Newspaper Analysis and Summary - indiancivils

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Newspaper Analysis and Summary– 10TH January 2014

HEALTH

New TB detection equipment at CMCH to control spread of disease – The Hindu

A hi-tech equipment to detect cases of Multi-Drug Resistant Tuberculosis (MDR TB) has begun to

function at the Coimbatore Medical College Hospital (CMCH) from last week. CMCH Dean R. Vimala

said that this cartridge-based nucleic acid amplification testing (CBNAAT) equipment will benefit

patients from several Western districts who can now get the results in just a couple of hours. Officials of

the Health Departments‘ Tuberculosis Wing told The Hindu on Thursday that the CBNAAT would help

curtail the transmission of MDR TB, a communicable disease.

Diagnosis

Earlier, the diagnosis for MDR TB was done by tissue culture from the sample of the patient, which

process alone took a month. The drug sensitivity test was done at Intermediate Reference Laboratories

(IRL) at Chetpet, Chennai, the only one of its kind in the State. This entire process took nearly six

months, which put many people at risk of acquiring MDR TB from the patient. This system was replaced

by Line Probe Assay (LiPA), which produced results within a couple of weeks but which was still done at

IRL. The new diagnostic procedure has been performed on 34 patients so far, of whom four had tested

positive for MDR TB.

Total cost

The total cost of treating a MDR TB patient was nearly Rs. 2 lakh, much higher compared to the Rs.

5,000 charged for treating patients with non-resistant tuberculosis, sources said. Testing was performed

free of cost for all TB patients undergoing treatment at both government and private hospitals. TB Wing

officials will individually follow up on patients undergoing treatment at government hospitals. Testing

was done for patients from Tirupur, Coimbatore, The Nilgiris, Erode and Karur at the CMCH, sources

said. The equipment, which costs around Rs. 40 lakh, was installed under the Revised National

Tuberculosis Control Programme (RNTCP) of the Union Government, with support from the World

Health Organisation (WHO).

Fungal infections no less lethal than TB, AIDS – The Hindu

Fungal infections kill close to 1.3 million people globally every year, matching the mortality rate of

AIDS, cancer, malaria and tuberculosis, and also cause blindness to 300 million people annually. The

magnitude of the problem is particularly serious in India because of overcrowding in hospitals,

malnutrition and unhygienic tropical environs, Professor Arunaloke Chakrabarti from the Department of

Microbiology at the Post Graduate Institute of Medical Education and Research told reporters here on

Wednesday. ―But our challenge goes beyond mere numbers. The majority of our clinicians are poorly

trained to recognise and manage these infections; most microbiology laboratories across the country lack

even basic infrastructure and training to provide diagnostic support or monitor antifungal resistance and

most antifungal drugs remain prohibitively expensive. Worse, there is hardly any research in the area.‖

From the limited data available in India, among the three major fungal infections in hospitals, the

prevalence of candidemia (300-500 cases per year) at any tertiary care institute (with 1,500 beds) is more

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than what obtains in the whole of Australia. Unhygienic handling by healthcare staff causes invasive

candidemia and the infection flows right up to the blood stream.

―Up to 60 per cent of invasive infections, majority of which can be prevented with timely diagnosis and

appropriate treatment, eventually kill a patient. In fact, a million farmers get blind due to fungal keratitis

in India, 17-30 million suffer from asthma and 1.7-4.7 million suffer from allergic asthma, also caused by

fungal infections,‖ Professor Chakrabarti explained. With a view to addressing these issues, international

experts have come together and launched two initiatives — Leading International Fungal Education

(LIFE) and Global Action Fund for Fungal Infections (GAFFI) — to improve fungal infections outcomes

in patients through awareness and education and access to appropriate antifungal therapies.

ENVIRONMENT

Vanishing large carnivores threaten ecosystems – The Hindu

In ecosystems around the world, the decline of large predators such as lions, wolves, otters and bears is

changing the face of landscapes. A significant analysis of 31 carnivore species shows for the first time

how threats such as habitat loss, persecution by humans and loss of prey combine to create global

hotspots of carnivore decline. More than 75 per cent of the 31 large-carnivore species is declining, and 17

species now occupy less than half of their former ranges, the authors reported in a study published in the

journal, Science .

Southeast Asia, southern and East Africa and the Amazon are among areas in which multiple large

carnivore species are declining. ―With some exceptions, large carnivores have already been exterminated

from much of the developed world, including Western Europe and the eastern United States,‖ said

William Ripple, lead author and a professor in the Department of Forest Ecosystems and Society at

Oregon State University. The researchers reviewed published scientific reports and singled out seven

species that have been studied for their widespread ecological effects. This included African lions,

leopards, Eurasian lynx, cougars, sea otters and dingoes. ―Many of them are endangered. Their ranges are

collapsing. Many of these animals are at risk of extinction, either locally or globally,‖ Mr. Ripple said.

POLITY AND GOVERNANCE

Something went wrong with coal blocks allocation, admits Centre – The Hindu

The Centre on Thursday admitted before the Supreme Court that something went wrong with the coal

blocks allocation and that it could have been done in a more refined manner. ―We took the decision in

good faith but something turned out to be wrong,‖ Attorney-General Goolam E. Vahanvati told a three-

judge Bench headed by Justice R.M. Lodha. ―In hindsight, we can say something has gone wrong and

some correction is required to be done,‖ he said, virtually accepting that mistakes were committed by the

government in coal blocks allocation.Mr. Vahanvati‘s response came after the Bench observed that the

exercise could have been done in a ―far better manner‖.

―Everything could have been done in a more refined and better manner. I accept my lordship‘s view,‖ the

A-G further said. At the outset of the day‘s hearing, the Bench asked the A-G about the Centre‘s stand on

de-allocation of certain coal blocks. In response, Mr. Vahanvati submitted the government would make

its stand clear next week. The A-G had in September 2013 submitted that the coal blocks allocation was

merely a letter of intent and did not confer any right on the companies over the natural resource, which is

decided by the State government. The mining States of Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha,

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Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh and West Bengal, however, had earlier told the apex court that coal

blocks allocation was ―entirely controlled and regulated‖ by the Centre.

‗PM must quit‘: The BJP on Thursday demanded the resignation of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in

the wake of Mr. Vahanvati‘s admission in the Supreme Court. The party claimed that it was under his

watch that the Ministry of Coal made the controversial coal blocks allocation. BJP spokesperson Prakash

Javadekar said since the Centre accepted there were lapses in the allocation, the PM should accept

responsibility and resign.

Antony reviews security on border with China – The Hindu

Defence Minister A.K. Antony reviewed the operational preparedness of the Army and the security

situation in the northeast region and along the Sino-Indian border on Thursday. Mr. Antony, who arrived

at the headquarters of the Eastern Command of the Army along with Army Chief General Bikram Singh,

also reviewed the living conditions of troops posted on the high altitude. ―Expressing satisfaction at the

high level of motivation and morale of troops deployed in the difficult and physically demanding

conditions, Mr. Antony commended the commitment of the troops in enhancing mutual trust and

deepening the understanding between India and China as per the cited agreements,‖ a press statement

issued by the Ministry of Defence said.

Eastern Army Commander Lt. Gen, M.M.S. Rai, apprised the Defence Minister on the maintenance of

peace and tranquillity with China in accordance with the Border Peace and Tranquility Agreement

(BPTA) and the recently-concluded Border Defence Cooperation Agreement (BDCA). Mr. Antony will

attend the annual convocation of the Indian Statistical Institute on Friday before returning to New Delhi.

Centre issues new guidelines for phone interception – The Hindu

The Union government has announced a fresh set of procedures for interception of telephones. The

―Standard Operating Procedures (SOP) for Lawful Interception and Monitoring of Telecom Service

Providers (TSP)‖, bearing No.5- 4/2011/S-II and dated January 2, 2014, have been accessed by The

Hindu . Significantly, this comes two weeks after the Central government set up a commission to inquire

into the Gujarat-based snooping scandal, allegedly involving BJP‘s prime ministerial candidate Narendra

Modi. According to the norms, requests would include interception and monitoring under the Indian

Telegraph Act, 1885, for voice, SMS, GPRS, MMS, Video and VoIP calls.

Additionally, authorised security agencies can seek information under Section 92 of the Criminal

Procedure Code (CrPC) of call records (CDRs), home and roaming network, CDR by tower location and

by calling/called number, location details of target number within home or roaming network, and so on.

One specification detailed in the section ―Validation of Interception Request‖ is that only the Chief Nodal

Officer of a telecom company can provide interception if the order is issued by the ―Secretary to the

Government of India in the Home Ministry, in case of Government of India, or a Secretary to the State

Government in charge of Home Department, in case of State Government.‖ In unavoidable

circumstances, such orders can be issued by an officer ―not below the rank of Joint Secretary to the GOI

who has been fully authorised by the Union Home Secretary or the State Home Secretary.‖

Interception is subject to eight checks before monitoring is allowed. These include receiving the request

―in a sealed envelope‖, ensuring the delivery of interception by ―an officer not below the rank of sub-

inspector of police or equivalent.‖Any inquiry process could, under the new SOP, check ―whether the

request was in original and addressed to the Nodal Officer‖ and from which ―designated security agency‖

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it came from. The SOP mandates that, any ―request received by telephone, SMS and fax, should not be

accepted under any circumstances.‖ This would mean that the government concerned would have to

produce an original copy of its request that bears ―the Union/State Secretary‘s order number with date‖,

or an order and date by an officer of the rank of ―Joint Secretary who has been duly authorised‖. Non-

compliance with the provisions can result in prosecution ―as per the law of the land‖.

The SOP document is 45 pages long and divided into 11 sections. The sections include the operational

structure, types of request, validation of interception request, legal intercept under number portability,

reconciliation and pruning processes, consequences, list of 10 law enforcement agencies authorised to

intercept and a set of 10 annexures relating to interception. The SOP require that if a request is made on

e-mail, unless a ―physical copy is not reached to the telecom service provider within 48 hours‖ the

interception should be terminated and an intimation provided ―to [the] concerned Home Secretary as a

part of the fortnightly report.‖ The SOP require that records pertaining to such interception, such as letter

and envelope, intercept form and internal interception request form should be ―destroyed within 2 months

of discontinuance of interception of such messages.‖

If, however, it is a case of ―emergent request where Home Ministry Order for approval was not conveyed

to the telecom company, then the telecom company cannot destroy such records until the Home Ministry

order is conveyed or a list of such numbers is provided to the concerned Home Secretary intimating this

fact.‖ An inquiry could seek to find out whether ―an acknowledgement was sent within 2 hours of the

receipt of the [interception] request, to the requesting agency confirming that the request has been

complied with‖, from the mobile operator. ―The date and time of the actual provisioning of target in the

TSP network‖ should be mentioned, too.

The confusion in the case of the Gujarat-based snooping case, over whether the Union Home Secretary‘s

permission is required to intercept a subscriber roaming out of the State stands clarified. According to the

new SOP document, ―the interception order of the State Home Secretary in which the subscriber is

registered should be honoured by the State in which the subscriber is roaming‖. In effect, no new order

from a second State that may be involved, or from the Union Home Secretary, is needed. However,

evidence under the new SOP will need to be provided to the effect that a formal request was made to the

other State for interception while roaming. The Union Cabinet‘s latest decision on a new SOP has come

in the wake of recent new evidence that the alleged snooping went beyond Gujarat and extended to

Karnataka as well. Any inquiry process will eventually boil down to whether or not the entire paper trail,

both internal and between the government and telecom operators with appropriate internal justification

and full compliance existed prior to interception.

Whether these new SOP are consistent with the procedure that existed during the alleged snooping

incidents in 2009 remains uncertain. Further, if there is a marked difference, the SOP of 2014 would

provide contrasting evidence on practices adopted earlier for interception. Apart from the nine Central

agencies — namely, the IB, the NCB, the DE, the CBDT, the DRI, the CBI, the NIA, RAW and the

Defence Ministry — State Directors-General of Police and the Commissioner of Police in Delhi, are

authorised to request intercepts.

Nod for 10,000 MBBS seats – The Hindu

The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs on Thursday approved the proposal relating to the

Centrally-sponsored scheme for upgradation of existing State government/Central government medical

colleges to increase the Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery (MBBS) seats in the country. This

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will result in an increase of about 10,000 seats at a total cost of Rs.10,000 crore, with a proposed Central

assistance of Rs.7,500 crore and State/Union Territory share of Rs.2,500 crore. The Ministry of Health

and Family Welfare will roll out the scheme over the next five years. Medical colleges attached to

hospitals with a larger number of beds can straightaway apply for increasing the seats whereas colleges

attached to small hospitals will have to enhance the number of beds before applying for the increase in

seats.

All trains to get fire extinguishers – The Hindu

Things have gone from bad to worse for the Railways, with as many as four incidents of fire being

reported on trains in less than a fortnight, two of them claiming the lives of 35 sleeping passengers. After

the Bangalore-Nanded Express fire claimed 26 lives on December 28, three sleeper-class coaches of the

Bandra-Dehradun Express caught fire on Wednesday killing nine persons. In 2012-13, fire broke out in

an AC coach of the Tamil Nadu Express killing 30 people. On Monday, a sleeper coach of the Mumbai-

Howrah Mail caught fire, but no casualty was reported. On Wednesday, the Delhi-Lucknow Shatabdi

Express suffered a brake jam resulting in smoke emanating from the affected wheels. But Railways

consider this a mere ―incident‖ and not an accident.

On Sunday night, according to sources, a goods train was allowed to proceed from Daltonganj in

Jharkhand despite fire in one of its coal wagons. The fire had spread to six wagons by the time the train

was stopped at Garwah Road and the blaze extinguished. The death toll in the Dehradun Express inferno

was nine only because occupancy was low — only 68 reserved passengers were travelling in the three

sleeper compartments that could accommodate 216. Even after the gateman‘s alert, the train travelled

more than 1,400 metres before it was brought to a halt by disconnecting the overhead power supply. By

that time, however, the fire had spread to three bogies. The sleeper class coaches are not provided with

fire extinguishers. Shockingly, it took four incidents of fire before the railways woke up to the

seriousness of the situation.

Railway Minister Mallikarjun Kharge convened a meeting of the Railway Board and called for an urgent

review of safety measures on all trains. Consequently, Chairman Railway Board Arunendra Kumar has

ordered evaluation of the entire gamut of fire-fighting measures on all trains. He also intends to hold a

meeting of top officials soon. Mr. Kumar, however, clarified that electrical wirings were inspected after

the December tragedy. Now all fire-retardant material being supplied by private contractors would be

subjected to a test to see if they meet the specifications. Enumeration of the entire anti-fire system would

be completed within three weeks.

Sadly enough, none has been held responsible for these lapses. However, a similar lapse in November last

when the MR‘s Saloon suffered a brake failure in Lucknow saw the suspension of two senior officers,

which was revoked later, though. Official sources said fire extinguishers would be provided on all trains.

All coaches would have four emergency exit windows and training in fire-fighting would be imparted to

the staff. Field trial of the fire and smoke detection system developed by an Australian firm is being

carried out on the Jammu-Rajdhani Express. The cost of installing the system in one rake is about Rs. 51

lakh.

Bench reserves verdict on 44 deemed universities – The Hindu

The Supreme Court on Thursday reserved verdict on a batch of petitions on regulation of deemed

universities and indicated that it would ask the University Grants Commission (UGC) to reassess the

standard of education in the 44 Deemed Universities which were sought to be de-recognised on the basis

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of the Tandon Committee‘s report. A Bench of Justices K.S. Radhakrishnan and Vikramajit Sen after

hearing counsel for various deemed universities said it would grant two months time to the UGC to

submit its report to the Union Government after examining the infrastructure and hearing these 44 DUs.

The Bench said it was referring the matter to the UGC as the government did not consult the UGC before

taking a decision to appoint the Tandon Committee and to act on its report to de-recognise them. Justice

Radhakrishnan observed ―We can‘t bypass the UGC. Its views were not sought. So, the matter should be

referred to it. Let it go to the UGC and then to the government. We will not discard the Tandon

committee report. At the same time we will not give our stamp of approval to you.‖

‘Strengthen PDS instead of promoting cash transfers’ – The Hindu

Agriculture has become a ―legal responsibility‖ of the state following the enactment of the Food Security

Act, eminent agricultural scientist M.S. Swaminathan said on Thursday. Delivering the inaugural address

at the Tenth Anniversary conference of the Foundation of Agrarian Studies here, Prof. Swaminathan said,

―Right to Food can be implemented only with home-grown food.‖ Observing that public procurement of

coarse cereals was necessary because they were ―nutritionally rich and climate-smart,‖ Prof.

Swaminathan said, ―Only if there is procurement, will there be production.‖ Calling for strengthening the

public distribution system and not diluting it by offering cash transfers as an alternative, he said, ―There

are dangerous implications of substituting food for money.‖

Referring to the recent controversy over the Western Ghats, Prof. Swaminathan sought a ―Do Ecology‖

approach towards environmental challenges rather than a ―Don‘t, don‘t, don‘t approach.‖ The increase in

incidents of conflict between wildlife and the humans called for a ―win-win approach‖ that balanced the

interests of farmers with the need to protect the environment. Presenting a paper at the conference, South

African Minister for Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs Solomon Lechesa Tsenoli said the

―land question remains critical‖ even two decades after the exit of the apartheid regime. Gregory Wilpert

observed that the late Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez had initiated land reforms as part of his

Bolivarian Revolution. ―The benefits of the reforms are not merely confined to the more equitable

distribution of land but also include a decline in rural poverty,‖ he pointed out.

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Under shadow of Devyani case, U.S. puts off meeting – The Hindu

Bilateral tensions appeared to take a turn for the worse in the case of former Indian Deputy Consul

General Devyani Khobragade (39), with Washington confirming on Wednesday that a meeting planned

for next week between its Energy Secretary Ernest Moniz and his Indian counterparts in New Delhi has

been delayed for the moment. The latest development may spell trouble for the bilateral relationship that

suffered a diplomatic crisis following the arrest of the senior Indian diplomat on the streets of New York

on December 12, on charges of visa fraud relating to the alleged underpayment of her domestic employee

Sangeeta Richard. Explaining the cancelled meeting, State Department Spokesperson Jen Psaki did not

directly link it to the Khobragade issue, merely stating that the U.S. placed ―great emphasis‖ on the

bilateral energy partnership and ―in order to find a time to allow both sides to deliver on the important

issues… we‘re looking for a mutually convenient time in the near future… to hold it.‖

India defends action: India has defended the withdrawal of special privileges to the U.S. Embassy here,

with External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid saying the government was taking measures that are ―fit

and proper and in the overall national interest.‖ ―We are not doing anything except what is appropriate

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under reciprocal arrangements,‖ said the Minister even as official sources hinted at a further package of

measures aimed at ensuring U.S. diplomats here are treated on the same footing as their Indian

counterparts in the US. One of them is informing the U.S. that the American Community Support

Association (ACSA) being run from its premises will not draw duty free supplies, including liquor and

cigarettes, on behalf of 40 other missions.

Nuclear report removes seven nations from weapons-grade fuel list – The Hindu

A report issued on Wednesday on the security of deadly nuclear materials found steady improvement,

with seven countries in the last two years giving up most of their uranium and plutonium that can be

readily turned into weapons. Their actions lowered the number of nations with appreciable fuel for

atomic bombs to 25 from 32. ―World leaders can claim significant progress in addressing the threat,‖ the

report said. It cautioned, though, that ―much work remains to be done‖. The 148-page report card came

from the Nuclear Threat Initiative, a private advocacy group in Washington that promotes safekeeping of

nuclear materials and urges governments to strengthen their defences against atomic terrorism. The group

worked with the Economist Intelligence Unit, a company in London that analyses risks.

The report was released as world leaders prepared for their third nuclear security summit meeting, to be

held in March in The Hague, Netherlands. President Barack Obama began the summit meeting process as

a way to pressure nations into improving their nuclear security, which has been one of his

administration‘s top foreign policy objectives. Previous meetings were held in Washington in 2010 and

Seoul, South Korea, in 2012. The first edition of the report, the Nuclear Materials Security Index, came

out two years ago, just before the 2012 summit. It surveyed the precautions each country had in place and

ranked them based on their security practices, something that had never been done publicly. The updated

rankings, posted online on Wednesday, contained a number of surprises and potential embarrassments.

Australia remained in first place and even raised its score two points on a scale of 100, to 92 from 90.

It did so by reducing its quantity of nuclear materials and by ratifying a treaty that commits countries to

criminalise acts of nuclear terrorism and to cooperate in bringing nuclear criminals to justice. The nations

that made the biggest gains were Belgium (up seven points), Canada (up six points) and Japan (up six

points). Belgium improved by passing new security legislation, joining a treaty and decreasing its

quantity of materials. Canada ratified treaties and issued new regulations on the transport of atomic

materials. Japan made sweeping nuclear upgrades after the 2011 Fukushima reactor disaster, including

the formation of a regulatory body to address nuclear safety and security. It rose from 23rd in the

rankings (behind nations like Kazakhstan and South Africa) to 13th, where it is tied with Argentina.

The United States lost one point and is now tied with Britain for 11th place. It fell because it excluded

from nuclear safeguards a facility that handles atomic materials. Worse, according to the authors of the

report, the United States has not ratified two nuclear accords despite making commitments to do so. This

―is particularly negative as other states block efforts to strengthen nuclear security, arguing that they will

consider new initiatives only after the United States becomes party to the agreements‖, the report said.

North Korea remained in last place, its score 30. The report found it seriously deficient on most issues of

atomic security.

Pakistan, a nuclear outlaw in some respects, raised its score three points and its ranking from No. 31 (out

of 32 countries) to No. 22 (out of 25), ―through a series of steps to update nuclear security regulations‖.

The seven countries removed from the list of those with bomb-making fuel were Austria, the Czech

Republic, Hungary, Mexico, Sweden, Ukraine and Vietnam. According to the report, their new status

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means that they possess one kilogram (2.2 pounds) or less of materials that can fuel nuclear arms.

Nuclear security is typically a euphemism for a closed world of barbed wire and armed guards that never

admits publicly to any problems. Behind the scenes, however, atomic insiders have long told of risky

practices and security flaws that could let crucial ingredients for nuclear arms fall into the wrong hands.

Two men were recently arrested in the nation of Georgia for trying to sell radium 226, a highly

radioactive isotope seen as ideal for making dirty bombs that spread deadly material. The International

Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) says it receives more than 100 incident reports a year on unauthorised

activities with nuclear and radioactive materials, including thefts and losses. In June, Mr. Obama

announced that the United States would host what is expected to be the final security summit meeting, in

2016. According to Wednesday‘s report, the 2014 and 2016 meetings will offer ―moments of

accountability for states to demonstrate progress on their own nuclear materials security‖ and their

commitment to ―working toward a robust global nuclear security system‖.

ECONOMY

Move to push this year’s expenditure to next fiscal is intended to keep the fiscal

deficit within target – The Hindu

The Finance Minister of the next government post-elections will have to pay the price for the United

Progressive Alliance‘s (UPA) subsidy and social spend. The Finance Ministry plans to book in next

financial year, 2014-15, the expenditure that will be incurred on subsidies during the remaining months of

the current fiscal (January-March). Pushing this year‘s expenditure to the next fiscal‘s accounts will keep

the fiscal deficit for 2013-14 within the target of 4.8 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) — at least

on paper.

Highly-placed sources told The Hindu that this ‗convenient accounting‘ will ‗artificially‘ limit the fiscal

deficit this year but make it a headache for the next Finance Minister who will have to raise the resources

needed to foot the bill for the fuel, food and fertilizer subsidies for January-March, 2013. The Budget

Estimates (BE) for 2013-14 for these subsidies is Rs.2.21 lakh crore. The Finance Ministry has not so far

raised before Parliament a demand for additional grants for these subsidies. However, as per latest official

data, at the end of November, 2013, the fiscal deficit was already 94 per cent of the BE for 2013-14. With

four months still to go in the current fiscal year, the Finance Ministry has limited space to manage the

fiscal deficit, the excess of the government‘s expenditure over its income. The UPA Government has not

been able to garner through disinvestments the Rs.40,000 crore projected in the Union Budget. Moreover,

tax collections are growing at a rate less than the target of 19 per cent. Union Finance Minister P.

Chidambaram has pressed in budget cuts in social schemes in an election year to keep the fiscal deficit

below 4.8 per cent but they are not going to be enough.

To make up for these cuts, the Finance Ministry has also sought from the big-spend ministries, including

those for rural development, roads and health, estimates of expenditures that could be booked in the

month of April. Mr. Chidambaram has said that the UPA Government will not let the India‘s fiscal deficit

for 2013-14 breach the 4.8-per cent target. International rating agencies have warned that a slip-up will

trigger a rating downgrade for India. Senior Finance Ministry officials confirmed to The Hindu : ―The

subsidy bill of the last quarter of 2013-14 will be accounted for in the month of April so it will reflect in

the expenditure for the next financial year or 2014-15.‖ They added that it was not unusual for the

Finance Ministry to roll over expenditure from one financial year to the next.

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EDITORIALS

Mapping the Kashmir trajectory – The Hindu

Narendra Modi‘s proposition of revisiting Article 370 has opened a Pandora‘s box of sorts. Animating

the intellectual landscape, it has triggered a variegated debate over the constitutional jurisdiction,

technicalities and legal course of the Article. However, beyond the juris prudentia there is a need to

understand the genesis of the conflict and its various expressions.

Through the Pakistan prism

At the core of the conflict lies Kashmir‘s aspiration for autonomy, epitomised in the preservation of its

distinct regional identity and character. The recipient of a vibrant historical legacy, a rich civilisation,

discrete geographical and demographic features and an eclectic value-system in contrast to the prevalent

regional orthodoxy, Kashmir over the ages evolved a distinct regional pride and identity. Intermittent

phases of foreign rule marred by ruthless oppression and a tendency to alter the Kashmiri way of life

sharpened its regional identity. Its sense of self became defined by the desire to resist the alien yoke and

retain the glory of indigenous rule, elevating the significance of identity to Kashmiri lives. As a deterrent

to foreign intrusion, Kashmiri identity further recoiled within its regional demarcation, and this at times

manifested itself in a more militant form. India‘s inability to recognise the undercurrents of Kashmir‘s

preoccupation with its identity further exacerbated Kashmiri vulnerability. Generating an additional set of

grievances, it stymied the prospects of a constructive and trustful engagement between India and

Kashmir. India‘s overtures in turn stemmed from its own insecurities based on its presumption of

Kashmir‘s proclivity toward Muslim Pakistan. Misconstruing Kashmir‘s inherent inclination for

autonomy with a preference for Pakistan, India erroneously built the edifice of its relationship with

Kashmir through the prism of Pakistan. This deprived India of the initiative to construct an independent

and proactive association with Kashmir based on positives rather than the reactionary political

architecture it eventually ended up creating.

While Kashmir always had a socio-cultural and religious fascination with Pakistan which persists to this

day, it conveniently kept its political interests apart. Despite the inroads of the Muslim League (ML)

throughout India on the premise of a shared religious ideology as a means of coalescing a geographically

disparate people, it failed to strike an influencing chord in Kashmir. The corresponding movement in

Kashmir was more region-centric than pan-Indian. The socio-political congruity of Kashmir also allowed

its freedom movement to be more sophisticated and evolved based on tangible issues and concrete

agendas rather than the abstract of Islamic appeal alone. The inclusive nature of ―Kashmiriyat‖ along

with the early influence of the Indian National Congress (INC) and the utility of a resourceful Pandit

community within the regional context, kept the freedom movement in Kashmir at a distance from the

ML. The organisational assistance that Sheikh Abdullah, spearheading the Kashmiri movement, received

from the ―State People‘s Party‖ — a subsidiary of the INC which supported the cause of the subjects in

the princely states and the personal differences between him and Jinnah further eschewed the possibility

of any political convergence. The opposition of the ML along with the J&K Muslim Conference to the

―Quit Kashmir‖ movement in 1946 and the lack of audience given to G.M. Sadiq by the top leadership in

Pakistan when sent there as an envoy by Sheikh Abdullah in October 1947 seemed to have been the last

straw that prevented rapprochement between Kashmir and Pakistan. The successive stances by the

Pakistani state in the form of aligning with the detested Maharaja (Standstill Agreement — though a

tactical necessity for Pakistan), subsequent economic sanctions, infiltration of the tribesmen and their

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ensuing loot and rampage and the inclination of Sheikh Abdullah toward India all reinforced the chasm

between Kashmir and Pakistan in those early days.

Alignment with India

The alignment with India on the other hand far from the lofty discourse of converging ideologies was also

a tactical move based on astute calculations. Sheikh Abdullah perceived that he would be able to maintain

a higher degree of autonomy within the democratic and liberal set-up espoused by the INC as opposed to

Pakistan‘s centralised polity. The secular slogan of the Indian polity was also conducive to the pluralist

social fabric of ―Kashmiriyat‖ as against the primacy of the majoritarian religion within Pakistan. The

grass-roots disposition of the INC would also accommodate the socio-economic mobility envisioned by

him. Above all, the left-leaning populist leadership of the INC would be more amenable to the radical

land reforms envisaged by Sheikh Abdullah, an anathema to the landed elite at the helm in Pakistan. The

bedrock of Sheikh Abdullah‘s political ascendancy and power, it was this last factor which

overwhelmingly swung the decision in favour of India (beyond the populist appeal, the manner in which

the land reforms were implemented were a structural disaster in the long term as enunciated by visiting

American agrarian and economist Daniel Thorner in 1953). Here too, India was unable to recognise the

intricacy of Kashmir‘s union with India. Based on a set of calculated ideals rather than a natural overlap

of interests, the premises underlying Kashmir‘s union with India were systemically eroded.

Rather than skilfully employing the complexities of Kashmir‘s relationship with Pakistan and itself to an

advantage, India allowed its misplaced judgment to cloud its decision-making on Kashmir. Instead of

wielding a partnership with the people of Kashmir by addressing their grievances and assuaging their

fears, India put in place a system of extended patronage pivoted on select individuals. This was to serve

as a one-stop fix-it-all. Not only was it a short cut to ―manage‖ the state rather than ―govern‖ it, it was

also a means of checking dissent and Kashmir‘s inherent proclivity for self-governance which India

perceived as secession. This exacerbated the widening fissures between India and Kashmir. The more the

patronised clique failed to deliver, the more desperate the attempts by India became and the more

entrenched was the reifying belief that India was at the root of all ills in Kashmir. The more India

fumbled in Kashmir; the more Pakistan was brought back into the political frame. For the masses in

Kashmir, Pakistan began to represent the ―idol‖ standing up to India and challenging it, something they

couldn‘t do on their own and celebrated in extension in the form of Pakistan. More than the love for

Pakistan, it was the rancour (that India had generated for itself) that endeared Pakistan to Kashmir.

However, notwithstanding its grievances toward India, Kashmir very prudently maintained the fine

distinction between its socio-cultural affinity with Pakistan and its political ambitions — which

distinctively remained wedded to the preservation of its discrete identity. It was against this backdrop that

despite coming on the heels of an emotive uprising in 1964, Kashmir refrained from collaborating on

―Operation Gibraltar‖ with Pakistan in 1965. As Kashmir has today very pragmatically

compartmentalised its sentiment for ―Azadi‖ with that of participation in elections under Indian aegis, it

had very long ago struck a balance with Pakistan by compartmentalising its socio-cultural affinity to it

from its indigenous political goals.

Another lost chance

Kashmir cautiously gave India another chance in 1975 in the form of the Indira-Sheikh Accords. Despite

the opportunity to start all over and extend a sense of trust and sincerity, India, embroiled by the

dynamics of its internal political battles and the autocratic tendencies of its leadership, was unable to

seize the moment. Responding instead by explicit intervention in the political set-up of the State much to

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the chagrin of the populace, the rigged elections of 1987 proved the last blow. By then the elements of

ethnic conflict as delineated by Ted Gurr were present in full force in Kashmir: identity, grievances,

opportunity and capacity. The last element stimulated by the Kashmiri diaspora and logistically assisted

by Pakistan was instrumental in transforming the peace-loving Kashmiri into what Donald Horowitz

termed as the ―Reluctant Secessionist.‖

Pushed to the precipice did Kashmir have a choice? Aspiring for the preservation of its identity and the

symbols representing that identity, was it asking for too much? Driven by its paranoia had India

employed the tools of compassion, magnanimity and prudence instead, the trajectory of Kashmir would

have been very different today. True to its cause, despite the infiltration of myriad ideas and influences,

the clarion call in Kashmir remains ―Azadi‖ (Independence) — its expression of self-preservation.

(Asma Khan Lone, daughter of JKLF leader Amanullah Khan, is a political researcher with roots in both

the Indian and Pakistani sides of Kashmir. E-mail: [email protected] )

A different model for DRDO – The Hindu

There is hardly any lecture or discussion on the Defence Research and Development Organisation

(DRDO) and the Defence Ministry more broadly in which a call is not given for the setting up of a

Defence R&D Commission ―on the pattern of‖ the Atomic Energy Commission and the Space

Commission. The rationale for such a proposal is that it would enable the DRDO to have steeply

increased autonomy and more administrative and financial powers and, thereby, to be more effective.

However, those who so argue are rarely aware of the detailed organisational structure and managerial

practices of the two existing commissions. This article is intended to bring out those structures and

practices.

First and foremost, the Cabinet Minister for those commissions is no less than the Prime Minister

himself. So, the chairmen of those commissions have direct access to the very head of government. There

is not even a Minister of State in between. Where such a Minister of State has been brought into the

picture, his only role is to lighten the burden of the Prime Minister in answering parliamentary questions

and other matters related to Parliament. The commission chairmen meet the Prime Minister whenever

they want to and also submit files directly to him/her. This gives both chairmen unrivalled power.

Second, the commissions are small and compact and the membership is at a very high level e.g. both the

principal secretary to the Prime Minister and the cabinet secretary are invariably members of the

commissions. As for scientists, not only is the chairman an eminent atomic/space scientist or engineer,

but he is also the secretary of the executive arm of the commission concerned viz . the departments of

atomic energy or space. The members (R&D) of the commissions are usually the directors of the largest

or principal R&D centre of the atomic energy and space programmes respectively viz . the Bhabha

Atomic Research Centre (BARC) and the Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre (VSSC). To give the

commissions the semblance of not being entirely ―in-house affairs,‖ one eminent scientist from outside

the atomic and space programmes is also made a member. But most often the scientist concerned has

little detailed knowledge of the atomic or space programmes. So, the commissions are, in fact, wholly in-

house structures de-facto.

Continuity till realisation

Third, and very importantly, exactly what projects the departments or R&D centres concerned should

take up and how the entire atomic and space programmes should be structured in terms of goals,

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modalities, sequences, costs and time frames of realisation are defined by the chairman and the member

(R&D) as an internal process. In other words, the programme goals are chosen and then attempted to be

achieved by the same people. We thus have a situation of a ―self-fulfilling prophesy.‖ There is no one to

ask, for example, why there should be a Chandrayaan programme related to the Moon, or, the Mars

mission and/or whether we, as a nation, should not set ourselves a different set of goals. This may be

contrasted with the situation of the DRDO which has users external to it viz . the defence services and it

is those services who define and set programme and project goals.

Success and failure

Fourth, as the goals of the atomic energy and space programmes are set totally internally, there is none to

hold the commissions and departments concerned accountable for failures or project delays or escalations

in project costs of a very large magnitude, e.g. the prototype fast breeder reactors in the case of atomic

energy and the GSLV (Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle) in the case of space. In contrast, in the

case of the DRDO, the defence service concerned and the Secretary (Finance) in the Defence Ministry

call in such circumstances not only for project reviews but, on occasions, for project termination and the

going in for the import of the weapon system concerned, quite apart from massive pillorying of the

DRDO. Fifth, in atomic energy and space whether one should go in for import or pursue further R&D on

a badly delayed project is a decision taken by an entity that is both designer and developer and user rolled

into one. For example, if Chandrayaan succeeds or fails, there are no external consequences or

implications. However, in the case of defence systems under design and development by the DRDO in

one of its laboratories, the consequences of success or failure have a direct bearing on national security

and the credibility of the DRDO in the eyes of the Defence Minister and all other elements of the Defence

Ministry.

Finally, and partly related, is the fact that the DRDO is doing its design and development under the

overhang of constant lobbying by foreign suppliers, that the defence system concerned is either too

complex and difficult for the DRDO to release or that the DRDO will need much more time to develop it,

whereas they can supply the system to the defence service concerned practically off the shelf! Such a

situation just does not arise in the case of atomic energy or space. To sum up: setting up a defence R&D

commission will make little difference by way of increasing self-reliance in defence systems and

equipment, or changing for the better the relations between the DRDO and the defence services because

of the fundamental dynamics of that relationship. What it can achieve, however, is to increase the

administrative and financial powers of the DG, DRDO and the autonomy of functioning of the DRDO

laboratories. Though a more modest achievement, it may still make it worthwhile to have a commission

for the DRDO.

(Ashok Parthasarathi is former S&T adviser to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Secretary to the

Government of India in several S&T departments.)

Mission to cut neonatal deaths – The Hindu

Goa and Manipur may have knocked Kerala off the pedestal, but at 12 deaths among children less than

one year of age per 1,000 live births, Kerala still has an enviably low infant mortality rate (IMR); it is far

below India‘s average of 42. Yet, for years, the southern State has been unable to reduce the mortality

rate further to a single-digit figure to become comparable with the developed countries. Kerala has

always been at the forefront in setting the benchmark for almost all the health indices. It therefore comes

as no surprise that the State has initiated steps to further beat down IMR. A survey done by the National

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Rural Health Mission and the Indian Academy of Paediatrics found that about 75 per cent of infant deaths

occurred during the first four weeks of birth (or neonatal deaths). The first week alone accounted for 59

per cent of the total neonatal deaths. Hence a pilot project is set to begin in 25 hospitals, including five

private hospitals, to lower the neonatal mortality rate by 30 per cent in 24 months. It is planning a

targeted approach to tackle the four major causal factors — prematurity, congenital anomalies, sepsis and

birth asphyxia — for neonatal deaths.

Pre-term births (between 24 and 37 weeks of gestation) combined with low birth weight account for the

lion‘s share of about 35 per cent of neonatal mortality in Kerala. India has the highest number — 3.5

million — of pre-term births in the world, according to a June 2012 paper in The Lancet . Though the

causes for pre-term births cannot be ascertained in a vast majority of cases, it is still possible to identify

using techniques like ultrasound a certain percentage of mothers who are very likely to deliver such

babies. Aside from improving the nutritional status of pregnant mothers, and keeping their blood pressure

and diabetes under check, delaying pre-term labour through medical intervention and administration of

two doses of steroid before delivery greatly improve neonatal survival. The steroid improves the three

major parameters that are essential for survival — lung maturity, preventing haemorrhage of brain blood

vessels and avoiding intestinal problems due to immaturity. While sterile hospital conditions can prevent

sepsis (9.3 per cent), the importance of the mothers‘ genital hygiene is often missed or overlooked.

Vaginal and urinary tract infections are quite likely to cause pre-term labour and sepsis. Mortality due to

birth asphyxia in Kerala is 8 per cent. Improving the quality of care during the delivery process, including

by preventing prolonged labour, can further cut birth asphyxia mortality.

The progress in the war on poverty – The Hindu

America‘s war on poverty turned 50 years old this week, and plenty of people have concluded that, as

President Reagan put it: ―We fought a war on poverty, and poverty won.‖ That perception shapes the

right‘s suspicion of food stamps, minimum-wage raises and extensions of unemployment benefits. A

reader named Frank posted on my Facebook page: ―All the government aid/handouts in the world will

not make people better parents. This is why the ideas from the left, although always made with the best of

intentions, never work. ... All of this aid is wasted.‖ Yet a careful look at the evidence suggests that such

a view is flat wrong. In fact, the first lesson of the war on poverty is that we can make progress against

poverty, but that it‘s an uphill slog.

The most accurate measures, using Census Bureau figures that take account of benefits, suggest that

poverty rates have fallen by more than one-third since 1968. There‘s a consensus that without the war on

poverty, other forces (such as mass incarceration, a rise in single mothers and the decline in trade unions)

would have lifted poverty much higher. A Columbia University study suggests that without government

benefits, the poverty rate would have soared to 31 per cent in 2012. Indeed, an average of 27 million

people were lifted annually out of poverty by social programmes between 1968 and 2012, according to

the White House Council of Economic Advisers. The best example of how government antipoverty

programmes can succeed involves the elderly. In 1960, about 35 per cent of older Americans were poor.

In 2012, nine per cent were. That‘s because senior citizens vote, so politicians listened to them and

buttressed programmes like Social Security and Medicare.

In contrast, children are voiceless, so they are the age group most likely to be poor today. That‘s a

practical and moral failure. I don‘t want anybody to be poor, but, if I have to choose, I‘d say it‘s more of

a priority to help kids than seniors. In part, that‘s because when kids are deprived of opportunities, the

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consequences can include a lifetime of educational failure, crime and underemployment. Research from

neuroscience underscores why early interventions are so important. Early brain development turns out to

have lifelong consequences, and research from human and animal studies alike suggests that a high-stress

early childhood in poverty changes the physical brain in subtle ways that impair educational performance

and life outcomes. A careful review of antipoverty programmes in a new book, Legacies of the War on

Poverty , shows that many of them have a clear impact — albeit sometimes not as great an impact as

advocates hoped.

Programmes that work

For starters, one of the most basic social programmes that works — indeed pays for itself many times

over — is family-planning assistance for at-risk teenage girls. This has actually been one of America‘s

most successful social programmes in recent years. The teenage birth-rate has fallen by half over roughly

the last 20 years. Another hugely successful array of programmes involved parent coaching to get

pregnant women to drink and smoke less and to encourage at-risk moms to talk to their children more.

Programmes like Nurse-Family Partnership, Healthy Families America, Child First, Save the Children

and Thirty Million Words Project all have had great success in helping parents do a better job with their

kids. Early education likewise has strong evidence of impact. Critics note that in Head Start, for example,

gains in I.Q. seem to fade within a few years. That‘s true and disappointing. But in the last five years,

robust studies from scholars like David Deming have shown that graduates of Head Start also have

improved life outcomes: higher high school graduation and college attendance rates, and less likely to be

out of school and out of a job.

Another area of success: Programmes that encourage jobs, especially for the most at-risk groups. The

earned-income tax credit is a huge benefit to the working poor and to society. Likewise, a programme

called Career Academies has had excellent results training at-risk teenagers in specialised careers and

giving them practical work experience. Even eight years later, those young people randomly assigned to

Career Academies are earning significantly more than those in control groups. As that example suggests,

we increasingly have first-rate research — randomised controlled trials, testing antipoverty programmes

as rigorously as if they were pharmaceuticals — that give us solid evidence of what works or doesn‘t.

So let‘s drop the bombast and look at the evidence. Critics are right that antipoverty work is difficult and

that dependency can be a problem. But the premise of so much of today‘s opposition to food stamps and

other benefits — that government assistance inevitably fails — is just wrong. And child poverty is as

unconscionable in a rich nation today as it was half a century ago.

Role confusion – The Indian Express

The RBI panel on financial inclusion reinforces a traditional and outdated central planning approach to

financial inclusion. The vision — in this case, of every adult Indian having a bank account by 2016 —

may be a noble one, but it is no different from the paternalistic formulation which says that the state or

central planner knows what should be consumed by each consumer and then licences are given to those

who produce those goods. In this case, the good is bank accounts. Each Indian must hold one, we are

told, and she must have an Aadhaar card which is linked to it. And society, that is, other consumers, must

pay for it. Here, the decision that bank accounts are good and better than mobile wallets, or money

market mutual funds, is that of the central bank. Society must bear the costs of this vision of the central

planner.

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One important cost is for bank lending rates. The big reason why ordinary lending rates are high is that

rates are mandated to be low on priority sector loans. Ordinary businesses have to suffer because some

sectors are being subsidised. Raising the priority sector lending (PSL) requirement would mean that

ordinary borrowers will now have to pay even more. And to the extent that banks suffer losses because of

these loans, taxes will need to be raised for ordinary people to restore banks‘ capital. This will all be done

non-transparently. The tax payer will only be told that he is paying for the noble cause of keeping public

sector banks alive.

Also, with restricted entry, and with a PSL/inclusion mandate, banks have no incentives to expand

anywhere. If a bank wants to expand, say, in Bangalore, because business is booming there, for every

three branches it opens there, it will need to open an unprofitable branch in the middle of nowhere. Also,

it would need to make half of its new loans to priority sectors. So, it decides that it‘s not worthwhile to

expand. And therefore the financial sector remains small and uncompetitive. Is this really a good

development strategy? The report lists business models for banks. This is not the role of the RBI. The

RBI should ensure the safety and soundness of banks, and not try to carry out the agenda of the UPA or

the NAC.

Take off point – The Indian Express

On January 6, India‘s space agency surmounted a major technological hurdle with the successful launch

of its Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV). The GSLV significantly improves upon India‘s

other space rocket, the Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV). The PSLV, which has had 24 successful

flights over the past two decades, typically carries one tonne earth-observation satellites to Low Earth

Orbit, but it cannot carry larger payloads to higher geostationary orbits. The GSLV, which has the same

first two stages as the PSLV, along with additional boosters and a cryogenic third stage (initially

imported from Russia but now built in India), can carry heavier payloads. It can lift five tonnes to Low

Earth Orbit or two tonnes to geostationary orbit. And while four of the GSLV‘s previous seven flights,

including one with an Indian-built cryogenic engine, had failed, the latest GSLV launch has been

successful. After additional flights to validate its performance, the GSLV could give India significant

space capabilities that were previously beyond its reach.

First, the GSLV would reduce India‘s dependence on foreign rockets to launch two tonne

communications satellites into the required geostationary orbit. In the coming years, India‘s space agency

plans to launch several such GSATs from aboard the GSLV — it previously relied on European Ariane 5

rockets to launch these satellites. It should still be noted that the GSLV is not powerful enough to launch

heavier, three tonne GSATs in future, which could carry a large number of transponders and facilitate a

greater volume of communication — these would need foreign launchers until India develops its more

powerful GSLV Mark-3.

Second, the GSLV gives India greater flexibility to launch an array of payloads. It allows India to launch

not just civilian meteorology and communications satellites but also military communications satellites

for its armed forces, and scientific payloads such as a moon rover and lander (the GSLV will carry these

as part of India‘s second mission to the moon later this decade).

Third, the GSLV gives India the capability to undertake human space flights. It can lift a four to five

tonne space capsule carrying astronauts to Low Earth Orbit (India‘s space agency has conceptualised

such space capsules). Still, human space flight requires a launcher with 100 per cent success rate.

Therefore, the GSLV would have to prove its reliability with many consecutive successful flights over

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the next decade, including at least three flights with unmanned space capsules, before it is used in

manned missions.

Overall, the GSLV gives India better lift capabilities than the PSLV, and allows for modest cost and

foreign exchange savings. Nevertheless, it has limitations. First, it has low launch rates — India‘s

government will have to budget greater amounts so that India can launch more satellites and other

payloads from aboard the GSLV. Second, the GSLV cannot carry the heaviest payloads. For this, India

will have to build the GSLV Mark-3. This rocket will be based on entirely new solid, liquid and

cryogenic propulsion systems, and a prototype with some of these systems may fly later this year. Yet the

GSLV experience of requiring several flights over a decade before it could finally be launched

successfully suggests that the GSLV Mark-3 will take just as long to perfect.

Ultimately, the GSLV would significantly augment India‘s space launch capabilities, and the country can

make optimal use of these capabilities by allocating each for specific economic, military, and scientific

missions. Thus, from around 2015 to 2025, assuming that it launches three to four PSLVs and one to two

GSLVs each year, India could launch 40 to 60 satellites and other payloads. These could include five to

10 scientific payloads such as astronomy satellites and missions to the moon and Mars. They could also

include five to 10 military reconnaissance and communications satellites — one or two each for the

Indian army, navy and air force, and one to two for a nuclear command authority. And some 40 to 50

satellites could cater to various sectors of India‘s economy — perhaps 10 for a regional navigational

network, 15 to 20 for earth observation, a few for meteorological missions, 10 to 15 for communications

and other purposes. Looking beyond 2025, if India can perfect the GSLV and also develop the GSLV

Mark-3, it could have reliable space launchers capable of carrying significantly heavier payloads, such as

four tonnes to geostationary orbit and eight tonnes to Lower Earth Orbit, and also of supporting human

space flight. Such an array of capabilities, performing a mix of missions, will enable India‘s space agency

to fulfil its original mandate of applying high technology for India‘s economic advancement. It will also

affirm India‘s status as one of the world‘s major space powers.

The writer is associate professor at the University of Cincinnati, specialising in international affairs and

technology and politics. He is also the author of ‘Containing Missile Proliferation: Strategic Technology,

Security Regimes, and International Cooperation in Arms Control’

Asian imperatives – The Indian Express

The year 2013 was a year of development and cooperation for Asia. Asia remains a major engine of the

world economy. Emerging economies in Asia kept up rapid growth and contributed to the development

and prosperity of the world. Asia is generally stable. It is a common aspiration of Asian countries to live

in peace, stability and development. In the meantime, Asia is in a continuous process of economic

integration, as well as cooperation in politics and security. Regional cooperation as a whole was further

deepened. As a matter of fact, the rise of Asia has come to play a prominent part in the international

context. It is important for us to have a proper understanding of the status and role of Asia in global

affairs.

The current global economy, though in a slow process of recovery, is undergoing in-depth restructuring.

Its future is, however, of some uncertainty. The US economy shows rejuvenation, but the momentum is

relatively weak. It is difficult to say for the time being that the US will end its quantitative easing (QE)

policy. The European debt crisis is at a turning point, but recovery is still slow. Emerging economies like

the BRICS countries keep growing, but at a slower pace. They encounter more and more pressure due to

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changes in the external environment and their own structural adjustment. Against this background, the

whole world, including Asia, is more committed to economic development and improving people‘s

livelihoods so as to consolidate the momentum of economic recovery and buffet uncertainty. Especially

for Asian emerging economies like China and India, it is imperative to seize the hard-won economic

recovery tendency, enhance mutually beneficial cooperation and push forward reform of the international

financial regulatory system — so as to reduce the impact, on their own imports and exports and currency,

of the withdrawal of QE by the US.

Unfortunately, some Japanese leaders blatantly paid homage at the Yasukuni Shrine where Class-A war

criminals of World War II are honoured. This is a brazen challenge to the post-war international order, to

historical justice and human conscience. This will also undermine the political stability in East Asia and

hurt economic relations between China and Japan and even the US economy. The GDPs of China, the US

and Japan rank the top three in the world. Any disturbance to the above three economies will not only

damage the global economic recovery impetus, but also harm Asian economies, India included. Japan, as

an Asian country per se, should have assumed its responsibility of promoting common prosperity in Asia.

The Japanese government, however, is fiercely implementing its right-wing doctrine by trying to get rid

of the post-war order, by amending its pacifist constitution and by developing into a ―military power‖.

This obviously runs against the global trend of pursuing development and enhancing economic recovery.

Both China and India have made important contributions to the fight against Japanese militarist

aggression in WW II. Dr Kotnis and his medical team went to China and helped the Chinese people

against Japanese aggression during the anti-Japanese War. The doctor even sacrificed his life in China.

He is well remembered by the people of China. With assistance from the US and the United Kingdom,

Indian and Chinese soldiers together fought against Japanese aggression in India. We, after suffering the

invasion by Japan, should by no means forget this part of history. As Julia Lovell writes in her review of

the book China‘s War with Japan, 1937-1945: The Struggle for Survival by professor Rana Mitter of

Oxford University, ―China‘s eight years of resistance changed the course of the Second World War. By

refusing to surrender, China‘s armies detained at least half a million Japanese troops which could

otherwise have been deployed to other territories.‖ Mitter also mentions in his book that ―A pacified

China would have made the invasion of British India much more plausible.‖

Today, the people of Asian countries, including China, India and Japan, would all bear in mind the

lessons of history, not for the sake of hostility or revenge, but for the purpose of telling right from wrong,

for the purpose of upholding the path of peace and for the purpose of realising common development.

The writer is the Chinese Ambassador to India

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