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Neoliberalism and Governmentality in the EU

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    Neoliberal Governmentality in the European Union:

    Education, Training and Technologies of Citizenship

    by

    Katharyne itchelli

    Forthcoming: Environment and Planning D: Society and Space

    !ntroduction

    As a political philosophy of governance neoliberalism is an

    ongoing formation with different moments and sites in its

    evolutionary trajectory. Although articulated and implemented in

    different ways depending on context most scholarsacross

    disciplinesconcur that it is a philosophy premised on a mantra

    of market rationality and the active encouragement of laissez

    faire economic systems worldwide. !see e.g. "teger# $%%&' (ickell

    and )eck# $%%*' +omaroff and +omaroff# $%%,' -iroux# $%%&' -ill#

    $%%*.

    /uch of the scholarship on neoliberalism can be broken down

    into three distinct analytical categories: as policy framework#

    as ideology# or as viewed through the lens of governmentality

    !0arner# $%%%.ii 1ith respect to the provision of empirical data

    it is neoliberalism as seen through the lens of governmentality

    that is most commonly underresearched. -overnmentality can be

    understood as a way of explaining the establishment and exercise

    of political power# one in which the concept of government is

    broader than management by the state' it also involves the

    regulation of populations through multiple institutions and

    technologies in society. 2n Foucault3s conceptualization#

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    governmentality refers to 4the conduct of conduct5 and ranges

    from the governing of others in all aspects of life to the

    governing of the self !Foucault# ,66,. (hese processes#

    moreover# are mutually constitutive# indicating 4how the modern

    sovereign state and the modern autonomous individual codetermine

    each other3s emergence5 !0emke# $%%,: ,6$. -overnmentality also

    takes many forms in society# from the guidance of families to the

    ethics of care and the management of the soul !see# e.g. the work

    of 7onzelot# ,686, 9loch et al# $%%*' +ruikshank# ,666' ose#

    ,66%.

    +ritics of this literature point out that despite the

    theoretical call for detailed# indepth analyses of the

    circulation of power in multiple empirical sites and despite the

    intellectual heritage of Foucault# most studies of

    governmentality are generally abstracted from actuallyexisting

    subjects and spaces !see 0arner# $%%%' ;3/alley# ,66technologies3 and >assemblages3 of state power so

    brilliantly outlined by the theorists.

    1e need to encourage moreexcavations of the extension of

    neoliberal governmentality in multiple# evolving forms and sites

    and from both >topdown3 perspectivesi.e. the formations of

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    political rationalities: new state technologies and policy

    initiatives# the definitions of new discursive fields# ideologies

    of selfcontrol# etc.' andfrom socalled >bottomup3 realmsthe

    processes and forms of subjectivity formation of the enterprising

    individual over time: the general and particular responses to new

    technologies and rationalities of state institutions and actors#

    the evasions# resistances# enablements# exclusions and?or

    motivations for individual behavior which occur alongside and in

    relation to new forms of contemporary 4government.5

    (his is obviously a daunting task and thus my caveat is

    that these projectssuch as the one 2 outline hereshould be

    considered experiments in putting together several pieces of an

    ultimately incomplete puzzle. ather than splitting them apart# 2

    believe we must theorize ideological coercion and direct

    dominance alongside and in conjunction with various forms of

    consent# persuasion and technologies of the self# thus

    interrogating how these processes function conjointly in the

    extension of neoliberalism worldwide !cf. "parke# $%%&. 2

    attempt to do this here through an investigation of recent shifts

    in the philosophy# practice and experience of educational reforms

    promoted for high schools students by the @uropean nion !@

    over the past decade.

    @ducation is a critical site in which to do this kind of

    analysis' not only is the link between the formation of schools

    and the formation of society a vital one in terms of

    understanding the shifting technologies of citizenship and state

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    society relations through time !see# e.g. Ball# ,6C,# but also

    students !i.e. children are particularly impressionable

    >subjects3 whose formation in schools and families has

    historically been of great interest to hegemonic powers worldwide

    !9loch et al# $%%*' Franklin et al# $%%&.

    (he @ is an important contemporary venue in this regard as

    well# as it is now undergoing a number of critical changes. (he

    increase in /ember "tates from ,D to $D in /ay# $%%& has already

    had numerous ramifications for neoliberal economic policy !see#

    e.g. "mith# $%%$. 9ut perhaps more importantly# new methods of

    governance such as the ;/+ !;pen /ethod of +oordination reflect

    the extension of neoliberal governmentality in all spheres of

    social and civic life !1alters and Baahr# $%%D' "avio and )alola#

    $%%&. ;verall these changes have great implications for

    education and training# employment and social inclusion# and the

    constitution of young 4@uropean5 subjects.

    "pecifically in this paper 2 argue that increasingly

    neoliberal forms of governmentality are evident in the @ducation

    and +ulture directorate of the @uropean +ommission !@+.iii(his

    isespecially the case visEvis the institutional philosophy of

    how immigrants and second generation 4minorities5 should be best

    integrated !through education into @uropean society. 9oth the

    policies and the programs associated with education and training

    are becoming more oriented towards the formation of mobile#

    flexible and selfgoverning @uropean laborers and less oriented

    towards an institutionalized affirmation of civic awareness or

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    the importance of respect for and valuation of individual and

    group difference. (his represents a fairly substantive

    philosophical and practical transformation over the past five to

    ten years.

    2n educational affairs the @+3s explicit role is to

    encourage cooperation between /ember "tates and to develop a

    4@uropean5 dimension in the realm of education.iv (he inculcation

    of a @uropean dimension was initially formulated# at least in

    part# as involving the incorporation of minorities !mainly

    immigrants who had not been effectively integrated within their

    national societies. For example# @dith +resson# the education

    commissioner from ,66D,666# wrote in ,66C:

    Across the community# the proportion of denizens living in the/ember "tates is bound to rise in the decades to come as aconse=uence of mobility between /ember "tates as well asinflows into the +ommunity from the outside# and the assertionof the right to difference by minority groupsindigenous orotherwiseis now a wellestablished feature of @uropean socialand political life. (his means that learning to livepositively with difference and diversity is becoming a coredimension of the practice of citizenship in @urope.v

    (his type of minority incorporation was projected to be

    beneficial for the overall aim of increasing @uropean social

    cohesion# and documents such as the above encouraged educational

    programs and exchanges for the expresspurpose of promoting the

    cultural awareness of difference as positive for @urope. (he

    @+3s effort to create a democratic citizen of @urope was a clear

    educational considerationat least in terms of a narrative of

    effective governance. (he early concept of lifelong learning#

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    for example# which was initially promulgated in the ,68%s by non

    governmental organizations such as @"+;# concerned the holistic

    formation of a wellrounded# civically aware# personally

    fulfilled and criticallyminded citizen.vi (his emphasis lingered

    for a time in @+ documents as well.vii

    ;ver the last several years however# one can discern a

    shift to a different kind of emphasis particularly with respect

    to the constitution and training of @uropean laborers. (he new

    program priorities focus on individual pragmatism and on the

    skills and mobility needed for economic success rather than on

    the formation of a democratic person operating within the

    framework of 4ethical liberalism5.viii (he most fre=uent

    references in contemporary educationrelated documents and

    programs are to global competitiveness# a shifting labor market#

    and the necessity to constantly adapt to a changing knowledge

    based economy. )erpetual mobilization and constant movement are

    presented as the answers to the >inescapable3 ramifications of

    globalization# as well as to the changing terms of employment and

    the national >problems3 of integration for immigrants.

    (his current rhetoric is accompanied by multiple @

    treaties which promote the standardization# homogenization and

    international certification of educational skills# allowing and

    encouraging a greater mobility across international borders. And

    instead of a concept emphasizing democratic tools# personal

    development and critical thinking# lifelong learning has

    transmogrified into a concept primarily affirming the constant

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    formation and reformation of work skills !see 9agnall# $%%%'

    /atheson and /atheson# ,66

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    A social democratic impulse remains and is actively

    struggled over within the internal framework of the @+# but as 2

    discuss further in the following section of the paper# the

    general trend is now towards a stronger neoliberal structure of

    governance !-ough# $%%&' Agnew# $%%,' "tanding# ,668. Bowever#

    recognizing the institutional policy apparatuses through which

    neoliberalism is advanced is =uite different from suggesting that

    social disciplining or the >production of the neoliberal self3 is

    ever completely secured.

    For example# in several centralcity /arseille high schools

    @+ education and training programs for schoolage children !such

    as +omenius# have not reached a singleteenager# a majority of

    whom are the children of orth African immigrants.ix2n one sense

    then these students have been effectively excluded from the

    democratic possibilities of @ citizenship as it is envisioned

    and implemented through current educational programs. 9ut at the

    same time# many have been able to create a relatively secure

    space of local# multicultural >citizenship3 at the scale of the

    city. (hey have also been able to engage in multiple types of

    international exchange networks with the countries of their

    parents3 origin !often former French colonies. Although

    fre=uently marginalized and excluded from French national and

    @uropean opportunities they are at the same time relatively

    cocooned from the accelerated rhythms and frenetic pace of the

    marketoriented# @uropean >knowledge community.3 (hus# in the

    case of these students# contemporary techni=ues of self

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    production and regulation which encourage market disciplinesuch

    as the @+ education and training programsremain largely

    ineffective technologies of citizenship.x

    "ocial #emocracy and Neoliberalism in the EU

    2n the past two decades there has been an extension and

    entrenchment of neoliberal reform policies# ideology and

    technologies of production and control worldwide. (he ways that

    this entrenchment is playing out# however# varies considerably as

    a result of individual geographies of urban# regional and

    national development# historical formations of liberalism and

    social democracy and class relations# among other variables !)eck

    and (ickell# $%%$' /itchell# $%%&a. As both state policy and

    discourse neoliberalism often coexists with other accumulation

    regimes in contradictory ways and its extension is fre=uently

    contested by multiple actors. As a result its entrenchment is

    always geographically and politically uneven and incomplete

    !0arner# $%%%' -ough# $%%$.

    Although neoliberalism has become the dominant paradigm in

    the @ over the past decade it exists in an often uneasy tension

    with other accumulation regimes# most notably the social

    democratic project of the Heynesian era.xi7espite their

    contrasting logics# for the last two decades these accumulation

    regimes have existed in tandem# with internal divisions and

    ongoing struggles particularly evident in the realms of social

    policy and the politics of @uropean social cohesion !osamond#

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    $%%$. 2n the sphere of educational policy# for example# the

    battle over both philosophical mandates and practical issues such

    as funding priorities is incessant.xii

    As projects of capital both the social democratic project

    and the neoliberal project are primarily concerned with

    establishing stable frameworks in which capital accumulation can

    continue. 9ut the means through which capitallabor relations are

    managed and the productionreproduction nexus maintained are

    =uite different between the two regimes. ;ne primary

    consideration in the ways these differences play out occurs as a

    result of class struggle. As -ough !$%%&: ,6* astutely

    observes# both the neoliberal and social democratic regimes are

    projects which 4reproduce relations of exploitation5 and are

    4premised on labor as an active agent.5 +learly the historical

    and geographical formation of classes and their mutually

    constitutive relations affects the manner in which neoliberalism

    becomes extended# entrenched and?or resisted in different

    contexts.

    (his said# it is imperative to note that the 4active

    agency5 of labor is also premised on social relations other than

    class alone. 2mmigrant laborers# /uslim laborers and female

    laborers# for example# are often defined and?or selfdesignate

    through multiple# crosscutting affiliations# all of which are

    affected by existing power relations in society. (he management

    of >labor3 then# as a contrasting logic within social democratic

    and neoliberal regimes# must be analysed not just as a project of

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    reflecting the varying agents and institutions involved in its

    production !)eck and (ickell# $%%$.

    +learly the >project3 of neoliberalism remains highly

    contested in the @ and should be recognized as one that is

    hybrid and contextual# often cohabiting and?or overlapping with

    other regimes. Further# as characteristic of the general

    features of neoliberalism it moves through different phases and

    involves a specific assemblage of technologies and strategies

    associated with each phase !0arner# $%%*. +urrently a social

    democratic project in the @ remains and is given expression at

    the regional scale through geographical redistribution programs

    and social funds such as the @7F !@uropean egional 7evelopment

    Fund and the @"F !@uropean "ocial Fund. 2t also has a

    significant presence in specific sites and countries where

    traditions of active labor politics and local democratic

    governance have strong historical roots. As -ough !$%%&: ,6&

    notes# these types of redistributive policies and programs are

    actively solicited and protected through the agency of workers#

    who have effectively 4impeded austerity offensives5 in certain

    sectors and geographical sites.

    ;verall however# a broadbased social democratic project is

    losing ground to a neoliberal one involving a complex mix of

    4third way5 type claims to fairness# social justice# social

    cohesion and 4open5 government# accompanied by a sharp

    institutional transition to a more marketdriven logic$ (he third

    way rhetoric seems to promote a gentler# fairer government

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    through partnerships and various methods of decentralized

    decisionmaking# but in effect these changes act to increase both

    individual and regional competition# devolve responsibility to

    specific >agents3 and to further undermine welfarist principles

    of redistribution and responsibility !1alters and Baahr# $%%D.

    (he most obvious subversion of the overarching principal of

    regional evenness and social e=uity has occurred with the

    incorporation of new countries with economic levels of growth and

    standards of living well below the existing standards for the @

    !(hese include -reece# )ortugal and "pain in the ,66%s and ten

    central and eastern @uropean countries as of /ay ,# $%%&. As

    numerous scholars have demonstrated# this vast augmentation of

    regional unevenness increases the opportunities for both the

    exploitation of labor and the disciplining of /ember "tates vis

    Evis the flows of capital through foreign direct investment

    !Agnew# $%%,' 7unford# ,66&' -ough# $%%&' Baynes# $%%,. 2t

    effectively depresses wages and eventually will place huge and

    increasingly impossible demands on the already strained welfare

    systems of existing /ember "tates in areas as diverse as health#

    housing and education.

    1ith a concerted effort at targeted social and economic

    development the admission of the new countries need not

    necessarily entrench a neoliberal project. 9ut the move to a

    single market# combined with the adaptation of the @uro in $%%$

    !under the auspices of the @+9 the @uropean +entral 9ank

    institutionalizes a type of abstract monetary policy based on

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    price stability and an antiinflationary mandate rather than on

    growth and development. (his makes statesponsored development

    targeted at the eradication of specific internal ine=ualities or

    the protection of particular sectors in society increasingly

    difficult. Fiscal monitoring by the +ommission through the

    "tability and -rowth )act !"-)# for example# limits the

    capacities of /ember "tates to protect welfare benefits through

    deficit spending# thus retarding the ability of individual

    countries to set their own development course !"torey# $%%&.

    +ontinual surveillance of /ember "tates both before and

    after admission into the nion acts further to keep potentially

    wayward !insufficiently neoliberal impulses in check. 1ith

    respect to the recent enlargement process# for example# "mith

    !$%%$ shows the instrumental role played by the @ in the

    reconstruction of +entral and @ast @uropean economies along

    laissezfaire market lines. (hrough a process of geoeconomic

    monitoring and with the aid of the @uropean 9ank for

    econstruction and 7evelopment# these entering nations were

    disciplined to accept as both natural and necessarytheir

    wholesale transformation from postcommunist regimes to market

    based neoliberal societies. 1hen considered alongside recent

    international agreements between the @ and the 1(; binding

    /ember "tates into a globally liberal trade regime# the extent of

    the @ marketization agenda becomes even clearer !see also

    9onefeld# $%%$.

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    ather than an >upward harmonization3 into a socially

    democratic welfare regime# integration into the @ ends up

    instead in institutionalizing 4disciplinary neoliberalism5 !-ill#

    $%%,. "torey !$%%& documents# in particular# the multiple

    attacks on the state provision of goods and services through the

    @3s activist competition policy and through the limits it places

    on state aid to publicly controlled >businesses3 such as banks

    and airports. 9oth 9renner !,666 and "wyngedouw !,668 likewise#

    have demonstrated the key role played by the @ in restructuring

    space in a matter beneficial for capital. (his# combined with a

    declining interest in social reproduction# manifested

    particularly harshly in the recent tightening of asylum laws#

    indicates a new direction for the @ as an interventionist actor

    and partner with a distinctly neoliberal reform agenda.

    Alongside these ideological and policy reforms there are

    additional changes in the @ relating to the general decline of

    democratic accountability. (he @+9# for example# functions

    outside of and away from the messy sphere of individual state

    politics. (hus popular democratic pressure !e.g. to protect

    state subsidies or welfare policies has no effect on monetary

    policy or on the developmental aspirations of cities and nations.

    @ventually this disjuncture leads to political apathy# as

    witnessed in recent years in declining voter turnout at both

    national and @ parliamentary elections.xiii

    2n the @ over the last decade there has thus been a strong

    trend towards an increasing monetarism and a growing

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    liberalization of the market. 2n terms of laissezfaire economic

    reform a neoliberal project is clearly on the rise. 9ut what is

    the evidence of neoliberal gains in other arenas# for example

    those of civil society and the formation of subjectsJ 1hat is

    the evidence of neoliberal advancement as seen through the lens

    of governmentalityJ At this point 2 would like to turn to the

    educational spherea key contemporary forum in the constitution

    of both marketrational andstateoriented subjects. 2 begin by

    looking at the recent @+ policy agenda in education and then

    investigate some of its effects visEvis the production of

    mobile# entrepreneurial workers and selfgoverning 4@uropean5

    immigrantlaborers.

    Education and Training in the EU: Formation Permanente

    (he shift in the @3s educational emphasis over the past

    several years is most evident in the policy orientation of the

    (reaty of Amsterdam !,666 and the (reaty of ice !$%%, as well

    as the educational proclamations disseminated from @uropean

    +ouncil meetings at 0isbon !$%%%# and +openhagen !$%%$. 2t is

    also evident in the new education and training programs and

    international agreements that have arisen as a result of these

    meetings. 1hile there remains a social democratic logic premised

    on the notion of state intervention in various realms# including

    creating cohesive communities out of difference# this is rapidly

    losing ground to a more economistic emphasis.xiv/ost of the

    contemporary international agreements and @ programs now focus

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    on strategies of skillsbased training designed to forge all

    students !both native born and immigrant into@uropean

    citizenship via an increasingly crossborder intra@ labor

    market. 2 will examine just three of these recent policy

    initiatives and programs as they extend across time and space.

    A: TheAmsterdam Treaty: Lifelong Learning

    (he concept of lifelong learning was given its first major

    boost in the @ in ,66action3 areas of the employment chapter 4represent a

    major shift in social policy5 away from universal labor mandates

    and standards and towards a vision of employment as the key to

    maintaining the @uropean social model !see Addison# $%%$: *%C.

    (he employment that is envisioned in this new scheme is flexible

    employment# and the laborers who are to provide the workforce

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    must be 4adaptable5 and 4entrepreneurial5 if they expect to be

    4employable.5

    0ifelong learning features prominently in the employment

    chapter of the (reaty and is explicitly linked with the promotion

    of a skilled and adaptable labor force for the new# socalled

    4@urope of knowledge.5 2n @+ policy documents of this time the

    necessity for constant personal mobilization or 4updating5 is a

    fre=uent refrain with reference to lifelong learning and is

    inevitably linked with the employment re=uirements of a rapidly

    changing world. Further# successful employment is implicitly

    associated with successful citizenship. (he following =uote# for

    example# is taken from the ,668 @uropean +ommission document#

    4(owards a @urope of Hnowledge.5 (his was one of the first full

    length discussions of the new strategies for education and

    training in general and lifelong learning in particular# that was

    envisioned for the +ommission3s policy agenda of $%%%$%%

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    (his extremely utilitarian vision of lifelong learning as

    linked with wealth creation and employability was advanced even

    further by @ducation +ommissioner Iiviane eding in several

    speeches from $%%% and $%%,.xvi 2n the speeches and policy agenda

    of this period there was a clear effort to tie together the

    commission directorate of @ducation and +ulture# with the

    directorate of @mployment and "ocial Affairs. (he skillsbased#

    vocational focus of this cooperative strategy was made explicit

    in related documents and speeches. For example# Anna

    7iamantopoulou# the +ommissioner for @mployment and "ocial

    Affairs# said:

    "kill and competence enhancement in the new economy in@urope re=uires that the policy emphasis is shifted towardsincreasing investment in human capital and in raisingparticipation in education and training throughout workinglife. (o keep pace with developments in technology#globalisation# population ageing and new businesspractices# particular attention should be given toworkplace training an important dimension of our strategyfor 0ifelong 0earning...xvii

    2n /arch $%%%# lifelong learning was confirmed by the

    0isbon @uropean +ouncil as a foundational component of the

    @uropean social model. @mployment was a key agenda item of the

    0isbon meeting# as was the objective of 4shaping a new @urope5

    and becoming 4the most competitive and dynamic knowledgebased

    economy in the world.5xviii Following the 0isbon recommendations

    lifelong learning was allocated significant funding for the

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    period $%%%$%%< from the @uropean "ocial Fund !@"F and was

    confirmed as a 4basic component of the @uropean "ocial /odel.5xix

    2n the speeches and documents associated with the 0isbon

    +ouncil formation permanenteor perpetual mobilization was

    projected as constant# inevitable and ultimately beneficial for

    society. (he goal of 4shaping a new @urope5 focused on the

    importance of the transition to the knowledge economy and the

    role of education and training in constituting a new dynamic and

    competitive @uropean labor force !odrigues# $%%$' obertson and

    7ale# $%%*. 2n this vision the challenge of reformation and

    retraining is devolved from the responsibility of the state to

    the agency of individuals# who must carefully choose personally

    effective learning strategies. For example# the first =uote below

    is from the pamphlet# 4A @uropean Area of 0ifelong 0earning#5

    !@uropean +ommission# 0uxembourg# ;ffice for ;fficial

    )ublications of the @uropean +ommunities# $%%$: ,%. (he second

    is from the @uropean +ommission3s web page. !2talics mine.xx

    (raditional systems must be transformed to become much moreopen and flexible# so the learners can have individuallearning pathways.

    /oreover# as the blackboard gives way to the keyboard andthe concept of lifelong learning becomes a reality#ac=uiring skills and knowledge is increasingly a matter of

    individualresponsibility.

    1ith the rhetoric of globalization# competition and

    lifelong learning there is a strong underlying message of the

    necessity for constant personal mobilization and entrepreneurial

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    behavior on the part of individuals while at the same time the

    emphasis on structural and institutional constraints to these

    goals is generally downplayed. Further# the inexorable emphasis

    on the individualand on his or her learning choices

    interpellates rational# atomized agents responsible for their own

    life paths in lieu of groups or classes experiencing collective

    dislocation as the result of widespread socioeconomic

    restructuring under laissezfaire capitalism. (his accompanies a

    more general abdication of welfarist responsibilities in

    providing truly viable economic opportunities for workers !/edel

    AMonuevo et al# $%%,' -riffin# ,666.

    Further# the original personal and social development

    emphasis of lifelong learning as found in the earlier ideology of

    the ,68%s and of eras past has been relegated to a minor

    rhetorical key. +ommunity funds for lifelong learning go

    primarily into workplace retraining programs rather than into

    curricula emphasizing social or civic education such as the study

    of culture# comparative democracy or systems of government. (hus

    it seems that with the transformation of lifelong learning over

    the past several years @uropean social cohesion is now advanced

    primarily through the formation of a flexible and mobile cross

    border labor force rather than through the notion of personal

    development and the constitution of democratic participants in

    society. (his is similar in many ways to the evolution of

    lifelong learning in the nited "tates# where an early emphasis

    on lifelong learning as creating a wellsocialized#

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    >cosmopolitan3 child invested in national narratives of

    collective belonging# has morphed into the strategic global

    cosmopolitan interested first and foremost in entrepreneurial

    success. )opkewitz !$%%*:&8 writes of this new American

    lifelong learner:

    1hereas the cosmopolitanism of the child of the turn of thetwentieth century was to live as a socialiedindividualwho embodied the national exceptionalism# today there islittle talk of socialization. (he cosmopolitan child livesin networks of communicative norms that order the classroomand family through a problemsolving# active# flexible# andselfmanaged lifelong learner !italics in original.

    !: The Bologna Process: "onvergence

    (he 9ologna 7eclaration was a pledge signed by twentynine

    @uropean countries 4to reform the structures of their higher

    education systems in a convergent way.5 (he declaration initiated

    a process !the 9ologna )rocess of policy coordination with the

    goal of standardizing higher learning across @urope. (he

    objectives included the adoption of a 4common framework of

    readable and comparable5 degrees at the university level# the

    introduction of undergraduate and postgraduate levels in all

    countries# 4with first degrees no shorter than * years and

    relevant to the labour market#5 the introduction of the @+("

    !@uropean +redit (ransfer "ystem# an effort to make course

    creditsincluding lifelong learningcomparable and compatible

    across @urope' and the 4elimination of remaining obstacles to the

    free mobility of students.5xxi

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    As with the lifelong learning mandate# the 9ologna process

    manifests a strong policy push towards obtaining a @uropean

    competitive advantage in the global knowledge economy game !cf.

    Hwiek and /ickiewicz# $%%&. As noted above# among the many

    desired transformations promoted by the declaration are the

    transferability of course and degree credits under the new @+("

    program. (his is part of a more general strategy to increase the

    flexibility of students with the ultimate goal of strengthening

    their crossborder employability. According to the 7eclaration:

    A clearly defined common goal is to create a @uropean spacefor higher education in order to enhance the employabilityand mobility of citizens and to increase the internationalcompetitiveness of @uropean higher education.xxii

    Although the declaration functioned simply as a pledge

    towards convergence# the process overall has already had a strong

    impact on the education policies of many /ember "tates. 2n

    France for example# it has influenced a push towards harmonizing

    the time re=uired for postgraduate diplomas. ;ne proposed reform

    called 40/75 !licence# mast#re# doctorat establishes a set

    number of years !post9accalaureate for each degree# e.g. bacN*#

    bacND and bacNC. (his form of standardization# along with many

    other recently proposed reforms# was protested by numerous

    students in the fall of $%%*. (he students explicitly linked the

    French university reforms to the increasing 4nOolibOralisation5

    and 4marchandisation5 !commodification of education resulting

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    from the 9ologna process and other @uropean pressures to conform

    to a single higher education system.xxiii

    (he 9ologna )rocess also influenced the creation of @+

    programs such as @rasmus mundus in $%%*. @rasmus mundus is an

    offshoot of @rasmus# the universitylevel exchange program

    positioned under the broad aegis of "ocrates.xxiv 1hile the

    original 4@rasmus5 facilitated exchanges between /ember "tate

    university students# the new program incorporates non@uropean or

    4third country5 states in an explicitly global agenda. (he

    program seeks to improve @urope3s competitive advantage in the

    provision of higher education. Following the intent of the

    9ologna )rocess to ensure the worldwide attractiveness of the

    @uropean higher education system# @rasmus mundus emphasizes

    international competitiveness# global preparedness and individual

    mobility. (he following description of the program is from the

    @uropean +ommission:

    @rasmus /undus is a new global scheme# providing adistinctly 4@uropean5 offer in higher education. 2t seeks#primarily# to enhance the =uality and attractiveness of@uropean higher education worldwide. "econdly# @rasmus/undus /asters +ourses and scholarships will provide aframework to promote valuable exchange and dialogue betweencultures. 9y supporting the international mobility ofscholars and students# @rasmus /undus intends to prepareits @uropean and non@uropean participants for life in a

    global# knowledgebased society.xxv

    (he 9ologna )rocess has continued over the last four years

    with meetings in )rague and 9erlin and with the agreement of all

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    $D @ /ember "tates to create a @uropean Bigher @ducation Area

    !@B@A by $%,%. 2n each of these meetings the @+ has promoted

    convergence and comparable =ualifications in higher education.

    (he overarching goal of these reforms is the creation of a

    standardized crossborder plan with compatible systems for both

    education and assessment. (his is intended to facilitate and

    encourage a new level of international mobility and global

    competitiveness for students as well as to provide the tools

    necessary for the kinds of educational surveillance and

    accountability envisioned by the @ for the future. For example#

    in February $%%*# the +ommission presented a set of proposed

    4benchmarks5 in education and training to the +ouncil of

    /inisters and five were adopted by the +ouncil on D /ay.xxvi(he

    term >benchmarking3 is fre=uently used in neoliberal discourse

    and indicates a method of establishing standards of

    accountability in a constantly evolving competitive context. !see

    e.g. 7ean and Bindess# ,66C' 0arner and 0e Beron# $%%*: 1alters

    and Baahr# $%%D.

    ": The Copenhagen Declaration: Transparency

    2n the +openhagen 7eclaration it is possible to see how a

    strategic approach to lifelong learning combined with the strong

    push towards convergence leads to a new technology of control:

    Europass. @uropass is the most recent +ommission initiative in

    the realm of vocational training. 2t follows from the +openhagen

    7eclaration of $%%$ which called for action to 4increase

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    transparency in vocational education and training through the

    implementation and rationalisation of information tools and

    networks# including the integration of existing instruments into

    one single framework.5xxvii

    @uropass incorporates five existing documents into a

    primary one that covers individual workers3 skills and

    =ualifications in a 4lifelonglearning perspective.5 (hese

    documents include a 4@uropean +I5 outlining personal and

    vocational skills !including language skills# the 4/obili)ass#5

    which indicates previous transnational mobility# and the

    4+ertificate5 and 47iploma "upplements#5 which show vocational

    =ualifications and higher education diplomas.xxviii

    @uropass is essentially a compact document that vocational

    laborers carry with them and which indicates at a glance their

    work history and =ualifications. (he pass is a kind of universal

    >passport of skills3 which enables them to cross @ borders

    easily for workrelated affairs. For state officials and

    employers in different /ember "tates @uropass encapsulates an

    individual worker3s history in an easily digestible format and

    reduces the time needed to evaluate the prospective employee

    and?or intra@ migrant. 2n the perception of @uropean

    commissioners it improves transparency and hence increases

    mobility for workers# who are thus liberated to rationally

    distribute themselves according to the dictates of market logic.

    1ith @uropass the individual laborer bears the

    responsibility for locating >efficient3 maximum employment# now

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    extended across ,D !and soon to be $D countries. 9ut more than

    this# the pass is part of a larger set of political rationalities

    in which the concept of person is ultimately underpinned by the

    category of laborer. 2t creates a cognitive shorthand e=uivalent

    to the business slogan 4you are the office#5 now constituted

    across employment categories as well as across @uropean nations

    !cf. /itchell# /arston and Hatz# $%%&. ot only is work thus

    e=uated with personhood# but through its links to lifelong

    learning# workrelated skills must constantly evolve in a

    >rational3 manner in order to ensure the development of the

    optimal enterprising individual. Further# the new transparency

    associated with @uropass ensures that this evolution can be

    monitored and regulated through various instruments of cross

    border control. (he following =uote is from the +ommission web

    page announcing the new @uropass proposal:

    (he @uropean +ommission has just adopted a proposal for adecision of the @uropean )arliament and of the +ouncil on asingle framework for the transparency of =ualifications andcompetences !@uropass. +onceived with an eye to lifelonglearning# the proposal integrates various transparencypromoting instruments into a coherent framework# identifiedby the single label 4@uropass5# which will be accessible onthe 2nternet and to which other instruments may also beadded in the future. +oordination# rationalisation andcomputerisation are the key concepts of the proposal...xxix

    )rior conceptions of lifelong learning as primarily

    concerned with personal development and the ongoing constitution

    of ethical personhood and critical thinking have metamorphized

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    into a measurable series of =ualifications attained with respect

    to lifelong employability. (ransparency in this regard refers to

    the ability of the neoliberal state to survey and monitor these

    selfimproving moments. -reater or lesser status# i.e. faster or

    slower levels of speed# mobility and employability can then be

    indicated on the @uropass. As the worker3s >history3 of

    transnational mobility is manifested on the !soon to be

    electronic pass# his or her relative ac=uiescence and success in

    the project of perpetual mobilization and selfimprovement will

    remain as a permanent mark.

    2n the A9+3s of the previous three examples 23ve indicated

    some of the multiple sites and spaces of neoliberal ideology and

    policy in the educational pronouncements and programs of the

    @uropean +ommission. @xamining these types of sites is critical

    in conceptualizing the various technologies of power through

    which new political rationalities are formed and legitimized !see

    e.g. Foucault# ,66,' 0emke# $%%,. Bowever# this type of

    analysis does not lend much insight into the particular responses

    to these techni=ues of power and to the general recoding of

    social life and personhood under conditions of neoliberal

    governmentality. 2n the next section 2 give one small example of

    the ways in which the neoliberal project in @uropean education

    fails in producing neoliberal @uropean subjectsprimarily as a

    result of geography# history and the generally sticky

    intransigence of existing structures and practices.

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    associated with deviation from an inflexible and highly

    centralized French educational system. ;ne principal said in a

    Ganuary# $%%& interview in /arseille:

    (hese programs P0eonardo and +omeniusQ are utilized verylittle# unfortunately. (he reasons are very verycomplicated. (hey are not adapted to the rigidities of oursystem... (he framework of +omenius is narrow and demands alot of involvement and a long time frame and we havedifficulties constructing programs over several years.Also the re=uirements and exams here are such that itbecomes very difficult to manage.xxx

    A second principal noted however# that despite the lack of

    participation in@sponsored exchanges a number of students had

    traveled on school trips# especially to African countries. Be

    showed me one informational pamphlet describing an exchange

    program with 0omO in (ogo that was funded under the auspices of

    the regional center for vocational and technical training for the

    /aritime region in France !+@(F). (hese types of shorter

    trips were planned by the school and nationally funded.

    Fre=uently the sites of these exchanges were based on old

    colonial ties rather than the newer economic links with @uropean

    partners.

    According to a principal at a lycOe professionnel

    !vocational high school# the establishment of exchanges such as

    this often relied on personal connections and on the voluntary

    time and labor of the high school3s teachers and administrators.

    9ecause his zone was designated a R@) !one d$%ducation

    prioritaire or priority zone and an atrisk school !a special

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    designation given for schools in zones of 4experimental

    violence5# he was given more staff# supplemental national funds

    and greater autonomy in spending the funds and was thus able to

    reward dedicated teachers with extra salary. (hese state funds

    were directed towards nationalgoals of minority integration and

    the alleviation of poverty in atrisk schools and areas of the

    country. (he forms of mobility and skills development that were

    made possible by these funds were almost always constituted and

    extended through previous networks and alliances and focused on

    cultural and historical ties as well as economic connections.

    1hen 2 asked students if they had traveled much in @urope

    or had any personal sense of identity as 4@uropean5 or as

    @uropean citizens the overwhelming response was one of

    uninterested ambivalence# the e=uivalent of a verbal shrug. "ome

    had traveled in @urope# but the majority of these travels were in

    southern @urope around the /editerranean region# mainly in

    southern "pain and 2taly. As mentioned earlier# none had

    participated in a high school @ education or training program.

    2n response to similar =uestions about French identity and

    citizenship there was more of a slightly =uizzical affirmative#

    but without much warmth. Bowever# when 2 asked more generally

    about identity and citizenship# framing it as a =uestion of

    allegiance# pride# security and feelings of connection# students

    responded with fierce pride that they were first and foremost

    citizens of /arseille' they were 4/arseillais.5 2n a group

    interview at a lycOe in central /arseille# for example# one

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    student responded to a =uestion about French identity with the

    following remark: 4Kes 2 am French# but above all !surtout of

    /arseille.5 1hen 2 asked if /arseille was >really3 French# all

    the students laughed and said boisterously and with some

    satisfaction# 4&on'5

    For these students a sense of personhood and social

    citizenship and belonging was un=uestionably associated with the

    city of /arseille rather than with either France or @urope and

    was based on cultural allegiances and historical ties rather than

    with economic motivations or ambitions. (hey felt secure in

    /arseille# a city full of immigrants like themselves# but were

    afraid of experiencing discrimination and hatred in other regions

    of France and in other countries of @urope. 2f they traveled at

    all it was usually in southern 2taly or "pain or to the countries

    of their parents3 origin# located primarily in orth Africa or

    (urkey. (hey had little or no plans to travel for work or

    pleasure in the rest of @urope.

    For high school students in innercity /arseille thus the

    neoliberal @+ educational policy reforms had little or no effect

    visEvis the recent instigations towards permanent mobilization

    as laborers and the importance of crossborder @uropean mobility

    or sense of allegiance. 2n one sense then they are clearly being

    left out of the increasingly fastpaced @uropean knowledge

    economy and corresponding entitlements to @uropean >citizenship.3

    9ut in another sense they have formed strong emotional and

    cultural ties to /arseille and feel secure as social citizens at

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    a different scale. Further# they have established or maintained

    global linkages in others networksthose associated primarily

    with the former French colonies.

    Conclusion

    eoliberal and social democratic policy regimes are both

    operative in the @ and are currently contested in many sectors.

    2n these struggles it is important to watch for shifting

    practices within the institutional apparatuses of civil society#

    especially in arenas like education. 2 believe that we are

    currently in a transitional moment from a more social democratic

    emphasis to a stronger regime of neoliberal governmentality in

    the @ and that this is reflected in the contemporary education

    and training policy and practices of the @uropean +ommission.

    For example# there is a clear movement towards shaping

    @urope as the premier 4knowledge economy5 in the world. (he

    techni=ues of the self that are brought to bear in this process

    include lifelong learning# mobility and adaptability' in a

    mutually constitutive fashion these are juxtaposed with state

    discourses of homogenization# convergence and transparency. 2n

    the @ programs and discourses of the past several years one can

    see the production of a fastpaced# mobile and interchangeable

    laborer and the simultaneous exclusion of those considered slow#

    particularist and?or otherwise >different#3 who cannot or will

    not keep up with the recent changes. @arlier concerns of social

    liberalism# including the multicultural emphasis on achieving

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    diversity as beneficial for civic life and for the development of

    ethical personhood have been replaced with a market logic which

    underpins all educational policies and ideals.

    (he @+3s stress on the necessity for constant mobilization

    and selfempowerment through lifelong learning leads to the

    growing exclusion of the poorer members in society# especially

    immigrant minorities. ather than encouraging the types of social

    and educational integration that are practical and attainable for

    these groups there is an increasingly cynical narrative which

    e=uates greater @uropean movement with greater @uropean social

    belonging. (his kind of 4third way5 neoliberalism employs soft

    cultural rhetoric alongside hard economic policies# whereby

    4inclusion is understood as another means of enhancing

    international competitiveness5 !0arner and +raig# $%%D. (hird

    way rhetoric such as the 4;pen /ethod of +oordination#5

    4partnering#5 or 4social inclusion#5 obfuscates the ultimate

    neoliberal goal of extending >common sense3 market rationality

    throughout the @. Further it is paralleled by the decline of

    both @ and /ember "tate interest in or financial support for the

    philosophical ideals of statesponsored multicultural

    integration.

    (he movement away from a stateled valuation of difference

    as >positive3 for @urope is already having direct conse=uences

    for immigrants of color. 2t has become the individual3s

    responsibility to integrate effectively and if he or she does

    not# it is projected as a =uestion of individual choice rather

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    than the failure of liberalism3s universalist and egalitarian

    claims.xxxi (hese transformations are broadly linked with macro

    economic shifts relating to the promotion of flexible

    accumulation as a new regime of capital accumulation. (he

    economic changes moreover# occur alongside the discourse of

    competition and individual entrepreneurialism connected with the

    rise of neoliberalism as a political philosophy of governance.

    2t remains important to acknowledge however# that

    neoliberalism is a broad set of often contradictory programs#

    techni=ues and practices and never completely secured. (he

    extension of neoliberal reform policies in @ education and

    training has un=uestionably had an exclusionary effect on high

    school students in /arseille# who as a result of history#

    geography and economic circumstances are unable to access

    @uropean citizenship through the new initiatives and programs.

    9ut neoliberalism as a project of disciplining and the abstract

    organization of subjects at a distance remains partial and

    fragmentary. For example when viewed with an eye towards the

    constitution of neoliberal subjects it is evident that the

    current policies have been unsuccessful in producing and

    regulating the young >/arseille3 citizens.

    (he evasion of various technologies of control manifests

    the multiple systemic disjunctures and possibilities for a wider

    politics of counterhegemony. 2t is always important to recognize

    the many ways that the seemingly seamless assemblages of

    neoliberal state power fails to actually connect. Bowever it is

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    also politically responsible to note the often unconscious and

    fragile nature of these disconnections. 2n the case of the young

    students from /arseille# these practices are still very much

    4weapons of the weak.5 At this time they do not form the basis of

    a viable political formation and whether and to what extent they

    may do so in the future remains an open =uestion.

    36

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    )eferences

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    9onefeld 1# $%%$# 4@uropean integration# the market# the

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    7unford /# ,66 41inners and losers: the new map of economic

    ine=uality in the @uropean nion5 European +r)an and *egional

    Studies , 6D,,&

    @tzinger B# $%%*# 4(he rise and fall of multiculturalism: (he

    case of the etherlands5 in Toward Assimilation and

    "itienship: .mmigrants in Li)eral &ation-States @ds. Goppke

    +# /orawska @ !9asingstoke: )algrave /acmillan pp. D6Cnew @urope3: geo

    economic power and the new @uropean architecture of

    integration5 Political /eography$,

    /d.: owman and 0ittlefield )ublishers

    "torey A# $%% 4(he @uropean )roject: 7ismantling social

    democracy# globalising neoliberalism5The 0oundation for the

    Economics of Sta)ility!F@A"(A. (his article can be found at

    the following web site:

    http:??www.feasta.org?documents?democracy?storey.htm.

    !accessed Gune# % $%%&. +ited with permission of the

    author.

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    "tanding -# ,668# 4(he new insecurities5 in The 1uestion of

    Europe@ds. -owan )# Anderson ) !0ondon: Ierso pp $%*$,6

    "wyngedouw @# ,668# 4@xcluding the other: the production of

    scale and scaled politics5 in /eographies of Economies@ds.

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    1alters 1# Baahr G B# $%%D /overning Europe: Discourse,

    /overnmentality and European .ntegration!0ondon: outledge.

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    i(he research for this article was made possible by the support of a grant

    for esearch and 1riting from the Gohn 7. and +atherine (. /acArthur

    Foundation. /any thanks also go to 1alter )arker and three anonymous

    reviewers who offered helpful comments on an earlier draft of the paper.

    ii2n the first category neoliberalism is conceptualized as a policy reform

    program 4initiated and rationalized through a relatively coherent

    theoretical and ideological framework5 !0arner# $%%%: 8. 2n the second#

    neoliberalism is seen as part of a struggle for dominance over the ideas

    !and minds of the social formation. 2n the third category# neoliberalism

    is perceived as discourse# a 4system of meaning that constitutes

    institutions# practices and identities in contradictory and selfidentified

    ways5 !0arner# $%%%: ,$. 2n this latter formulation neoliberalism leads

    to the emergence of institutions and practices !technologies of governance

    that facilitate and encourage individual and group conformity to market

    norms.

    iii1hen discussing policy proposals and reforms 2 will refer to the @uropean

    +ommission rather than the @uropean nion.

    iv(his 4@uropean5 dimension was promoted initially through university and

    secondary school exchange programs. (he first educational exchange

    programs under @+ auspices were launched in ,6CD with @rasmus for

    university students and +ommett for vocational training. +ommett operated

    until ,66& and was then replaced by the 0eonardo da Iinci vocational

    program. @rasmus continues to operate.

    v@dith +resson# Foreword: 40earning for active citizenship#5 @uropean

    +ommission# @uropa: @ducation and (raining ,66C 7-TT22 publication of the

    @. (his document can be found at:

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    now as part of a long laundry list of policy reform >positives3 of which

    the most privileged and numerous are those relating to skills# adaptability

    and mobility. For a longer discussion of the terminology related to

    4ethical liberalism5 and its associated meanings see /itchell# $%%*: *6*'

    /anzer# ,66&.

    ix@mpirical data on innercity high schools !lyc%es= in /arseille was

    derived from interviews with five principals and with approximately $%%

    students !interviewed in classsize groups ranging from 8 to $%.

    Fieldwork was conducted in /arseille in $%%*$%%&.

    x7ean and Bindess !,66C defined technologies of citizenship as those

    improving self esteem and empowering people to further their own ends# but

    always within the context of the market economy.

    xi(he typologies for differing accumulation regimes varies between

    disciplinary literatures and can often become confusing. Bere 2 refer to

    the first as a social democratic political formation in concert with a

    Heynesian welfare state economic project. (his is fre=uently labelled a

    4Fordist5 regime. (he second is a neoliberal political formation in concert

    with a flexible or laissezfaire economic project# labelled variously as

    4postfordism#5 4disorganized capitalism#5 4flexible accumulation#5 and

    4network capitalism.5 A neomercantilist regime was also promoted early on

    in the @ as a 4fortress @urope5 protectionist strategy favoring @uropean

    business interests. (his regime was to be aided and entrenched via the

    single market and the @/ !@uropean /onetary nion. /any saw a united

    @urope as an 4opportunity to protect the >@uropean model of society#35

    including its social democratic traditions from the 4potentially

    destructive forces of globalisation and neoliberalism5 !van Apeldoorn#

    $%%,: 8

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    ,6C%s by a strong lobby of international businesses including the @(

    !@uropean oundtable of 2ndustrialists# who favored a neoliberal version

    of the single market !"ee "torey# $%%&.

    xii Author3s interview with a member of the @ducation and +ulture directorate

    of the @uropean +ommission# 9russels# /arch# $%%&.

    xiii(he recent @ parliamentary elections of Gune ,*# $%%& are a good example

    of declining voter turnout across the spectrum of old and new /ember

    "tates. "ee# e.g. (homas Fuller and Hatrin 9ennhold# 4After voters revolt#

    doubt on @ charter#5 .nternational 8erald Tri)une# Gune ,D# $%% p. ,.

    xivFor example the former @ducation +ommissioner @dith +resson wrote

    enthusiastically about democratic participation and the constitution of a

    pluralist @urope. As a national politician she was a member of the

    socialist party and a political appointee of FranVois /itterand. "he was

    replaced in ,666 by the current commissioner# Iiviane eding# a

    conservative +hristian 7emocrat from 0uxembourg. As one of her first major

    policy actions eding pushed an economistic conception of lifelong learning

    to the forefront of the @+ educational agenda. (he biographies of these two

    +ommissioners manifest some of the continuing internal tensions between the

    social democratic and neoliberal projects within the @ administration.

    xv@uropean +ommission# @uropa @ducation and (raining# 4(owards a @urope of

    knowledge5# published ,668. (his document can be found at:

    http:??europa.eu.int?comm?education?doc?other?orient?orieUen.html!accessed

    Ganuary $6# $%%&.

    xvi"ee for example# Iiviane eding# 4A @uropean area of lifelong learning:

    empowering @uropeans in the knowledgebased economy and society.5 "peech

    given ovember $,# $%%,. 7: 2)?%,?,

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    52/53

    pUaction.gettxtWgtXdocW2)?%,?,

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    53/53

    exchanges in vocational training. +ombined @ annual funding for the two

    programs is approximately @uro &%% million.

    xxvhttp:??europa.eu.int?comm?education?programmes?mundus?indexUen.html

    !accessed Guly 8# $%%&.

    xxvi"ee: http:??europa.eu.int?comm?education?policies?introductionUen.html

    !accessed Guly 8# $%%&.

    xxvii4@uropass: a new instrument for better recognition of =ualifications and

    skills in the enlarged @urope.5 9russels# Ganuary 8#$%%&. (his document can

    be found at: http:??europa.eu.int?rapid?start?cgi?guestfr.kshJ

    pUaction.gettxtWgtXdocW2)?%&?,&Y%YA)27XlgW@XdisplayW!accessed Ganuary

    $8# $%%&.

    xxviii2bid.

    xxix2bid.

    xxx(ranslated from the French by the author.

    xxxi2 would argue that the recent legislation in France prohibiting the

    /uslim headscarf and other >ostensible3 religious symbols in schools is an

    example of a type of educational reform that ultimately places the

    responsibility for assimilation on the individual immigrant or minority

    student. 2f a /uslim girl 4chooses5 to wear a scarf regardless of the law

    she can !must be excluded from the educational system because of her

    unwillingness to assimilate to French secular norms. For further

    discussion see -okariksel and /itchell# forthcoming.

    http://europa.eu.int/comm/education/programmes/mundus/index_en.htmlhttp://europa.eu.int/comm/education/policies/introduction_en.htmlhttp://europa.eu.int/rapid/start/cgi/guestfr.ksh?p_action.gettxt=gt&doc=IP/04/14%7C0%7CRAPID&lg=EN&display=http://europa.eu.int/rapid/start/cgi/guestfr.ksh?p_action.gettxt=gt&doc=IP/04/14%7C0%7CRAPID&lg=EN&display=http://europa.eu.int/comm/education/programmes/mundus/index_en.htmlhttp://europa.eu.int/comm/education/policies/introduction_en.htmlhttp://europa.eu.int/rapid/start/cgi/guestfr.ksh?p_action.gettxt=gt&doc=IP/04/14%7C0%7CRAPID&lg=EN&display=http://europa.eu.int/rapid/start/cgi/guestfr.ksh?p_action.gettxt=gt&doc=IP/04/14%7C0%7CRAPID&lg=EN&display=

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