling qualities of large aircraft. The

control room is on the right.

Vic Vykukal models the AX-3

hard spacesuit.

long-term confinement, what bed rest studies

showed about muscle atrophy, and what sort

of atmosphere was best for astronauts to

breathe. Ames’ growing collection of flight

simulators also was used for fundamental

studies of human adaptability to the gravita-

tional stress of lift-off, microgravity in

spaceflight, and the vibration and noise of

reentry. All these data helped define the shape

and function of the Gemini and Apollo capsules.

Ames’ environmental biology

division studied the effect of

spaceflight on specific organs,

mostly through animal

models. Jiro Oyama

pioneered the use of

centrifuges to alter the

gravitational environment

of rats, plants, bacteria and other living organisms, and thus pioneered

the field of gravitational biology. In conjunction with the University of

California Radiation Laboratory, Ames used animal models to determine

if the brain would be damaged by exposure to high-energy solar rays

that are usually filtered out by Earth’s atmosphere. To support all this

life sciences research, Ames asked its instrumentation group to use the

expertise it had earned in building sensors for aircraft to build bio-

instrumentation. Under the guidance of John Dimeff, the Ames

instrumentation branch built sophisticated sensors and clever telem-

etry devices to measure and record all sorts of physiological data.

Atmosphere


Building Blocks of LifeExobiology, however, generated the most headlines during Ames’ early work in the

life sciences. As the task was first given to Ames, exobiology focused on how to identify

any life encountered in outer space. Harold P. “Chuck” Klein had worked for eight years at

Brandeis University defining what nonterrestrial life might look like in its chemical traces.

He arrived at Ames in 1963 to head the exobiology branch and guided construction of

Ames’ superb collection of gas chromatographs, mass spectrometers, and quarantine

facilities. A year later DeFrance asked Klein, who had served as chairman of Brandeis’

biology department, to become director of

Ames’ life sciences directorate. Klein

brought intellectual coherence to Ames’

efforts, fought for both support and

distance from Washington, and did a superb

job recruiting scientists from academia.

Cyril Ponnamperuma arrived at Ames

in the summer of 1961 in the first class of

postdoctoral fellows under a joint program

between NASA and the National Research

Council. What he saw at Ames led him to

join the permanent staff, and for the next

decade he infused Ames’ exobiology efforts

with a flourish of intellectual energy. Using

all that NASA scientists were learning about

the chemical composition of the universe,

Ponnamperuma brought a fresh outlook to

the question of how life began at all.

Geologists had already discovered much about the chemical composition of primordial

Earth. Scientists at Ames used their chromatographs and spectroscopes to detect the

minute amounts of organic compounds in extraterrestrial bodies, like meteorites. From

this, Ponnamperuma’s colleagues in Ames’ chemical evolution branch elucidated the

inanimate building blocks and natural origins of life. Like many biochemists, they

Cyril Ponnamperuma of the

Ames chemical evolution

branch with the electrical-

discharge apparatus used in

his experiments on the

chemical orgins of life.


78

The evolution of life on

Earth, depicted from its

chemical origins on the

left to mammalian life

on the right.

suspected that life was simply a property

of matter in a certain state of organization,

and if they could duplicate that organiza-

tion in a test tube then they could make

life appear. If they did, they would learn

more about how to look for life elsewhere in

the universe.

By the end of 1965, in apparatus

designed to simulate primitive Earth

conditions, Ponnamperuma and his group

succeeded in synthesizing some of the

components of the genetic chain—bases

(adenine and guanine), sugars (ribose and

deoxyribose), sugar-based combinations

(adenosine and deoxyadenosine), nucle-

otides (like adenosine triphosphate), and

some of the amino acids. A breakthrough

came when the Murchison carbonaceous

meteorite fell on Australia in September

1969. In the Murchison meteorite, Ames

exobiologists unambiguously detected

complex organic molecules—amino acids—

which proved prebiotic chemical evolution.

These amino acids were achiral (lacking

handedness), thus unlike the chiral amino

acids (with left handedness) produced by

any living system. The carbon in these

organic compounds had an isotope ratio

that fell far outside the range of organic

matter on Earth. The organic compounds in

the Murchison meteorite arose in the

parent body of the meteorite, which was

subject to volcanic outgassing, weathering

and clay production as occurred on

prebiotic Earth.

Lunar Sample AnalysisBecause of the expertise Ames people

had developed in the chemical composition

of nonterrestrial environments and in the


life sciences, headquarters asked Ames to build

one of two lunar sample receiving facilities. To

prevent any contamination of the samples, this

facility had to be very clean, even beyond the best

of the Silicon Valley clean rooms. Whereas the

facility at the Manned Spacecraft Center in

Houston focused on identifying any harmful

elements in the lunar samples, Ames scientists

looked at the overall composition of the lunar

regolith (the term for its rocky soil).

Ames researchers—led by Cyril

Ponnamperuma, Vance Oyama and William Quaide—examined the carbon chemistry of the

lunar soils, and concluded that it contained no life. But this conclusion opened new

questions. Why was there no life? What kind of carbon chemistry occurs in the absence of

life? Continuing their efforts, Ames researchers discovered that the lunar regolith was

constantly bombarded by micrometeorites and the solar wind, and that interaction with

the cosmic debris and solar atomic particles defined the chemical evolution of the surface

of the Moon.

Ames also provided tools for investigating the chemistry

of the Moon beneath its surface. Apollos 12, 14, 15, and 16

each carried a magnetometer—designed by Charles Sonnet,

refined by Palmer Dyal, and built at Ames around an

advanced ring core fluxgate sensor. These were left at the

Apollo lunar landing sites to radio back data on the magnetic

shape of the Moon. Paced by a stored program, these magne-

tometers first measured the permanent magnetic field

generated by fossil magnetic materials. They then measured

Apollo 12 lunar module over the lunar surface. Apollo 12

left an Ames magnetometer on the Moon as part of a

package of scientific instruments.

Thr tri-axis magnetometer, developed at Ames, and used to

measure magnetic fields on the Moon.


80

the electrical conductivity and temperature

profile of the lunar interior, from which

scientists deduced the Moon’s magnetic

permeability and its iron content. And they

measured the interactions of the lunar

fields with the solar wind. For Apollos 15

and 16, Ames also developed handheld

magnetometers to be carried aboard the

lunar rover.

The magnetometer left on the Moon

by Apollo 12 showed that the Moon does

not have a two-pole magnetism as does

Earth. It also suggested that the Moon is a

solid, cold mass, without a hot core like

that of Earth. But it also unveiled a

magnetic anomaly 100 times stronger than

the average magnetic field on the Moon.

The series of magnetometers showed that

the Moon’s transient magnetic fields were

induced by the solar wind and that they

varied from place to place on the surface.

Most important, these data allowed NASA

to develop plans for a satellite to map in

detail the permanent lunar magnetic fields

in support of future missions to the Moon.

These efforts in the space and life sciences

displayed Ames’ strengths in basic research

and experimentation, but they were not at

the heart of NASA’s early missions.

SPACE PROGRAM MANAGEMENTSmith DeFrance and Harvey Allen

both insisted that Ames stick to research—

either basic or applied—and stay out of

what NASA called project management.

Russ Robinson agreed, and so did Ira

Abbott at NASA headquarters. Jack

Parsons, though, encouraged the many

young Ames researchers who wanted to try

their hand at project management, and so

did Harry Goett. Early in 1958, Goett and

Robert Crane prepared specifications for a

precise attitude stabilization system needed

for the orbiting astronomical observatory

(OAO), as well as the Nimbus meteorologi-

cal satellite. Encouraged by how well

NASA headquarters received their ideas,

Goett convinced DeFrance to submit a

proposal for Ames to assume total technical

responsibility for the OAO project. Abbott,

with Dryden’s concurrence, told Ames to

stick to its research.

Al Eggers, backed by the expertise

pulled together in his new vehicle environ-

Shadowgraph of the Gemini capsule model in

a test of flight stability.


Biosatellite model with

monkey shown in the

front of the capsule and

the life-support package

in the rear.

ment division, was the next to try to get Ames involved in project management. Eggers’

assistant division chief, Charles Hall, wanted to build a solar probe. By late 1961, Hall had

succeeded in getting two audiences with headquarters staff, who discouraged him by

suggesting he redesign it as an interplanetary probe. Space Technology Laboratories (STL)

heard of Ames’ interest, and Hall was able to raise enough money to hire STL for a feasibil-

ity study of an interplanetary probe. Armed with the study, DeFrance and Parsons both

went to headquarters and, in November 1963, won the right for Ames to manage the PIQSY

probe (for Pioneer international quiet sun year), a name soon shortened to Pioneer.

DeFrance also reluctantly supported the Biosatellite program. Biosatellite started when

headquarters asked Ames what science might come from sending monkeys into space in

leftover Mercury capsules. When Carlton

Bioletti submitted Ames’ report to

headquarters early in 1962, an intense

jurisdictional dispute erupted with the

Air Force over which agency should

control aerospace human factors

research. Because the United States was

already well behind the Soviet Union in

space life sciences, NASA won this battle

and immediately established the life sciences directorate at Ames. In the

meantime, biologists had started submitting unsolicited proposals to

Ames. Bioletti and his small group of ten visited each of these biologists

to sketch out the specifications for a series of biological satellites.

Impressed with these efforts, in October 1962 Ames was tasked to

manage Project Biosatellite.

Ames’ work in lifting bodies also took it, slowly, into project management. Eggers and

his group in the 10 by 14 inch tunnel in 1957 had conceived of a spacecraft that could

safely reenter Earth’s atmosphere, gain aerodynamic control and land like an airplane. They

called these “lifting bodies” because the lift came from the fuselage rather than from

wings, which were too vulnerable to melting during reentry. Using every tunnel available

to them, Ames aerodynamicists formalized the design, tunnel tested it, and procured a


82

flying prototype called the M2-F2 from

Northrop for flight tests at NASA’s High

Speed Flight Station beginning in 1965.

These tests, in conjunction with flight tests

of the SV-5D and HL-10 lifting bodies, gave

NASA the confidence it needed to choose a

lifting body design for the Space Shuttle.

By 1963, even DeFrance had to

recognize that without some experience in

how projects were managed, Ames would

be left behind NASA’s growth curve. The

NACA culture indicated that any scientist

interested in a project should execute it.

That had been possible even on the larger

wind tunnels because a scientist only

needed the help of Jack Parsons to marshal

resources within the laboratory. When

projects were launched into space, how-

ever, executing projects got substantially

more complex. First, most of the support

came from outside the Center—from

aerospace contractors or from the NASA

Centers that built launch vehicles, space-

craft, or data acquisition networks. Second,

nothing could be allowed to go wrong

when the spacecraft or experimental

payload was so distant in space, so

technical integration and reliability had to

be very well-conceived and executed.

Finally, the larger costs evoked greater

suspicion from headquarters, and thus

warranted more preliminary reporting on

how things would go right. Scientists were

increasingly willing to have a project

M2-F2 lifting body mounted in

the 40 by 80 foot wind tunnel in

July 1965 prior to flight tests.


management specialist handle these more

burdensome support arrangements.

Project management was the sort of

integrative, multidisciplinary work that

engineers excelled in, but spare engineers

were hard to find at Ames. So Ames

management began to cultivate some

project managers attuned to the scientists

they would serve. Bob Crane was named to

the new position of assistant director for

development and he, in turn, named John

V. Foster to head his systems engineering

division. Charlie Hall then managed the

Pioneer project, and Charlie Wilson

managed the Biosatellite. Both Hall and

Wilson worked with lean staffs, who

oversaw more extensive contracting than

was usual at Ames. They studied NASA

protocols for network scheduling and

systems engineering. Significantly, both

reported to headquarters through the

Office of Space Science and Applications

(OSSA), whereas the Center as

a whole reported to the Office

of Advanced Research and

Technology (OART). The

result was that Ames scientists in the life

and planetary sciences had little to gain by

participating directly in those project

efforts, and thus did not compete very hard

to get their experiments on either the

Pioneers or the Biosatellites. Project

management at Ames remained segregated

from the laboratory culture of the Center

even as it gradually absorbed that culture.

Alfred Eggers, in 1958, at the 10 by 14 inch

supersonic wind tunnel.

The M2-F2 lifting body

returns from a test flight at

the Dryden Flight Research

Center with an F-104 flying

chase. On its first flight on

12 July 1966 the M2-F2 was

piloted by Milt Thompson.

The M2-F2 was dropped from

a wing mount on NASA’s B-52

at an altitude of 45,000 feet.

The M2-F2 weighed

4,620 pounds, was 22 feet

long, and was 10 feet wide.


84

HARVEY ALLEN AS DIRECTOROn 15 October 1965,

DeFrance retired after 45 years of

public service, with elaborate

ceremonies in Washington and in

San Jose so his many friends

could thank him for all he had

done. DeFrance had planned well

for his retirement and had

cultivated several younger men

on his staff to step into his role.

Harvey Allen was the best

known of the Ames staff, and had the most

management experience. The director’s job

was his to refuse which, initially, he did.

Eggers then loomed as the front

runner. Eggers and Allen were both friends

and competitors. Whereas Allen was seen

as jovial and encouraging, Eggers was seen

as abrasive and challenging. The two had

collaborated in the early 1950s on the

pathbreaking work on the blunt body

concept, but Allen made his work more

theoretical whereas Eggers explored

practical applications like the lifting

bodies. In January 1963, Eggers won for

himself the newly created post of assistant

director for research and development

analysis and planning, where he could

pursue his expertise in mission planning. A

year later he went to headquarters as

deputy associate administrator in OART.

He persuaded his boss, Ray Bisplinghoff, to

create an OART-dedicated mission analysis

group based at Ames. It would report

directly to headquarters, be located at

Ames, and staffed by scientists on loan

from all NASA Centers. But this OART

mission analysis division, established in

January 1965, never got support from the

other Centers. Each Center thought it

should bear responsibility for planning the

best use of its research and resources.

Within a year, the OART abandoned plans

for assigning a complement of fifty

scientists to the Ames-based OART mission

analysis division. But the disarray began to

spread to the Ames directorate for R&D

planning and analysis that was originally

created for Eggers. Clarence Syvertson

Model of the M-2 lifting

body, in 1962, being

tested in Ames’

atmospheric entry

simulator to determine

the areas of most

intense heat.


remained in charge of a much smaller, though very active, mission

analysis division. A new programs and resources office was

created under Merrill Mead to plan and fight for Ames’ budget,

which left Eggers as the headquarters choice to become

director. To prevent that from happening and to keep Ames as

it was—distant from Washington, with a nurturing and

collaborative spirit, and focused on research rather than

projects—in October 1965 Allen took the directorship himself.

Allen did not especially distinguish himself as director as he

had in his other promotions. As a person, Allen differed dramatically

from DeFrance. He was warm, benevolent, close to the research, inspira-

tional in his actions and words. But Allen, like DeFrance, kept Ames as a research

organization and worked hard to insulate his staff from the daily false urgencies of

Washington. Allen asked Jack

Parsons, who remained as associate

director, to handle much of the

internal administration and asked

Loren Bright and John Boyd to fill

the newly created positions of

executive assistant to the director

and research assistant to the

director. Allen often sent Ames’

ambitious young stars in his place

to the countless meetings at

headquarters. And every afternoon

at two o’clock, when headquarters

staff on Washington time left their

telephones for the day, Allen would

Schlieren image of the

X-20 Dyna-Soar.

H. Julian Allen, Director of Ames

Research Center from 1965 to 1969.


86

leave his director’s

office and wander

around Ames. He

would poke his head

into people’s offices

and gently inquire

about what was puzzling them. “Are you winning?” he would ask.1 Eventually he would

settle into his old office and continue his research into hypersonics.

Ames suffered a bit during Allen’s four years as director. Ames’ personnel peaked in

1965 at just over 2,200 and dropped to just under 2,000 by 1969. Its budget stagnated at

about $90 million. For the first time a support contractor was hired to manage wind tunnel

operations—in the 12 foot pressurized tunnel—and there was a drop off in transonic

testing and aircraft design research. But tunnel usage actually increased to support the

Apollo program, and there was dramatic growth in Ames’ work in airborne and space

sciences, especially from the Pioneer program.

Pioneers 6 to 9The Pioneers span the entire recent history of Ames, transcending efforts to periodize

them neatly. The first Pioneers—the Pioneer 6 to 9 solar observatories—were conceived

under DeFrance and executed

under Allen. Allen asked the

same group to plan Pioneers 10

and 11, and Hans Mark, Allen’s

successor as director, presided

over the execution of the

Pioneers as simple, elegant,

science-focused and

pathbreaking projects. Every

subsequent Ames director—

upon the occasion of data

returned from some encounter

Basic design of Pioneer

spacecraft 6 through 9.

John Wolfe, Richard Silva and

Clifford Burrous in September 1962,

with a model of the OGO-1 orbiting

geophysical observatory and the

solar plasma measuring instrument

that they built for it.


on the Pioneer’s trip out of

our solar system—has

had occasion to reflect

upon the meaning

and value of these

sturdy little

spacecraft. The

Pioneer program is

discussed as part of NASA’s formative years

because, in addition to all the valuable data

they produced, in the late 1960s the Ames

space projects division devised the Pioneer

program as a shot across the bow of the

NASA way of doing things.

In 1963, Ames was given a block of

four Pioneer flights, and a budget of $40

million to build and launch the spacecraft.

The bulk of this funding went to contrac-

tors—to Douglas and Aerojet-General to

build the Thor-Delta rockets and to Space

Technology Laboratories to build the

spacecraft. Charlie Hall was the Pioneer

project manager at Ames. On 15 December

1965, Pioneer 6 achieved its orbit around

the Sun just inside the orbit of Earth. It

immediately began sending back data on

magnetic fields, cosmic rays, high-energy

particles, electron density, electric fields

and cosmic dust. It was soon followed by

Pioneers 7, 8, and finally Pioneer 9

launched on 8 November 1968.

These four Pioneers sat in different

orbits around the Sun, but outside the

influence of Earth, and returned data on

the solar environment. Until 1972, they

were NASA’s primary sentinals to warn of

the solar storms that disrupt communica-

tions and electricity distribution on Earth.

When positioned behind the Sun, the

Pioneers collected data to predict solar

storms since they could track changes on

the solar surface two weeks before they

were seen on Earth. During the Apollo

lunar landings, the Pioneers returned data

hourly to mission control, to

warn of the intense showers of solar

protons which could be dangerous to

astronauts on the surface of the Moon.

In addition to building spacecraft

and sensors to collect the data, Ames also

designed the telemetry to gather the data

and the computers to process them.

Pioneer 6 first gave accurate measurements

of the Sun’s corona where the solar winds

boil off into space. The plasma wave

experiment on the Pioneer 8 provided a

Schematic of Pioneer 10.

Ultraviolet photometer

Cosmic ray telescope

Imaging photopolarimeter

Geiger tube telescope

Meteoroid detector sensor panel

Charged particle instrument

Infrared radiometer

Main antenna

Radioisotopethermoelectricgenerator

Trapped radiation detector

Asteroid – meteoroiddetector sensor

Plasma analyzer

Helium vectormagnetometer


88

full picture of Earth’s magnetic

tail. For the Pioneer 9 space-

craft, Ames established the

convolution coders used for

most deep space planetary

missions. Since the Sun is

typical of many stars, Ames astrophysicists learned much about stellar evolution. Before

the Pioneers, the solar wind was thought to be a steady, gentle flow of ionized gases.

Instead, the Pioneers found an interplanetary region of great turbulence, with twisted

magnetic streams bursting among other solar streams.

As the group that designed and built the early Pioneers then turned their attention to

the next space horizon, these simple satellites continued to send back data. Pioneer 9 was the

first to expire, in May 1983, well beyond its design lifetime of six months. It had circled the

Sun 22 times, in a 297-day orbit. Pioneers 6 and 7 continued to work well into the 1980s,

though they were tracked less frequently as newer missions required time on the antennas of

NASA’s Deep Space Network. By then, these Pioneers had had their days in the Sun.

Pioneers 10 and 11During the 1960s, astronomers grew excited about the prospects of a grand tour—of

sending a space probe to survey the outer planets of the solar system when they would

align during the late 1970s. The known hazards to a grand tour—the asteroid belt and the

radiation around Jupiter—were extreme. The hazards yet unknown could be worse. So

Ames drafted a plan to build NASA a spacecraft to pioneer this trail.

In 1968, the Space Science Board of the National Academy of Sciences endorsed the

plan. NASA headquarters funded the project in February 1969, following intensive

lobbying by Ames’ incoming director, Hans Mark, and Ames’ director of development,

John Foster. Charles Hall, manager of the Pioneer plasma probe spacecraft, led the project,

and asked Joseph Lepetich to manage the experiment packages and Ralph Holtzclaw to

design the spacecraft. Chief scientist John Wolfe, who had joined Ames in 1960, did

gamma-ray spectroscopy and measurements of the interplanetary solar wind, and later

became chief of Ames’ space physics branch. Originally called the Pioneer Jupiter-Saturn

Principal investigators take center stage to

explain the results of the Pioneer missions.


A pre-launch view of Pioneer 10 spacecraft, encapsulated and

mated with an Atlas-Centaur launch vehicle on 26 February 1972.

Pioneers 10 and 11 were ejected from Earth’s atmosphere at a

greater speed than any previous vehicle.

Pioneer 10, being

tested prior to launch.


90

program, upon successful

launch the name was changed

to Pioneers 10 and 11.

Spacecraft able to explore

the giants of our solar sys-

tem—Jupiter and Saturn—had

to be much different from the

many spacecraft that had

already explored Mars and

Venus. First, Jupiter is 400 million miles

away at its closest approach to Earth,

whereas Mars is only 50 million miles away.

Thus, the spacecraft had to be more reliable

for the longer trip. Second, since solar

panels could not produce enough energy,

the spacecraft needed an internal power

supply. Finally, the greater distance

demanded a larger, dish-shaped high

gain antenna.

Added to these more natural design

constraints were two early engineering

decisions Hall made to keep the project

within its budget. Both derived from Ames’

experience with the earlier

Pioneer plasma probes. First,

rather than being stabilized on

three axes by rockets, Pioneers 10

and 11 were spin-stabilized by

rotating about their axes. The spin

axis was in the plane of the

ecliptic, so the nine foot diameter

communications dish antenna

always pointed toward Earth.

Pioneer 10, the first spacecraft

to leave our solar system,

carries a message to other

worlds. The plaque was

designed by Carl Sagan and

Frank Drake. The artwork

was prepared by Linda

Salzman Sagan.

Pioneer 10 at TRW in the final

stages of assembly.


Inertia came from the four

heavy nuclear power units—

RTGs or radioisotope thermo-

electric generators—mounted

fifteen feet from the axis on

two long beams. Spin stabiliza-

tion was cheap and reliable,

but made high resolution

photographs impossible.

The second engineering

decision Hall made was to send

all data back to Earth in real

time at a relatively slow stream

of one kilobit per second.

Storing data on board was expensive and heavy. This again lowered the resolution of the

photographs and the precision of some measurements. It also meant that Pioneer would

have to be flown from the ground. Onboard memory could store only five commands, of

22 bits each, needed for very precise maneuvers such as those to move the photopolarim-

eter telescope quickly during the planetary encounter. Each command had to be carefully

planned, since signals from Earth took 46 minutes to reach the

spacecraft at Jupiter. Hall convinced the scientists designing

Pioneer payloads to accept these limits. They had much to gain,

Hall argued, by getting their payloads there on a reliable

platform and getting there first.

Eleven experiment packages were hung on the Pioneers,

which measured magnetic fields, solar wind, high energy

cosmic rays, cosmic and asteroidal dust, and ultraviolet and

infrared radiation. (The two spacecraft were identical except

that Pioneer 11 also carried a fluxgate magnetometer like

the one carried on Apollo 12.) Each spacecraft weighed just

570 pounds, and the entire spacecraft consumed less power

Oil painting depicting the storms of Jupiter, the

satellite Io, and the Great Red Spot.

Charlie Hall leads the

Pioneer project staff

through an efficient

stand-up meeting

prior to the encounter

with Jupiter.


92

than a 100 watt light bulb. One of the most

significant engineering achievements was

in electromagnetic control—the spacecraft

was made entirely free of magnetic fields to

allow greater sensitivity in planetary

measurements.

Ames indeed kept the Pioneers within

a very tight budget and schedule. The

entire program for the two Pioneer 10 and

11 spacecraft, excluding launch costs, cost

no more than $100 million in 1970 dollars.

(That compares with $1 billion for the

Viking at about the same time.) To build

the spacecraft, Ames hired TRW Systems

Group of Redondo Beach, California, the

company that built the earlier Pioneers.

TRW named Bernard O’Brien as its program

manager. Hall devised a clear set

of management guidelines. First,

mission objectives would be

clear, simple, scientific and

unchangeable. The Pioneers

would explore the hazards of the

asteroid belt and the environ-

ment of Jupiter, and no other

plans could interfere with those

Jupiters Red Spot and a shadow of the

moon Io, as seen from Pioneer 10.

Trajectories of Pioneer 10,

Pioneer 11 and Voyager.


goals. Second, the prime contractor was delegated broad technical authority. Third,

existing technology would be used as much as possible. Fourth, the management team at

Ames could comprise no more than twenty people. Fifth, their job was to prevent

escalation of requirements.

One other decision ensured that the Pioneers would have an extraordinary scientific

impact. In the 1960s, NASA scientists began to explore ways of flying by gravitational

fields to alter spacecraft trajectories or give them an energy boost. Gravitational boost was

proved out on the Mariner 10, which flew around Venus on its way to Mercury. Ames

proposed two equally bold maneuvers. Pioneer 10 would fly by Jupiter so that it was

accelerated on its way out of the solar system, to reconnoiter as far

as possible into deep space. Pioneer 11 would fly by Jupiter to

alter its trajectory toward an encounter with Saturn five years

later. Without diminishing their encounter with Jupiter, the

Pioneers could return better scientific data and years earlier than

Voyager for the small cost of keeping open the mission control

room. No good idea goes unchallenged, and Mark and Hall found

themselves lobbying NASA headquarters to fend off JPL’s insis-

tence that their Voyager spacecraft achieve these space firsts.

Three months before project launch, Mark got a call from Carl

Sagan, the astronomer at Cornell University, a friend of Mark’s

from time spent at the University of California at Berkeley, and

close follower of efforts at Ames to discover other life in the

universe. Sagan called to make sure that Mark appreciated “the

Jack Dyer and Richard

Fimmel in the Pioneer

mission control center

in May 1983.

Pioneer 10 encounter

with Jupiter.


94

cosmic significance of

sending the first

human-made object out

of our solar system.”2

Sagan wanted the

Pioneer spacecraft to carry a message, in case they were ever found, that described who

built the Pioneers and where they were from. So Sagan and his wife, Linda, designed a

gold-anodized aluminum plate on which was inscribed an interstellar cave painting with

graphic depictions of a man, a woman, and the location of Earth in our solar system.

Thirty months after project approval, on 2 March 1972, NASA launched Pioneer 10.

Since the spacecraft needed the highest velocity ever given a human-made object—

32,000 miles per hour—a solid-propellant third stage was added atop the Atlas Centaur

rocket. Pioneer 10 passed the orbit of the Moon eleven hours after liftoff; it took the

Apollo spacecraft three days to travel that distance. A small group of five specialists

staffed the Ames Pioneer mission operations center around the clock, monitoring activity

reported back through the huge and highly sensitive antennas of NASA’s Deep Space

Network. Very quickly, Pioneer 10 started returning significant data, starting with

images of the zodiacal light. On

15 July 1972, Pioneer 10 first

encountered the asteroid belt.

Most likely the scattered debris of

a planet that once sat in that orbit

between Mars and Jupiter, the

asteroid belt contains hundreds of

thousands of rocky fragments

ranging in size from a few miles in

diameter to microscopic size. From

Earth, it was impossible to know

how dense this belt would be. An

asteroid/meteoroid detector

showed that the debris was less

Pioneer 11 pre-encounter

with Saturn, as painted by

Wilson Hurley.


dangerous than feared. Next, in August

1972, a series of huge solar flares gave

Ames scientists the opportunity to

calibrate data from both Pioneer 10, now

deep in the asteroid belt, and the earlier

Pioneers in orbit around the Sun. The

results helped explain the complex

interactions between the solar winds and

interplanetary magnetic fields. Ames

prepared Pioneer 11 for launch on 5 April

1973, when Earth and Jupiter were again

in the best relative positions.

Pioneer 10 flew by Jupiter nineteen

months after launch, on 4 December 1973.

Over 16,000 commands were meticulously

executed on a tight encounter schedule.

The most intriguing results concerned the

nature of the strong magnetic field around

Jupiter, which traps charged particles and

thus creates intense radiation fields.

Pioneer 10 created a thermal map of

Artist concept of Pioneer 11 as it

encounters Saturn and its rings.

Jupiter, and probed the

chemical composition of

Jupiter’s out

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