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A Agostino(Augustine)

B Biopotere/Biopolitica(Biopower/Biopolitics)

C Poterecostituente(Constituentpower)

D Detenzione/Prigione(Arrest/Prison)

E Esilio/Esodo(Exile/Exodus)

F Fabbrica(Factory)

G Intellettogenerale(Generalintellect)

H Storia(History)

I Impero(Empire)

K Kairos

L Lavoro(Work)

M Moltitudine(Multitude)

N Neri(Blacks)

O Organizzazione(Organization)

P Povert(Poverty)

Q Quantum/Capitale(Quantum/Capital)

R Resistenza/Rivolta/Rivoluzione(Resistance/Revolt/Revolution)

S Sussunzione(Subsumption)

T Tempo(Time)

U Universalit-Singolarit/Universit(Universality-Singularity/University)

VZ Vita-Morte/Dallalfaallomega(LifeandDeath/Fromalphatoomega)

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NforNegri:AntonioNegriinConversationwithCarlesGuerra

EDITEDANDTRANSLATEDBYJORGEMESTRE,IVANBERCEDO,RAIMONVILATOV,GLRIAMLICH,ELAINEFRADLEY,ANDCARLESGUERRA

Whatfollowsisatranscriptofavideodocumentary,abiographicalandintellectualportraitofAntonioNegrishapedasaconversationinwhichthequestionswerenegotiatedinadvance.Thetalkunfoldedinfrontof

thecameraduringtheafternoonandthroughtheeveningof6June2000inRome.Atthetime,ToniNegriwasinhishouseunderremote-controlsurveillance.Negriwasservinganopenprisonsentencethatobligeshim

toreturntoRebibbiaprisoneverynighttosleep.Hejokedthathespendsthedaywithhiswifeandgoesoffwithhisfriendsatnight.Hissentencewillnotbecompleteduntil2004.

Theresult,avideolastingtwohoursandtenminutes,wasorganizedinalphabeticalform.Thisstructure,alreadyusedinthefamousinterviewwithGillesDeleuze,producedaninterestingclashbetweenanalytical

notionsofhiswork(suchasbiopower orconstituentpower)andtermswithwhichhehasalivingrelationship(prison orexile).

Inthecourseofthisalmosttwoandaquarterhours,Negripiecedtogetheravisionofthetwentiethcenturyrarelyrepresentedwithsuch

analyticalsolidityand,aboveall,withsuchoptimism.Anyonewhohasseenthisvideocannothelpwonderinghowamanlikethiscouldbekeptlockedupinjail.

Negrihasbecomeavitalreferenceinthethemesofsocialstruggleandcriticalthoughtinthecapitalistworld.In1967hebecameProfessorofStateTheoryoftheFacultyofPoliticalScienceinPadua,thoughhis

organizationalskillshadalreadyledhimtosetupjournalssuchas

QuaderniRossi,ClasseOperaia, andContropiano. Hismilitancyand

experiencewithmasseshavetakentheconcreteformofplatformssuchasPotereOperaio andAuntonomiaOperaia. Histhinkinghasalmostalwaysdevelopedagainstabackdropofterrorist,police,andjudicialviolence.Hisresponse,however,hasbeentodignifythepotentialofthe

massesinthefaceofamodelofamodern,violent,andusurpingstate.Hisarrestin1979involvedatrialmarkedbyallmannerofirregularities.In1983hewasreleasedfromprisonuponbeingelectedarepresentative

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oftheRadicalPartyandwasofferedpoliticalasylumbytheFrenchGovernmentafteraspectacularescape.Duringhisfourteenyearsof

exileinParis,whichendedin1997,helecturedattheUniversityofParisVIIIandbecameamemberoftheCollgeInternationaledePhilosophie.

CarlesGuerra

AAGOSTINOAUGUSTINEWellbeginbytalkingaboutAugustine,althoughwecouldalsotalkaboutMachiavelliorSpinoza.Infact,attheendof Empire,aworkIpublishedtogetherwithMichaelHardt,wespeakofAugustineandofthecityofman,ofthecitythathasbeenliberatedandismarchingonthecityofGod.Thisisofcourseadistorted,present-dayAugustinewho,tothedesiretoreconquerthehappinessoftheChristianAugustine,addsallthedesiretotransformtheworld.Thecityofman,theearthlycity,issetupinoppositiontothecityofGod,thecityoftranscendenceandorder,andtotheimperial,postmoderncitywheremanslifeisreducedtoacommodity,toinformation,toanelementofwar,toanelementonthestockexchange.Furthermore,wementiontheAugustine-Spinoza

binomialbecausethecontinuitybetweenthetwoistrulyincredible;thetransitionfromtheformidableAugustiniantranscendencethatbreakswiththeestablishedorderofempiretoabsoluteSpinozisticdemocracy.Betweenthetwo,ofcourse,isMachiavelli:theinventionofthehuman-ist,ofthepowerexpressedinthemultitude,and,consequently,there-creationoftheLatinconceptofthemultitudethatcorrespondstoimperialdecadence.Thisisamultitudethatonlyfindsliberationin

spirituality,inthesoul,inquestioningitself,andthat,inquestioningitself,discovers(ordiscoversitselftobe)power.So,then:A forAugustine.And,becausethisissuchaparadox:A forMachiavelli,A forSpinoza.

BBIOPOTERE/BIOPOLITICABIOPOWER/BIOPOLITICSBiopowerandbiopoliticsaretwocompletelydifferentconcepts.Biopoweristhatterriblethingthatoccurswhensovereignty(thestate,authority)isinasituationtotakechargeoflife.Itwasoncesaidthatthecharac-

teristicsofsovereigntyareconsideredtobepossessionofanarmy,cur-rency,education,andlanguage.Indeed,theprocessleadingfromthesovereignStatetotheimperialStatehasconsisted,rstly,inthecapacitytomonopolizethefundamentalweapon,theatomicweapon.Secondly,itinvolvesthecapacitytomonopolizecurrency:thevalueofthedollarrequiresonlyimperialsanctiontoexistassuch,thecurrencyofEmpire;theonlyeconomiccoordinateitrequiresistobedeclaredassuch,and

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allothercurrenciesarethencomparedtoit.Thirdly,itcomprisestheexpansionofEnglishasthelanguageofcommunication:CNNisaper-fectexample.

Today,however,biopowerisalsothecapacitytointerveneintwooflifesabsolutelyfundamentalelements:rstly,intellectualcapacity,thecapacitytodominatecomputerizedcommunication;and,secondly,thecapacityforgeneticintervention.Thisenormouspowerconstructedonthemonopolyofweapons,currency,andcultureaslanguageandcommunicationcouldcometobethecapacityfordominationoftheintellectualenergiescurrentlycirculatingintheformofnetworks,bymeansofaformofcontrolthatallowsonlythetransmissionoftheener-giesthatareadvantageousandnecessarytotheauthorities.Asregardsgenes,thepowerofEmpirecouldbecomeaformofinterventioninlifeformsaccordingtowhichitwouldbepossible,forexample,togenerateanthropoidswillingtoworkexclusivelyfortheauthorities.However,althoughthisisalreadypossible,itdoesnotseemtobeimpendingorevenprobable.

Biopoliticsisundergoingthesameexpansionasbiopower;thatis,itiscapableofinterveninginnetworkedbrainsandalsoingenetics.Herewehavetobeverycautious,sinceimperialpowerwould,obviously,liketoconquerthisformidablecapacityforinterventionintheseriesoftheconstituentelementsofhumanity;tobeabletoextendalongthesetwofundamentalaxesoftheconstitutionofthenewhumanityrepre-

sentedbythebrainandthegene.However,thesearestillinthepossessionofthemultitudeofhumanbeings,andthepossibilitiesoftransformingandincreasingtheirpowerare

inthehandsofman.Today,then,itisaquestionofplayingthistrumpcardagainstimperialpower.

CPOTERECOSTITUENTECONSTITUENTPOWERIhavewrittenasubstantialessayaboutthishistoryofcon-stituentpoweror,rather,aboutthe historyofconstituentpower.1 Itisaformidablehistory,dealingwiththediscoveryoftheimmanenceofpowertoutcourt;thatis,ofauthorityexpressedaspower,asthecapacitytocongurecivilorga-

nizationand,therefore,asthecapacitytoinventandtodetermineitabsolutely.Constituentpowerreferstothecon-ceptionoftheabsolutedemocracyofSpinozaand,there-fore,itbecomesafundamentalphenomenoninthehistoryoftheliberationofthemodernmultitudes.Experiencesthatcanbereconstructedfromthisviewpointincludethegreatrevolutions:theRenaissance,Protestantism,theEnglishand

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theFrenchRevolutions,and,thoughitisaparticularlycoldanddestruc-tiveone,probablytheRussianRevolutiontoo.Constituentrevolutionsarethegreatrevolutionsthathavemarkedmoderntimesandhavereturnedtheelementofmodernitytohumancreativity.

Toconstitutemeanstoinventacommonorder.Inthiscontext,com-monmustbeinterpretedassomethingmidtermbetweenwhatiscivilandcommunism,somethingthatconstructsnewnamestodesignatetherelationships(thecommunications)betweensingularities.Commonreferstothebasisofproduction,thebasisofethics,thebasisofpoliticalorganization.Constitution andcommon arelinkedinareciprocalrela-tionshipinwhichtheactofconstitutingproduceswhatiscommonandwhatiscommonleadstotheactofconstituting.AsregardsMachiavelli,constituentpoweristheaffirmationofthepowerofthemultitude;asregardstheEnglishRevolution,itistheafrmationofthepoweroftheequalityofsubjects;asregardstheFrenchRevolution,itissolidaritywhatiscommonspecicallyexpressedforthersttime;and,withregardtotheRussianRevolution,itisthegiantcommunistutopiathat,thoughunsuccessful,continuestobeafundamentalpassageinthehistoryofmenwhorefusetobowtoauthority.

DDETENZIONE/PRIGIONEARREST/PRISONEveryday,whennightfalls,Ihavetogobacktoprison.Prisonisthatpanopticon,thefourplanesofthecellslaidoutoneithersideofthegal-leriesand,atthecenter,abigemptyspacelinedwithbarstostopyouthrowingyourselfintothevoid.Butthereisalsoanotherprison:the

metropolitanstructure.IreallylikeBladeRunner, agreatlmbasedonPhilipK.Dicksbookaboutthepowerofanticipation.HeisundoubtedlyagreatthinkerwhooccupiesapositionbetweenmodernityandpostmodernitywhenheimaginestheathorizonoftheMarxianclassstruggleconvulsingandturningintoaverticalhorizon,thestructureofthemetropolisturningintoaverticallyorganizedstructureoforder,andthesocialissuecon-sequentlyturningintoametropolitanissue.Allofthishashappenedandhashappenedtous,anditisinfactoneofthedistinctivefeaturesinthetransitionfrommodernitytopostmodernity.

So,whatisprison?Prisonisthisstateofbeingatthebottomoftheskyscrapers,but(andthisisextraordinarilyimportant)inanincrediblyproductiveway.Itisaprisoninwhichindividualsarelimitedandrestrictedbutinwhichuniversalmobility,thefruitoftheworldwidenetworkbroughtintobeingbytheseskyscrapers,producesthemostincrediblehybridization.Thisbringswithitthespectacleofaglobal-izationinwhichthedirectors(whomaybeofanyethnicorigin)areat

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thetopoftheskyscraperswithahybridofpopulationsmadeupofpeo-plewhomove,exibleinthetemporalorderandmobileinthespatial,atthebottom.Thisisamassintellectualityinthebrainorpersonalcomputerofwhichthemeansofproductionandcommunicationareincorporated.Prisonis,then,thislocationofproductivityincertainsocialspaces.

EESILIO/ESODOEXILE/EXODUSThesearetwoconceptsalreadyreferredtoindirectlyinthepreviouspoints,suchastheoneaboutAugustine,inwhichwespokeabouttheexodusfromthecityofGodtothecityofman.

Exile,likeprison,issomethingthatIhaveexperiencedandthat,ulti-mately,inspiteofhavingreturnedtoItaly,Iamstillexperiencing.Exileistheabandonmentofonesmotherland,anabandonmentthathastodaybecomealmostuniversal.Ifwearetoliveandbehappy,exodusisnecessary.Itistruethatexodusdoesnotmeanexileandthatfromanetymologicalviewpointthetwoconceptsdonotoverlap;yetthereisanoverlapfromthepointofviewoftherealitythathasbeencongured,sincethesupposedvoluntarywillbehindthedecisiontoleaveonescountryis,generally,neitherasvoluntarynorasfreeasismadeout.Inordertolive,togrow,andtocreate,onendsoneselfobligedtoleave.

Myexperienceofexilecanbeexplainedassomethingthatwasatoncesufferingandgrowth;bothpovertyandanabundanceofexpressionsofjoyandknowledge.IstartedtravelingoutsideItalywhenIwasstilla

boy;IhitchhikedalloverEuropeformonthsatatime.Ilearnedthelan-

guagesandatthesametimeIlearnedtolive;Istudied.Ishruggedoffprovincialism.Italy,whichbeforebeingaChristianDemocratcountrywasfascist,borderedontheEasternbloc,brutallyclosedinonitselfandincapableofanyformofexpressionoffreedom.Consequently,myleaving(myexodus)wasafundamentalpartofmyeducation.Itwasinanycasealibertarianeducation,asfromtheageoffteenIhadtoworkforalivingandgetby,whereverIwas.Infact,Ibecamearegularuniver-sitylecturerattheageoftwenty-vebeforeIstoppedroamingEuropeandtheworld,becauseIalsotraveledtoAsia,Africa,andAmerica.

Butexodusisnotsimplyanepisodeinonespersonalhistory;ittakes

placealongsidethegreatexodusofpopulationsthatwearewitnessing.Noteventheconceptofexilecanembracethewealthoftheexodusofmassestakingplacetoday.Exileistoughanddistressinguntilitisrec-ognizedasexodus.Thedefinitionofpoliticalrefugeeispreciselythesumofexileplusexodus.Thebourgeoisbecomes indignantwhensomeonewhochoosesexodusisregardedasapoliticalrefugee,whenoftenthatpersonissimplychoosingexile.Theconfusionofthetwo

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termsisextremelysignicantbecauseitmanifeststhebiopoliticalthatis,theliberatingconsistencyofsuchanimportantphenomenonasinternationalmobility.

FFABBRICA FACTORYItisdifficulttodaytoappreciatehowimportantitwasformygenera-tion,andformeinparticular,togotothefactories.Gettingupbeforedawntopresentyourselfathalfpastveinthemorningoutsideabigmetalworksorchemicalplant,textileorcarfactoryFordistfactorieswithshiftsthatstartedatsixandwentonallday.Wetriedtounder-standtheproblemsofthepeopletherebymeansofanorthodoxMarxianmethod;toseehowprotwasdeterminedinobjectiveeconomicterms,ontheonehand,andexploitation,insubjectiveterms,ontheother.Relatingthesetwoprocesses,welocatedthepointatwhichthecapi-talistmechanismofproductioncouldbeinterruptedbymeansofastrikeoradown-tools,whichwasafundamentalelementinthepro-ductivelifeofthefactoryandofproductioningeneral.

Throughoutthesixtiesandupto1973weorganizedindustrialaction,formidablestruggles,andstrikesbythousandsofworkers.Withthesewethrewthecapitalistmechanismofexploitationandthusofdevel-opmentintocrisis.Thecapitalistresponsetoouractionswasoneofextraordinaryforceandprecision.Therewassevererepressionoftheworkersintheformoflayoffs,thesackingofthemostradicalindividuals,andtheclosureofthemostconictivefactories.Atthesametime,how-ever, capitalwas appropriating the creativity and the intelligence

expressedinthestruggles,andinthiswayitabsorbedtheveryelementthatwasthrowingitintocrisis.From1963onthestrugglesintheItalianfactorieswereofanexcep-

tionalvirulenceandtoughnessinunionandpoliticalterms.Intheearlyseventies the extraparliamentary groups Potere Operaio and LottaContinuahadtheeffectivecapacitytocallageneralstrikeoftheItalianworkingclass.Confrontedwiththissituation,capitalcarriedoutanextraordinarilyintelligentoperationthatconsistedofthedismantlingofFordist-organizedindustry,oftheTaylorizedfactory,togetherwiththerecognitionthatproductivecapacitycouldbeextendedtosociety

ingeneral.Untilthen,thefactoryastheplacewherethebosswasinchargeandsocietyastheplaceforgoodscirculation,thereproduc-tionoftheworkingclass,andstateinvestmentintraininghadbeenseparate.Inthewakeofthestrugglethatblockedtheproductivecapac-ityofthegreatFordistcompany,capitalreactedbymakingsocietyitselfproductive,thatistosay,bynallyrecognizingsocialproductivity.

Thisistheoriginofwhatwecalledthesocialfactory,afundamental

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conceptofMay68inItaly,whichwasperhapslessimportantthan1968inFrancebutneverthelesslastedtenyears.Therevoltwasfor-midableandturnedthewholeofItaliansocietyupsidedown.It nallyendedon7April1979whenmanyofthemembersofAutonomiaOperaiawerearrestedand,throughlegislativereformandtheconsti-tutionofspecialtribunals,anextremelyharsh,ferociousrepressionwastargetedonus.

Thesocialfactory,fromthispointofview,doesnotconsistinexport-ingthefactorymodeofproductiontosociety.Itisbasedonabiopoliti-caldenitionofthesocialaspect,adenitionbywhichallthosewhoworkinonewayoranother,fromthehousewifetothefactoryworker,allthosewhocarryouttraining,whichistrainingforsocialproduction,throughtothosewhoguaranteetheessentialservicesrequiredbythissocialproduction,arepartofthevastmechanismthatisthesocialfac-tory.Whatwasextraordinaryforuswastounderstandallthisthroughitsowndynamic;thatis,tounderstandthesetofsocialconnectionsinvolvedinexploitationthroughthesocialconnectionsgeneratedinthestruggle.

GINTELLETTOGENERALEGENERALINTELLECTGeneralintellect.InsomepropheticpagesintheGrundrisse,2 writtenin1858and1859,Marxidentiedthepossibilityofthegrowingtrans-formationofxedcapitalintointellectualcapital.Thepowerofscienceandintellectualcooperationwouldcometobethefundamentalelementinthedenitionofproductionand,consequently,inthedenitionof

value,ofexploitation,andofprofit.Wenowknowthereisaconsoli-dated,irreversibletendencytowardthecompleteintellectualizationofwork.Thistendencyleadsustoaproductivecapacitythatcreatesmar-ginalprofitsnotonlyonthebasisofquantity,butalsoonthebasisofqualityunderstoodasintellectualinnovationintroducedintoaformofproductioncenteredonmachines.Themarginalvaluederivesfromthehighintellectualcontentoftheinnovation.TheMarxiangeneralintellectis,then,adenitionofthecapitalistexploitationthathasbeencarriedout.Nowadaysitcanbesaidthatcapitalisintellectualorcognitive,thatitistheeffective,tendentiousvalueofthewholeprocessofvaluation.

Itcanbesaidthattoanevergreaterextent,material,livingwork(theclassicoperationsofworkersandtheircapacitytoproducethingswiththeirhands)isbeingreplacedbyimmaterialwork;thatis,byelectronictoolsthattransformthewilltoinnovate,theproductivewill,intopro-duction.Thisprocesstakesplacebyexcluding,circumventing,andsur-passinghumanactivityandcapacity.Wearedealingwithtwoveryprecisephenomena.Ontheonehand,thetransformationofthebrain

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intoatool:thebrainbecomestheweapon,thefundamentalmachineforcarryingoutproduction.Ontheotherhand,thephenomenonofmachinesthatareincreasinglybecominghumanprostheses.

Atthispointwemightconsiderhowtheconceptofgeneralintellectcanbeusedtodefinenotcapitalistdevelopmentbutitssabotage,thestruggleagainstthisdevelopment.Weneedtoaskourselvesifitispos-sibletoimagineortosupposeamassintellectualitycapableofoppos-ingthecapitalistgeneralintellectwiththesamepowerwithwhichtheworkingclassconfrontedtheownersofthemachines,andhowfarthelinguisticphenomenathatconstitutethenewintellectualproletariatcanliberatethemselvesfromtheusemadeofthembythecapitalistgen-eralintellect.Inotherwords,weneedtofindoutwhat,insidetheselanguages,isthebreakawayelement.Theseareissuesraisedbytheproblemofthegeneralintellect.Ontheonehand,wehavetheimme-diateanddirecttranslationofthemachine-basedsystemintoasystemofintellectualcooperationandrelationshipsand,ontheotherhand,withinthisintellectualcooperation,thepossibilityofstartingtodevelopalternativewaysofknowing,ofunderstanding,aspointsofbreakdownofthecapitalistautocracy.

HSTORIAHISTORYWerefer,ontheonehand,torerumgestarum, thehistoryofthingsdone,whichishistoriography,and,ontheother,toresgestai, whichisthehistorythatismade.

Evidently,itisthelatterthatIconsidertobeofinterest.Obviously,

rerumgestarum isimportantintheconstructionofcommonlanguage,ofideology,ofathinkingsuperstructure,butIhavealwaysbeenmuchmoreinterestedindoingthings,theresgestai, whatconstituteshistoryinse andperse. IhavefoundpleasureindoingthingssinceIwasverysmall.AsaboyinVenetoduringWorldWarII,whenIwasten,Ilikeddoingthingswithmysistersboyfriend,whowasacommandantintheantifascistresistance.Theyweresmallthings,thekindofthingsyoucandowhenyoureten:preparingescaperoutesforhimorsettingupencounterswithhiscomradesandfriends.Thisisthemeaningofhistory,doing,beingmilitant,making,constitutinghistory,beingon

theinsideatalltimes.Thepleasureoftransformationandthejoyoflivingcannotbeallowedtofadeortoturnintosomethingabstract.Itisnotaquestionofdeningadestiny,butofbeinginsidetheinniteopeningthateachhistoricalmomentdetermines.Thereisnothingfreerthaneachmomentofourlives,thaneachhistoricalmomentofourlives.

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IIMPERO EMPIREEmpirederivesfromthemonopolyofpowerinthreemainfields:themonopolyonthedefinitiveweapon,whichisthenucleararsenal;themonopolyoncurrency,consistingofthecapacitytosetthevalueofmoneyatthelevelmostfavorabletoEmpireasthefundamentalvalueforallothers;andthemonopolyonlanguageandcommunication,oninformationandonespionage,thosegreatsystems,thosebigearsthatlistentotheworld.Inalaterandmoresophisticatedphase,Empirehasalsoorganizeditselfthroughtheexploitationofthetechnologiesofthegeneralintellect,whicharepreciselythetechnologiesofknowledge,ofcognitiveintellect,ofmassintellectuality,andthosethathavetodowithgeneticsunderstoodasthecapacitytointerveneinthereproductionofthehumanspecies.

Theimperialordercan,intherstplace,bedenedasanorderthathasnothingtodowiththeoldnineteenth-centuryimperialisms.Colonialismisover,thebourgeoisieoftheformercoloniessendtheirchildrentoHarvardtostudyandteach,andthewealthoftheformercoloniesistradedonthestockexchangesofNewYorkandLondon.Empirehasbeenconsti-tutedbeyondimperialismandinanotherplace.Inspiteofcertaininter-ventionscharacteristicofclassicimperialism,suchastheVietnamWar,theUnitedStatesisinfactanimperialstate,andtheimperialstateimposesabiopoliticalcapitalistorder,acapitalistbiopoweroversociety.

Nowadaystherearenolongeranycentralcountries;itnolongermakessensetospeakofaFirst,aSecond,andaThirdWorld.WhiletheSecondWorld,theSovietbloc,hasceased

toexist,theFirstandtheThirdarepresentinsideeverystate,eveniftheycontinuetobetreatedasgeographicallydistinctspaces.WendtheCongoinLosAngelesinthesamewaythatwendNewYorkinKinshasa,thecapitalofwhatusedtobetheBelgianCongo.Theworldtodayisallaboutthemetropolis,wherepowerisexercisedfromthetopoftheskyscrapers,connectedtooneanotherbynetworks,whilepeoplefromanywhereandeverywherecomeandgo,exible,mobile,inlargemigratoryflowsdownbelow.TheU.S.A.,fromthispointofview,isineffectanabsolutelytransitory

placeintermsofthedefinitionofEmpire,giventhatthelatterisconstitutedbytheworldsrulingclass.TheworldscapitalistshavegatheredintheU.S.A.andonWallStreet,

butalsointheLondonStockExchangeoranywhereelse.Polybiusgivesusaveryprecisedenitionofthecharac-

teristicsofEmpire.ThisGreekwriter,whowasanmigrinRome,definedEmpireastheunionofthethreeformsof

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governmentknowninAntiquity:monarchy,aristocracy,anddemoc-racy.Inthefirstinstancewehavemonarchy,whichtakestheformofimperialmonarchy: allthepoweroftheAmericannationexercisedasamonarchicsituationthatembodiesthepowerofdestruction,thepowertosetthevalueofthecurrency,andthepowertodeneinformation.Insecondplacewehaveoligarchyoraristocracy,thesumoftheworldswealth.Andnallywehavethatstrangeformofdemocracythatarethenation-states,challengingandconfrontingoneanotherindefense,forexample,oftheirsystemsofwelfareortheirparticularconceptionofrelationshipwiththelocalproletariat.Wendourselves,then,facedwithanempirethatgenuinelycorrespondstoPolybiusdenitionandcon-stitutesarepetitionoftheRomanEmpire.So,forexample,justasthereweredark-skinnedemperorsintheRomanEmpire,acircumstancethathadnothingtodowiththeoldRomansenatorialaristocracy,sotoowewillhave,withinafewyears,anAfrican-AmericanpresidentoftheEmpire.

Theimperialphenomenon,meanwhile,callsforanexplanationmoreintermsoftheUnitedStatesthanoftheU.N.ortheotherinternationalorganizations,whichwerealsoconguredasanetworkthatwasfunda-mentallyconcernedwiththeinternationalorder:theorderofWestphalia,asitisstillknown,wasanorderinwhichthenationswereautonomous,anditnolongerexists.AtthepresenttimeEmpireencouragessmallnationstosetthemselvesupassovereignunits.Whatthismeans,ofcourse,anditcouldhardlybeanyotherway,issovereignunitssubjecttoEmpire.Themaximumofterritorialdemocracyisonlypermittedwithinthegreatimperialunit.AndnallywehavethepeacethatEmpireimposes,thatisthepeaceoftherich,thepeaceofthebosses.Onlytheclassstruggle,

onlyaradicalrevoltfromtheverybaseagainstthissystemcandestroyit.AsSt.Augustinesaid,itisthecityofmanthatmustopposethecityofGod.Itis,then,necessarytotoppleGodfromhispedestalandreallyestablishtheinterestsofthepoor,theinterestsofworkingpeople,asthetrulyfundamentalinterestsandconstitutethemattheimperiallevel.

Empireis,inthisrespect,anadvanceonthepreviousmodelbasedonnation-states,thatmustservetoputanendtowars,toputanendtoallthetragedieswehavelivedthrough.Imyselflostfamilyandfriendsinthetwogreatwars.Wehavetoputastoptothesebloodymassacres,andwehavetodosoontheworldwidescale.Thenwemighttrulycreate

anewbrotherhood,abrotherhoodforgedinthestruggletoputanendtothepowerofthebosses.

KKAIROSTheK inourdiscourseisaconceptthatIlove:kairos. Kairos istheabsolutelyindeterminatetimethatweliveandthatwedenebyliving.

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Betweenhistoryandkairos thereisabsolutecontinuity.Eachmomentofourlivesisamomentwherewecaninventtheworld;eachinstantopensuptoavoidthatcanbeconstructedentirely.Anditisthepanicwhenfacedwiththevoidandthewilltoconstructionthatmakeexis-tenceworthy.Preciselywhatseemsfundamentaltomehereistotrans-formthenegativeexperienceofmodernityintothepositiveexperienceofpostmodernity.ModernityendswithHeideggerandpostmodernity

beginswithSpinoza;itbeginswherethetermsofHeideggersnegationofpossibilityorpower,oftheinstantthatopensuptothevoidofhis-toryorsubordinatesitselftothedestinyoftechnology,areinvertedto

becomethepowertoconstructlifeandtoreappropriatetechnology.Wearenowatapointthatiscentralnotonlyinphilosophicalterms

(atleastintermsofthephilosophytowhichIsubscribe),butalso,forexample,to68:thisgreatopeningthatthetwentiethcenturycon-structedformankind,thattrulysawtheinterconnectionofthedevel-opmentoftheclassstruggle(thenewproposals,desires,andneedsofmassintellectuality)andtheradicalcritiqueofallkindsoftotalitarian-ism,ofanyformofauthoritythatsetoutinonewayoranothertosup-plantthefreedomofthesubjectsandtheabsolutenatureofthedesireforfreedom,andthenewcapacityforproduction.Becauseproductionandworkcontinuetobefundamental,thoughsomepeoplemaintainthatworknolongerexists.Howcanthisbe?Workiseverywhere,livingworkdeneslife.Withoutwork,lifeisuseless,itdoesnotexist.Andthisistheimportanceofkairos, thefactthatitshowslifeandtimeasanopening,asanexplosionofeachmomentthatallowsustollthevoid.Thefullnessofadesirethatllsthevoidofthetimetocome.

Thereisnodestiny,noteleology,no

nality.Everythingisconstructedeachtime,ateachinstant.Nothingispredetermined,becauseevery-thingisdetermined,inthevoidofreality,bytheinfinityofwillsthatopenupateachmoment.Andthisistherichnessoflife,ofalifethatcanmodifyitselfthroughandthrough,thatcancompletelyreinventitselfatanymoment.Itis,inshort,therandomnessofwhatistocome,ofwhathastocome.

LLAVOROWORK

Workislife.Workisthepossibilityofreproducingoneself,anditisimpos-sible,inthissense,todistinguishtheconceptofworkfromtheconceptoflife.Whatservestodifferentiateworkandlifeisthesystemofpower,thesystemofexploitation;however,workandlifearefundamentallythesamething.Marxism,forexample,isunquestionablyatheoryofwork,atheoryofworkandofexploitation.Capitalismisexactlythesame.Indeed,itcouldbeclaimedthattheonlyMarxistslefttodayarethebig

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brokerswhooperateonWallStreetandintheworldsstockmarkets.ItisnoaccidentthatwhenthelevelofemploymentintheU.S.A.rises,sharevaluesfall;thefewerpeopleoutofwork(inotherwords,thesmallertheavailablelaborreservesonthemarket),thegreaterthedangertoshareprices.

Ofcourse,workhasnotalwaystakenthesameform.Wendarstmodelintheerawhenmankindwassubjecttonature.Thiswastheworkofthecentaur,theworkofamanwhowasfusedwithnature,whohadanorganicrelationshipwithit;thisistheformofworkofthepeas-antbeforetechnologicalinnovationswereintroducedintoagriculture.Afterthatwehavetheperiodinwhichpeoplesrelationshiptonaturewasthatofabuilder.Thisstagecouldbedescribedasthatofman-man,toadoptatermcoinedbyBobilus,aFrenchRenaissanceauthorwhowroteinLatin,whodenedthisperiodasthatinwhichmanconstructsnaturebyplacinghimselfincorrespondencewithit.Work,fromthissecondpointofview,isfundamental.

Wenowndourselves,nally,withathirdformofwork,inwhichmanhastakentheplaceofnature.Wehaveenteredtheageofthehumanmachine;amachineofwhichweformpartasgeneralintellect.Andhereworkreallyhasbecomeconstruction;itisconvertedintoconstituentpower.Thisispreciselythewonderfulthingaboutwork,thefactthatwereallycanconstructtheworld,thefactthatwecanandthisisthebasisoftruecriticalmaterialismbeandmoveintherealmoftime,aneternaltime.Ourpowerofcreationgroundsthepossibilityofestablishinganotherorderintheplaceofcapitalismthat,asanon-naturalorder,isfundamen-tallyboundtotheageofmediationwithnature,totheageoftheman-man.

Today,insofaraswehaverecoveredthetoolsinourbrains,weno

longerhaveanyneedofthatanticipationoradvancepaymentpracticedbythecapitalistthatispreciselythebasisofcapitalism:whenapersonwantstoworkbutdoesnothavethenecessarytoolstodoso,thecapi-talistofferstosupplythem,providingthepliers,themachine,andsoon.Thecapitalistadvancestheworkerswageintheformofmachinery,andtheworkerrepaystheadvanceintheformofwork;thatis,intheformofproduction.Thisformulaisnolongervalidtoday.Inthenewformsofwork,suchadvancepaymentsarenotalwaysnecessary;theyhavebeenreplacedbythebrain,whicheffectivelysubstitutescapitalinvestment.Intellectualwork,supportedbythecomputerasprosthe-

sis,hascometoconstitutethecrucialelement.Anditisagoodthingthatitshouldbeso,becauseitisgreymatter,intellectualmatter.

MMOLTITUDINEMULTITUDEThemultitudeissomethingverybeautifulbutdifficulttodefine.Inclassicalliteraturethemultitudeistheunorganizedmultiplicityof

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subjects.Themultitudemaybethecommonpeople,aconfusedmulti-plicity,oranarchy.WhenHobbesspeaksofthemultitude,hereferstoitasthecommonpeople;whenHegeldoes,itisintermsofPbel, orrabble.Thesedayswerefertothemultitudeasagroupofsingularitieswhohavereappropriatedtheinstrumentsofproduction,thetoolsofworkforthemselves.Wehave,then,amultiplicitythathasceasedtobeaconfusedwholeandisnowpluralandresourceful,thatisnolongerawaitingunificationbysomekindoftranscendence,beitHobbesianorderorHegeliandialecticAufhebung. Post-Fordismisnowdiscoveringthismultiplicityofproductiveandconstructiveenergies.Naturally,itisa fundamentaldiscoverybecause,far from constituting somethingdenedorbeingaresult,itconstitutesanewbasisforconstruction.

Alltoofrequently,peoplewhomoveinthefieldofthecritiqueofcapitalismthinkofthemultitudeassomethingthatshould,automati-cally,producepoliticalformsofvariouskinds.Thisapproachisakindofreturntoacertainindividualisticanarchism,verypoorintermsbothofhopeandofprojectuality.Itisnecessarytounderstandthatthismul-titudereconstructedaftertheendoftheworkingclassasthefactoryworkingclasswesawinotherperiods,stratiedandstronglyrootedinthesocial andwithwhichweworkedsohonestlynowspansvarioussocialandworkinglevels,fromworking-classtointellectualsegments,viathecivilservice,andchannelscommoninterestsandpassions.Itisalsoimportanttounderstandthatinnoeventdoesthiselementresolvethefundamentalpoliticalproblem:theconstitutionofabsolutedemoc-racy.Theproblemofthemultitudelies,rstofall,initsbeingtabled,paradoxically,asaproblem.

Theadvancesmadewiththeconceptofmultitude arevastforbothpoliticalandsociologicaltheory.However,weoughttobecapableofdeterminingthesuccessivemomentsoftheproblem.Inordertodoso,thequestionswehavetobepreparedtoanswerare:Howissubjectivityproducedwithinthismultitude?Howissubjectivityproducedwithaviewtoconstructingwhatiscommon?Howcanthemultitudebecon-vertedintoconstituentpower?Howcanitbecomeabsolutedemocraticdecisionmaking?Andinordertobeabletoaddressthem,thereisagreatdealthatneedstobeexplained.

NNERIBLACKSItisquiteincrediblehowthephenomenonofglobalization,whichisalsoliberatingabsolutelyfundamentalenergies,isgeneratinghugemigra-torymovements,withmillionsofpeoplemovingaroundtheworld.Atthesametime,aswehavealreadycommented,wearenowexperiencingtheendofcolonialism.Colonialismisover;wearenowinapostcolonial

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phase.Nationalismisover;wearenowinapostnationalphase.Modernityisover;thisisnowpostmodernity.Socialismisover;thisisnowpostso-cialism.Andallofthesepostsembracethevastmassesofpeoplewhoaremovingandwho,bymeansoftheirmovement,arecreatinganeworder.

DuringtheprocessofthefalloftheBerlinWall,averystrikingphe-nomenontookplace.Thewallwassurroundedbeforeitfell;peoplestartedtomovesouthward,rstintoHungaryandthenintoAustriaintrainsthatgrewandgrewinnumberuntilitwasimpossibletostopthem.Sothewalldidnotfallastheresultofadirectattack.Itfell

becauseitwassurrounded.Thiscanbeappliedtomostwars.Inwartheenemyisnotusuallydefeatedbyadirectblow;itisalmostalwaysdefeatedbecauseitndsitselfsurrounded.

Themobilityofthesepopulations,alongwiththeprohibitiononusingpersonalcomputers,explainstheendoftheclassicsocialistperiod.TheSoviettechnicians,perhapstheworldsleadingexpertsin

bothinformationandnucleartechnology,whocreatedandlaunchedthemostcomplexmissilesandsatellites,werenotfreetoenjoytheirproductioncapacity.Theywerenotabletoenjoytheuniversalpossi-

bilityofcomingtogripswiththemeansofproduction,withtheinstru-ment.ThisiswhytheSovietUnionfell,notbecauseoflevelsofdevelopment,whichwerealwayshigherthanintheWest;notbecauseoftheGulagandallthosestoriesthat,despitebeingdreadfulandmonstrous,weresimplynotrelevantasregardsthesystem.TheSovietsystemwascertainlydictatorialandsavage,butitneverreachedthedegreeofbrutalitythatcharacterized,forexample,NorthAmericanpoliciesasregardsAfrican-Americanblacks,farmoreterriblethan

thosefollowedbytheSovietUnionwithregardtoitsethnicminorities.TheSovietsystemdiedoutduetotheabsenceoffreedom,duetotheimpossibilityofthesingularcitizenspartakingjointlyofthecollectiveintelligenceofaccesstothemeansofexpression,andthisisatremen-dousparadoxofmodernityorofpostmodernity.

Finally,thecirculationofhugemassesofpeopleraisestremendousproblemsinthefaceofwhich,unfortunately,littlecanbedone.InEuropethereisaparadoxicalsituationwhere,ontheonehand,immigrationiswelcomebecauseitrepresentslow-costlabor;yet,ontheother,immi-grantsarehatedbecausetheyareseentotakepossessionofwealththat

doesnotbelongtothem.Thismassemigrationrepresentsanenormouscostindeaths,incruelty,inpoverty.IexperiencedthemajormigratorymovementsfromthesouthtothenorthofItalyintheftiesandsixties,forexample,fromveryclosequarters.ButthegrimnessofemigrationtodayacrosstheMediterraneanandfromtheBalkanstoItalyandEuropehasbecomequiteintolerable.

Inthisspheretheauthoritiesnaturallyinterveneattheirowndiscretion.

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ThewarinKosovo,forexample,wasoneofthebiggestattemptstoestablishpowertocontroltodaysmigratorymovements.YetweallformpartofEmpire,andtheEmpiresanctionedCaracallaslawsrecog-nizingRomancitizenshipforallofitsinhabitants.Wehavetoghtforthisright.WehavetoghtforAmericancitizenshipforalloftheworldsinhabitants,sothateveryoneisfreetogotothecountrytheychoose.LongliveCaracalla!

OORGANIZZAZIONEORGANIZATIONThereislittletosayaboutorganization,exceptthatitisnecessary.Inordertospeakaboutthemultitude,itisnecessarytobeginwithorganization.NeverbeforehastheLeninistquestionofwhattodothatis,thede-nitionofwhatthesubjectcandobeensofundamental,andthesamegoesforMachiavellisquestionastowhotheprinceis.Consequentlyitisnecessarytoaddresstheissueofhow,inthispluralworldinwhichtransformationsaretakingplace,albeitundercontrol,atanacceleratedrate,therevolutionarycanbegenerated;inotherwords,howabsolutefreedomistobereturnedtoeachindividual,toeachsingularityofthemultitude.

PracticallyallcriticalthoughthasrejectedtheideaoforganizationofferedtothembytheSocialDemocratandBolsheviktraditions.Atthispoint,however,itisaquestionofnotbuildingupfalsehopesastothe

genericpossibilitiesoftransformingthemultitudeintoanorganicbody(assustainedbythetheoryofsovereignty)orastothepossibilityofdilutingdecisionmakingintoan

ordinarynetwork.Todaytheproblemofthemultitudeistheproblemofaformoforganizationyettobecreated,whichcanonlybeinventedbymeansofstruggle.Therefore,even

beforewetalkaboutorganization,wehavetotalkaboutmil-itancy,howeverobsoletethetermmayseemthesedays.

Inaveryinterestingarticleaboutcommunism(Qualecomunismo.Doveilcomunismo),tienneBalibar,anoldfriend,denedtwoorthreepossibleformsofcommunism.First,whathecalledbourgeoiscommunism, linkedtothemeansofproduction;asecondform,whathecalled socialist

communism, linkedtothedevelopmentoftheworkingclass,toknow-howandtoacertainideologyofwork,andthirdly,whathereferredtoastheFranciscanformofcommunism,whichheattributedtomeinpart.Thelatterdoesnottaketheformofreappropriation,butpreciselyofde-appropri-ation,which,ratherthansettingouttowrestpowerfromthehandsofcapital,createsavoidaroundandbeneathit;

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whichdoesnotsetouttoknockdowntheBerlinWallbuttosurroundit;whichshunsdirectconfrontationwiththeadversaryandchoosesexodus.Thisis,inshort,theAugustinianformofthecityofmanagainstthecityofGod.AgainstthecityofGodwithallofitsconse-quences:againstGod,teachers,bosses,armies.DownwithGod!OutwithGod!

However,militancycannotmerelybelimitedtonegation,asitthenbecomesveryimpoverished.Weneedarichmilitancythatiscapableofmanagingbothmobilityandflexibility;capableofcrossingallbordersandreachingeverywhere;capableofintroducingnewneedsatanymomentoftheday.Andweneedanorganizationthatembracesallofthis,whichissetongettingtogripswithlife.Thisis,inshort,theorga-nizationofaconstituentpower.

PPOVERTPOVERTYPovertyisthebasisonwhichtoconstructconstituentpower.Ifwearenotpoor,thereisnothingwecando.Thisisnotbecausepovertyindialecticwithwealthconstructslove,asPlatosaysinhisSymposium.Povertyisanabsolutelackofauthorityandde nesitselfassuch.Onlywhenyouhavebeeninjailandknowjusthowabsolutecanbethepowerthatisbroughttobearonyou,doyouunderstandwhatpovertyis.

BasicallyIhavealwaysbeenrich.Icomefromaworking-class,intel-ligent,veryfreefamilythatalwaysallowedmetodowhateverIwanted.AndthefactthatIobtainedthepostofuniversitylecturerwhenIwasveryyoungmeantthatIcametoformpartoftheItalianintellectual

classveryearlyon.Yetthiswealthhasalwaysdisgustedme.Forme,itwasmuchmoreimportanttobewiththeworkers,whosepovertywasbynomeansduetoalackofmoney;theywerepoorpreciselybecausetheywerestrong.Povertyisnotdestitution;itispowerand,whatismore,itimmediatelyallieswithlove.Thisistruerthaneverthesedays,whentheforceofworkhasbecometheforceofintellectualworkthatinvolveslanguageandcommunication,and,therefore,cooperationandcommonpassion.Thisplacesusinthesurprisingsituationofhavingnothingwithwhichtofacetheprovocations,theviolence,andtherealexploitationofourtimeoflife.

Moneyistheaccelerationofthetimeoflifeand,consequently,thepossibilityofdoingmorethings,ofbeingrichinthissense.Thetimeofourliveshasbeenexpropriatedbecausepovertymeanshavingtospendmanyhoursofthedaylookingtooursurvival,andjailisthemostdirectformofthisexpropriation.Thisiswhywehavetoexaltpovertyanddefendmilitancyasthecapacitytomanagethispovertyeffectivelyandtotranslateitintorevolution.

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QQUANTUM/CAPITALEQUANTUM/CAPITALQuantumiscapital.Capitalisadreadfulthing,yetitisalsointellectuallyfascinating;itisamonster.Isitpossibleforhumanformsofassociationwithoutcapitaltoexistthatis,withoutthecentralizedaccumulationofthemeansofproductionofthesocial?Engelsspeaksofthisissueand,ingeneral,someofthebestandmostbrilliantethnologistshavealsoaddressedit.Inhistorytherehaveinfactbeenperiodswhenthecom-munityhasallowedthenonexistenceofcapital.Moreover,themostpro-gressivemomentsinhistory,momentsofthegreatestaccelerationoftheproductiveactivityofthecommunitywerebasedperhapsnotontheabsenceofcapital,butcertainlyonitssocialdistribution.Whatsmore,havingreachedtodayssituation(withreferencetotheUnitedStatesandnorthernEurope,andincipientlyatleastinothercountries),inwhichproductionisbasedongeneralintellect(inotherwords,onthemassreproductionofmindsthatarebecomingtheimmediatetoolofpro-ductionandofproductiverelations),capitalcanbeoverthrownasthecentral,unitaryessence,andfixedcapitalcanbelocatedinthebrainandintraining.Fromthispointofviewifbytrainingweunderstandthecapacitytoreproducementalandproductivecapacitiesthatareabletoassembleallthepremisesofproductiontheconceptofxedcapitalwouldbeincludedinthatoftraining.Thismaybeanidealisticinter-pretation,inthehard,negativesenseoftheword,butthereisanelementoftruthwithinthismysticationonwhichitisvitaltowork.

Marxsaysthatitiscapitalthatcreatestheconditionsofcivildevel-opmentandfreesmanfrommedievalservitude.Thisisabsolutelyfalse.

WeonlyhavetothinkhowAmericancapitalusedtheslaveryofblacks,ofAfrican-Americans,asafundamentalfactorinitsgrowth,orhowTsaristRussiausedserfswhoweredeprivedofanykindoffreedom.Basically,capital,initsformoffunctioning,isterrible.AndwemustnotconfuseFlorentinecapital,whichcertainlywasveryconstructiveandcreative,withthegeneralfunctionofcapitalinhistory.ItisenoughtoseewhathappenedinLatinAmericaduringtheconquesttoseethekindofmonstercontainedwithincapital.

Consequently,capitalisnottheforcethatliberateshistory.Whatliber-ateshistory,whatfreesusfromslavery,islivingwork,thecapacityofwork

toopposecapital.Andonlywhenthisoccursiscapitalforcedtoassumedemocracy.Thetimehascometoputanendtoit,onceandforall.

RRESISTENZA,RIVOLTA,RIVOLUZIONERESISTANCE,REVOLT,REVOLUTIONResistanceisdifcultandentailsaself-reexivemovementthatmakes

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itextraordinarilyhard.Butatthesametime,althoughresistanceisnotaprogram,itisneverthelesssharp,continuous,andpresentinasystematicway.IntheFordistfactories,suchasFiatinthesixties,resis-tancewasalreadyageneralizedstrategy.Theworkersdidaslittleaspossible,andwhenhigherproductivitywasdemandedofthem,theywoulddestroysomething.Resistance,sabotage,andtherefusalofworkwerethoroughlyintertwined.Butresistanceisnotsimplyanegativephenomenon.Resistancecanalsogeneratepassions.Ithasaneroticcomponent.Resistanceproducesontologicaltransformationsinsub-jectsandshowsthemtheirpower.WhathashappenedinItalysincetheseventiesthatis,theconstructionofentireindustrialdistrictsandthelarge-scaledevelopmentofsmallindustryisinconceivablewithouttakingintoaccountthepreviousphenomenonofresistanceinthefac-tory.Theworkerswhofoughttoavoidbeingexploited,toavoidbeingcompelledtowearouttheirenergyinthefactory,constructingtheirverydignityonthebasisofthesestruggles,leftthefactorytosetuptheirownsmallindustries,whichoftenretainedsomeconnectionwiththeoriginalindustry,butwerealsocapableofproducinginaninde-pendent,autonomousway.Resistancecreatesanenormouslyproduc-tivepositivity.

Revolt,ontheotherhand,ispreciselythemomentinwhichthiscapacityforcreationsuspendsthecontinuityoftimeand,insodoing,

blocksit.Timetakestheformofkairosthatis,oftheinstantofdeci-sionanditisthemass,ratherthanthesingleindividual,whichdecidesthathistoryisgoingtobemodified.Sometimesthishappenswithoutpeopleknowingwhattheywant;atothertimesithappensconsciously.

Whileyesterdayitwaseasiernottoknow,todayitiseasiertoknow.Whatpeoplewantedatthatmoment,whatreallyredthepassionsofthatrecentpast,wastotaketheplaceofthecapitalist,toconstructademocraticsystemtodowhatthebosswasdoing.Capitalismasasys-temofproductionisaskeletonintheclosetofeverysocialistandunionmovement.Ifthisisnotsotoday,itispreciselybecausewehavethecapacitytomakethingsbyusingourbrains.

Inthestageweareatnow,giventhatthecapitalistadvancepaymentisnolongernecessary,thereisnoneedfortheinterventionofcapital.Asaresultthereisnowthepossibilityofarevolutionaryformofreap-

propriationofthegeneralintellect,anditispreciselyinthispowerofthereappropriatedgeneralintellectthattherelationbetweenresistance,revolt,andrevolutioncanmanifestitself.Arelationshipthatwecarrywithinus,presenteventhoughweimagineitinthefuture.Arelation-shipthatistheinventionofnewdesires,ofnewimagesoflife,andonethatisbasedontheincrediblecapacitywehaveforgeneratingandinventingnewthingsinacooperativeway.Todayweexperiencethe

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samesenseofwondermentinthefaceoftherevolutionaswewouldatsomethingasnormalashavingababy.Weknowthatitwillbebornonewayoranother.

SSUSSUNZIONESUBSUMPTIONSubsumptionisanuglyconcept.ItisaMarxiantermthatdescribestherelationshipbetweencapitalandsociety.Itisimportant,however,tomakeadistinctionbetweentwokindsofsubsumption:theformalandthereal.Atagivenmomentinthedevelopmentofcapitalism,theformsofproductionthathadnothingtodowithcapital(formsofagriculturalproduction,ofshing,orcraftmanufacture)weresubsumed;theywereincorporatedandreorganizedbytheincipientcapitalisthegemonywhenthestructureofthebigfactories,rsttextilesandthencars,begantoorganizethewholeofsociety.Thistypeofsubsumptionisknownasformalsubsumption. Itistheformalaspectofcapitalthatincludesthevariousproductiveactivities.

Realsubsumption,ontheotherhand,isahegemonyofcapitalwithoutlimits.Heretheformofcapitalistproductionhasintervenedinandoccupiedeveryspaceinsociety.Societyitselfhasbeenconvertedintoafactory.Thewallsofthecentralfactoryhavecomedown,sotospeak,andthewholeofsocietyhasbeeninvadedbythefactoryregimeand,consequently,byageneralizeddisciplinaryregime.Thissubsumptionis,precisely,arealsubsumptionofsocietybycapital;societyiscon g-uredinadisciplinarywaythroughthedevelopmentofthecapitalistsystem.Thisisthesituationinwhichwehavefoundourselvessince

themiddleofthetwentiethcentury.Fromthisperspective,May68isnotsimplyanimportantdateintermsofthestudentrevoltortheemergenceofnewintellectualormoraldesireswithintheintermediateclassesofsociety;itisalsoamomentofextraordinarysignicance,aboveallintermsoftherealizationofcapi-talistdominationofsociety;inotherwords,intermsofrealsubsump-tion.With68,thelimitofthissubsumptionwasreached,thelimitatwhichtheintellectualworkforcewasobligedtotransformitselfintoacenteroftheprocessofcapitalsdominationofsociety.Thisisthemomentwhenrealsubsumptionwastranslatedintothehegemonyof

thegeneralintellect.Asaresult,wecanspeakoftheemergenceofasocietyinwhichcommunicationsandlinguisticvalues,innovativefromtheintellectualpointofview,assumedacentralposition.Whileitisevidentthatthiskindofdiscourseentailsexcessivelysweepinggeneralizationsintermsoftheexamplesorideasputforwardasmodels,andanynumberofobjectionscanberaisedwithrespecttothese,itisneverthelessthecasethatwearedealingwithobjectionsthat

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servetoenrichtheframeworkwithoutinvalidatingitasawhole.Finally,itisworthoutlininghereonelastproblemwithrespectto

subsumption:thatoftherelationshipbetweentheletterrandtheletters.Whatdoresistance,revolt,andrevolutionsignifywithinsubsumption?Theysignifyeverythingandnothing.Itistruethatsubsumptionhasreachedtheextremeofenvelopingeveryintellectualsubjectinthecap-italistprocess.Nowthiswouldseemtosuggestthateverything,fromthepointofviewofmaterialprogressandtheconstructionofindivid-uality,issetinitscourse,thattherevolutionwillnolongerbeprogres-sive.Fromthispointofview,creativepower,whatMarxcalledrichindividuality, isalsopresentinsubsumption.Nevertheless,itisuptoustoliberateit,becauseitisthroughthisliberationthatthemostformi-dableintellectual,moral,andscienticproductionswillemerge.

TTEMPO TIMEIvewrittenonlyacoupleofthingsabouttimeinmylife(thefirst, Lacostituzionedeltempo.Prolegomeni3 intheearlyeighties;andthesec-ond,morerecently),andIwrotebothofthemwhenIwasinprison.Intotal,Ivespentoversevenyearsinjail,anditllprobablybeeightornineofrealimprisonmentintotal.And,forwhateverreason,itswhenIminprisonthatIthinkaboutthequestionoftime.

Theproblemoftime,forme,basicallyconsistsinunderstandingwhatconstituenttimeis,andthereforeHeideggersviewanditsopposite:Spinozistictime.HegelsaidthatSpinozadidnotknowtime,thathewasasadphilosopherwhohadthesameconceptionoftimeasaconsump-

tive,asickpersonwaitingfordeath.YetIthinkthatjusttheoppositeistrue,thatSpinozahasaconceptionofcreative,constructive,liberatedtime.Althoughweallknowthatwelivetodie,wealsoknowthatthetimebetweenthepresentmomentandourdeathscanbe,rstly,moreorlesshappy;secondly,moreorlessconstructive;andthirdly,moreorlessrevolutionary.Intherstcase,forus;inthesecond,forusandforothers,and;inthethird,forusandforallhumankind.

Timeissomethingthatevadesusintheverysameinstantthatweperceiveitandconsequentlytakesusclosertodeath.Butitisbanaltothinkofdeathintheseterms,sincetheimportantthingisknowinghow

toresistthisdeath,howtofaceuptothecourseoftime,andhowtobreakwiththisnegativedynamicbyconstructingotherthings.Itisimportanttoconsiderthemeaningoflove,ofgeneration,andofeternitywithinthisprocess.Eternity,forexample,meansthatweremain,eter-nally,inthethingswedoataprecisegivenmoment;itmeansseizingtimeandgraspingittopreventitfromdying.Inthissenseitissomethinginalienable.Wearenotimmortal,yetwecansaythatweareeternalin

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eachthingthatwedo.Consequently,themeaningandtheresponsibil-ityoflifederivefromtheeternityofeachmoment.

Inshort,timeisthealternativetothepointlessnessoflivinginordertodieandthefullnessofeternity.Ithinkthatthisiswhatmilitancyis.Concrete,revolutionary,communistmilitancymeansrealizingthatwearebearersofeternity.Forourselves,inpleasure;forourselves,ourfriends,andthepeoplewelivewith,intheconstructionofhorizonsoflife;and,forourselvesandhumankind,indecisionmakingandrevo-lution.

UUNIVERSALIT-SINGOLARIT/UNIVERSIT UNIVERSALITY-SINGULARITY/UNIVERSITYIhaveworkedasauniversitylectureronvariousoccasionsinmylife.Iwasveryrigorousinmywork,writingandtranslating(forexample,ItranslatedHegelintoItalian),andofcourseIdidwhatlecturersdoatuniversity:teachyoungpeoplestupidthings.Atthesametime,inmyconcerntosingularizeexistence,Iwenttothefactories.IwouldgetupatveoclockinthemorningandgofromPaduatoPortoMarghera,tothebigchemicalfactory.There,outsidethefactory,weengagedinpolit-icalagitation.Weorganizedimportantstrikesbackthen;weevenman-agedtoclosedownthepetrochemicalfactoryinMarghera.Once,in1963,weorganizedanall-outshutdownoftheinstallations,andtheaccu-

mulationofgasesthisproducedcausedahugeare-up.Wealsomanagedtochangetheshiftsinthefactory(achemicalplantwith10,000employeeswheretheshiftswerevitalto

workersafety)onourown,withoutthebossortheunions.Itwasabsolutelycrazy;Iveneverseenanythinglikeitinmylife,andImsureIneverwillagain.ThenIwouldputonmytie,gobacktoPadua,andatnine-thirtyIwasgivingclassessurroundedbyagroupoffascistlecturers.

Lateronmystudentsstartedtocomewithme.Theycamealongandmettheworkers,reallycapableandintelligentpeople.Infact,theywerethesamepeoplewhowentonto

buildthegreat wealthoftheVeneto,workers whoeasilyslippedintotheroleofcapitalistsbecausetheyknewthe

strugglefromtheinside;whentheywerelaidoff(someevenendedupinprisonwithme),theysetuptheirownsmallfactories,and,intime,theymanagedtoamasstremendousfortunes.Theyweremoreintelligentthantheirformerbossesand,aboveall,moreintelligentthantheunionleadersortheCommunistPartymemberswhowentintothefactoriestodeliverabsolutelyanachronisticspeeches.Theywereexcellent

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peoplebecausetheyunderstoodthattheimportantthingwastopro-duce,todominatetheworld,toconstructit.And,atthesametime,tocreatepassionsanddesireswithoutreducingthemtomerecommodities.

Whileallofthiswasgoingon,theuniversityservedtoreafrmtheissueofsingularityformeandforallofmycolleagues.Forexample,LucianoFerrariBravo,whowasmyfirstassistantbeforegoingonto

becomealecturerhimself,aswellasaverydearfriendandbrother,diedrecently.Luciano,oneoftheloveliestandmostintelligentpeopleevertohavelived,servedsixyearspreventiveimprisonmentwithoutatrialandwasreleasedwithoutcharges,acquittedofeverything.Iwascon-victedbecausetherewasnothingelsetheycoulddo,buttheyshouldhavelethimgo;himandmanyothers.Ourtrialswereabsolutelyabominable.TheItalianStatehasbeenthemostrepugnant,odiousStateimaginable.

VZVITA-MORTE/DALLALFAALLOMEGALIFEANDDEATH/FROMALPHATOOMEGAAnd,toclose,lifeanddeath.Orrather,alphaandomega.Whatistheretoadd?Thatweareeternal.Thatweareeternaleachtimewemakeadecision,eachtimewefaceuptoamomentintime.Thiseternityinanexistence,whichassuchisinfacttransitory,isabsoluteandcannotbecanceledout.

Andthisiswheremoralitycomesin.Itisonlypossibletobemoralandethicalineternity.IfIsaytosomeoneIloveyou,Iamsayingitforeternity;Iamcommittedtothatpersonforeternity,notjustinthatmoment.Becausethetruthisthiscoincidencebetweenmydeclaration,

myconstructionoftheworld,andeternity.Consequently,ifIsayIexploityouandhurtyou,Iamalsosayinganddoingitforeternity.Thisiswhatisunforgivable;notthefactofhurtingsomeone,butofdoingitforeternity,whichisdenedinthisinstant.

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NotesIwouldliketoacknowledgethesupportforthisprojectprovidedbyHAssociaciperalesartscontempornies,Vic;Hangar,Barcelona;AAVC,Associacidartistesvisualsde Catalunya,Barcelona;NIFCA, Nordic Institute for ContemporaryArt, Helsinki;CharlottenborgHall,Copenhagen;ZKMCenterforArtandMedia,Karlsruhe;andGreyRoom. ThanksalsotoJorgeMestreandIvanBercedo,editorsofthejournalQuadernsdarquitecturaiurbanisme(Col.legiocialdarquitectesdeCatalunya),fortheirorig-inalsupporttotranslatethevideodocumentaryNcomeNegri. Fordistributionofthevideo,pleasecontactcarlesguerra@wanadoo.es.

1.AntonioNegri,Insurgencies:ConstituentPowerandtheModernState, trans.MauriziaBoscagli(Minneapolis:UniversityofMinnesotaPress,1999).

2.KarlMarx,Grundrisse (NewYork:VintageBooks,1973).3.AntonioNegri,Lacostituzionedeltempo.Prolegomeni(Rome:Manifestolibri,1997).

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