Ockinga_Non-royal Concept of Afterlife in Amarna.pdf

7/22/2019 Ockinga_Non-royal Concept of Afterlife in Amarna.pdf

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An offprint from

Studies in Honour of Margaret Parker

Part I

A Special Issue of

ANCIENTHISTORY:RESOURCESFORTEACHERS

Vol. 38 No. 1 - 2008

MACQUARIEANCIENTHISTORYASSOCIATION


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ANCIENT HISTORY:

RESOURCES FOR TEACHERS

Vol. 38 No. 1 - 2008

MACQUARIEANCIENTHISTORYASSOCIATION


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ANCIENT HISTORY: RESOURCES FOR TEACHERS

A publication of

Macquarie Ancient History Association

Macquarie University

Editor: Dr J. Lea Beness

Editorial Board: Professor S.N.C. Lieu (Macquarie University), Dr Peter

Brennan (University of Sydney), Hugh Lindsay (University of Newcastle),

Associate Professor Iain Spence (University of New England)

Reviews Editor:

Dr C.E.V. Nixon

Reviews Assistant

Editor:

Dr Peter Keegan

Editorial Assistant:

Anne Irish

All articles in this journal are peer reviewed.

Copyright 2008, Published 2011

Macquarie Ancient History Association and the Authors

Published by Macquarie Ancient History Association

Faculty of Arts, Macquarie University, NSW 2109

Ancient History: Resources for Teachers

ISSN 1032 3686


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CONTENTS

Parts 1 & 2

Bruce Harris The University Then and Now: Some

Fundamental Questions

1

Boyo Ockinga The Non-Royal Concept of the Afterlife in

Amarna

16

Graham Joyner Greek Pottery in the Museum of Ancient

Cultures, Macquarie University

38

Lea Beness

and Tom Hillard

From Marius to Sulla: Part 1 56

Bill Leadbetter Mithridates and the Axis of Evil 84

Rosalinde Kearsley The Imperial Image of Augustus and his

Auctoritas in Rome

89

Tom Hillard Augustus and the Evolution of Roman

Concepts of Leadership

107

Edwin Judge Who Wants Classics in a New World? 153

Doug Kelly Donna Tartts Greek 171


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Notes on Contributors

Bruce Harris Founding Editor, 19711974

Boyo Ockinga Editor, 19941995

Graham Joyner Editor, 19911993

Lea Beness Editor, 2005

Tom Hillard Editor, 19741981, 1997, 2007

Bill Leadbetter Editor, 19961998

Rosalinde Kearsley Editor, 19881991

Edwin Judge Editor, 1980

Doug Kelly Editor, 19731974


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EDITORIAL

hese two issues of Ancient History: Resources for Teachers are

dedicated to Margaret Parker, a former editor of the journal between

1998 and 2004. It is not the custom for outgoing editors of the journal to be

celebrated with an issue in their honour. Two anomalous occasions precede.

The first was in 1986 when the issues of that year were dedicated to

Associate Professor Bruce Harris, the founding editor of the journal, upon

his retirement from Macquarie University. Articles were submitted by his

colleagues and his former students. On the second occasion, a specialnumber (27.1 [1997]) was dedicated to Margaret Hallo Beattie, whose health

had compelled a premature retirement which left her colleagues feeling that

the department had lost one of its more vital members. She had been, even

given that sadly early retirement, the journals longest serving editor. Roman

Studies offered to Margaret Beattie celebrated Margarets quick wit and

intellectually sharp engagement with a number of articles by overseas

scholars who recalled vividly the vitality of Margarets interventions and

academic repartee.

T

This occasion is also unusual. It is customary for the editorship of this

journal to be filled from within the ranks of the Department of Ancient

History at Macquarie. Margaret Parker was the first to step up to the pitchfrom outside those ranksand remains the only one. She did so when, for

various reasons, no member of the department was available to take up the

bat. The department has every reason to express its heartfelt gratitude.

Margaret brought to the role an efficiency born of her long service in school

administration, a meticulous editorial eye, and a knowledge of what it was

that the Higher School community was likely to find interesting and what it

was that was needed. This was the fruit of her own thirty-six year teaching

career.

Margaret Parker was born in Hay, far western New South Wales, and

educated in a number of country state high schools. She did her teacher

training at Armidale Teachers College, her BA at the University of New

England (majoring in English and History) and her MA (by coursework in

Ancient History) at Macquarie.

Over her long teaching career she taught at several country primary schools,

Petersham Girls High, Finley High (in far western NSW), Willoughby

Girls High, Ku-ring-gai High, North Sydney Girls High, and was Deputy

Principal at Macquarie Fields High, finishing as Principal of Bankstown


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Girls High. After formally retiring she worked for the Department of

Education on a part-time consultative basis for three more years. Until 2009

she worked for short periods each year for the University Admissions Centre

assessing applications from disadvantaged students for special admission to

university. Margaret was also a long-serving Secretary of the Macquarie

Ancient History Association during which time she carried an enormous load

since divided into a number of portfolios.

Here we mark our appreciation of Margaret by having former editors of the

journal offer diverse contributions, covering Egyptian, Greek and Roman

topics, the universitys Museum of Ancient Cultures, the aims of tertiaryeducation and Reception Studies. This collection also offers the opportunity

for another fond remembrance. In the last week of his life, Graham Joyner,

editor from 1991 to 1993, gave very gladly his permission to have a new

collection of his earlier notes on various objects in the then Macquarie

University Ancient History Teaching Collection added to this bouquet for

Margaret. The contribution is a timely reminder of Graham Joyners legacy

in that most of the objects described were on loan from his own private

collection and are now part of the Museums holdings. I know that Margaret

will especially value his contribution.

Margaret Beattie was unable, because of ongoing illness, to contribute an

independent offering in the collection, but joins me here in wishing MargaretParker all the best for future years.

J. Lea Beness

Editor


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THE NON-ROYAL CONCEPT OF THE AFTERLIFE IN

AMARNA

Boyo Ockinga

Pre-Amarna Ideas

y the time of the New Kingdom, Egyptian ideas of the afterlife hadbecome rather complex, the result of new concepts being added to the

range of existing beliefs rather than replacing older ones, producing what

Henri Frankfort has defined as a multiplicity of approaches.1

B

There are three main concepts that co-existed: a continuation of life on earthin the tomb, a celestial afterlife and an afterlife in the netherworld, the realmof Osiris. They are summed up in a popular wish found in New Kingdomfunerary inscriptions from the time of Thutmosis IV onwards that thedeceased may have Ax m p.t n.y Ra.w, wsr m tA n.y Gbb, mAa xrw m imn.tyt n.tWsir spirit-being in the heaven of Re, power on the earth of Geb and

justification in the West of Osiris.2 In the New Kingdom we also encounterthe concept of going forth by day.

1. Continuation of life on earth in the tomb

In the Old Kingdom, the dominant and well attested concept is that thedeceased, having gone through a process of transfiguration conducted by thelector priest and become an effective spirit3 (akh iker), continued to live onearth; the tomb is the house of eternity, and all the deceaseds necessariesof life are provided for in a material formfood offerings, but also clothing,

jewellery, furniture etc. The actual items are placed in the tomb, but theirprovision is also guaranteed by having them, and the production of them,depicted in scenes that cover the walls of the tomb chapels.

1 H. Frankfort,Ancient Egyptian Religion (New York 1948) 4.2 W. Barta, Aufbau und Bedeutung der altgyptischen Opferformel, gyptologische

Forschungen 24 (Glckstadt 1968) 90, Bitte 7 (b). The request for spirit-being, power andjustification is also found in the Middle Kingdom, but in the New Kingdom these qualitiesare linked to the three regions and the three deities representing them.

3The akh ikeroperates on earth, as the texts addressed to visitors to the tomb make clearthe tomb owner describes himself as an akh ikerand threatens to take action against anyonewho behaves inappropriately in his tomb. For examples of such texts, see N. Strudwick,Texts from the Pyramid Age (Atlanta 2005) 220, Text 133; 236, Text 150.


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Ancient History 38:1 2008 17

The focal point of the Old Kingdom tomb was the false door, which is wherethe physical offerings were placed, the idea being that the ka4 of the deceasedcould come up from the burial chamber and receive the offerings that had

been placed on the offering slab at the foot of the false door. This idea of thedeceased coming through the door is graphically represented in tombs suchas that of Neferseshemptah at Saqqara and the idea of him coming up fromthe burial chamber even more graphically depicted in the tomb of Idu at Giza(Fig. 1).

Fig. 1 Tomb of Idu, Giza (photo B. Ockinga)

4The ka is the life-force of a person; it is what differentiates a living person from a corpse. Itis nourished by food (also called ka) and is re-united with the body after death. Going toones ka (WB III, 430.1, 2) is a euphemism for dying.


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18 Ockinga: The Non-royalConcept of the Afterlife in Amarna

In the Old and Middle Kingdoms the need for these physical objects was alsomet by providing the deceased with models of the various production

processes.5

This view of an afterlife in which the spirits of the deceased dwelled in theirtombs and were there provided for with all the material necessaries of life isalso revealed in the funerary inscriptions of the Old Kingdom: An offering,which the king gives, an invocation offering for NN (consisting of bread,

beer, oxen and fowl). Sometimes additional comments are added stating thatthe offering is to be made in his tomb chapel of the necropolis in the western

cemetery6

or requesting that the offerings be made at various festivals, thatare then listed. There are some texts that even state where the offerings are tocome fromthe grain from the granaries and the textiles from the treasury ofthe residence7which makes it quite clear that we are dealing with earthly,material matters here.

The idea that ones afterlife was spent in the tomb is also reflected in anoffering formula such as An offering which the king gives, a goodly burialin the necropolis of the western cemetery, he being followed by his kas to histomb of the necropolis.8

The basic concept that one needed these physical things can be followed backinto pre-historic times, when the range of goods placed in the tomb was verymuch smaller than in the Old Kingdom 9 andforwardinto the New Kingdom,when the deceased were still provided with all the material necessaries oflife.10

2. The Concept of a Celestial Afterlife

In the Old Kingdom an important element of royal funerary beliefs was theconcept of the king ascending to the sky to join the sun-god, where he couldenjoy a celestial afterlife. Although texts of non-royal persons sometimesrefer to them crossing heaven, as the clause that follows makes clear, this isa reference to crossing a body of water on earth to reach the necropolis:Crossing the heaven in great peace, and going forth to the top of the

5See, e.g., J. Taylor,Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Egypt(London 2001) 99107.

6G. Lapp, Die Opferformel des Alten Reiches unter Bercksichtigung einiger sptererFormen. DAI Kairo Sonderschrift 21 (Mainz 1986) 181.

7Lapp (n.6) 184.

8Lapp (n.6) 152.

9See, e.g., the well-known reconstructed Naqada II burial illustrated in Taylor (n.5) fig. 2.

10For excavation photographs of the objects in situ, see P. Racanicchi (ed.), Fotografi inTerra dEgitto (Turin 1991) pls. 7274.


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mountain of the necropolis.11 Crossing water is sometimes specificallymentioned: Proceeding to his tomb of the west, having crossed over in theweretboat; Going forth to the top of the mountain of the necropolis, havingtraversed the pool (orcanal).12

In the Middle Kingdom this situation changes; in funerary prayers weencounter evidence that couldbe interpreted to mean that a celestial afterlifewas also seen as a possibility for a non-royal person,13 but in the MiddleKingdom Coffin Texts there are spells that deal specifically with theascension of the deceased to the sky:

Spell, for ascending to the sky, to the place where Re is. If you ascend toheaven as vultures, I ascend upon the tip of your wings. 14

I am installed with Re, and Re installs me with these great gods who descendto their meal in the festival of the seventh day. (If ) they ascended to thesky as falcons, I ascended upon their wings.15

A celestial afterlife for the non-royal deceased is very well-attested in theNew Kingdom, as is made very clear by texts such as Chapter 100 of theBook of the Dead:

(1) Words spoken by the gods who are in the retinue of Re, they allowing Tny,justified, to descend to the barque (2) of Re, she having gone forth justifiedbefore Horus in his sun disk, her voice justified against her opponents.(3) The book of perfecting a spirit and causing that she descends to the barque(4) of Re together with those in his retinue.

I have ferried across the phoenix (5) to the east and Osiris to Busiris;I have opened the caverns of Hapy,I have cleared the ways of the sun-disk,I have drawn Sokar on his sledge,I have strengthened the great one in her moment,I have sung (the praises of) and adored the sun,I have joined with those-in-praise,I am one of them,I have acted as the counterpart of (10) Isis,I have strengthened her incantations,

I have tied the rope,I have warded off (11) Apophis,I have put a stop to his movements,

11Strudwick(n.3) 210, Text 124; cf. also 213, Text 126.

12Strudwick (n.3) 215, Text 130 and p. 216.

13Lapp (n.6) 115.

14A. de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts vol. III (Chicago 1947) 61a, fg.

15de Buck (n.14) 115b, gh.


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Re has given me his two arms,His crew will not repulse me.My strength is the strength of the udjat-eye and vice-versa

As for him who will hold backTny, justified, he will be held back from (14)the egg and the abdju-fish.May this spell be spoken over an image (15) which is in writing, drawn upona clean papyrus in powder of (16) green glaze mixed with water of myrrh andwhich is given to a spirit upon his breast, without allowing that it touch hisbody. She goes forth to the barque of Re, Thoth registers her when going andcoming. A true course of action, a million times (proven).16

As in the Middle Kingdom Coffin Texts, in the Book of the Dead we alsofind a number of spells that deal with the transformation of the deceased intovarious creatures that ascend to the sky, for example Spell 77, which enablesthe deceased to take on the form of a golden falcon. At the end of the spellthe deceased says I dwell amongst those great gods of heaven; the two fieldsof offerings are dedicated to me.17

3. An afterlife in the otherworld, the realm of Osiris

The concept of an afterlife in an otherworld dominated by Osiris is well-attested from the Middle Kingdom onwards, when we encounter it in theCoffin Texts. This otherworldly realm is sometimes located in the

netherworld, but some texts, for example, The Book of Two Ways locate it inthe sky.18

To gain entry to the realm of Osiris the deceased needed to be judged beforethe court of Osiris. Our earliest references to a general judgement of the deadare found in the Middle Kingdom; in the Coffin Texts we find the concept ofweighing in the balance on the day of judging characters19 but it is in theTeaching for King Merikare that we have the first clear reference to weighingup the deeds of a person:

16Translation of the version of the text on the linen shroud of the lady Teny; B. Ockinga, An18th Dynasty Inscribed Linen Shroud, in K. Sowada and B. Ockinga (eds), Egyptian Art in

the Nicholson Museum suppl. toMediterranean Archaeology (Sydney 2006) 179189.17 p. BM 10477; E.A. Wallis Budge, The Book of the Dead. The chapters of Coming Forth byDay (London 1898) 165; G. Lapp, The Papyrus of Nu. Catalogue of the Books of the Deadin the British Museum (London 1997) pl. 27.

18de Buck (n.14), 252521; E. Hornung, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, Engl.transl. by D. Lorton (Ithaca and London 1999) 912; A. Piankoff, The Wandering of theSoul. Egyptian Religious Texts and Representations 6. Bolingen Series XL:6, ed. by H.Jacquet-Gordon (Princeton 1974).

19de Buck (n.14) 181ce; R.O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts vol. I(Warminster 1973) 35.


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Do not trust in length of yearsthey see a lifetime as an hour; when a man isleft over after mourning, his deeds are piled up beside him. As for the manwho reaches them without doing evil, he will abide there like a god, roamingfree like the gods of eternity.20

The best known version of the judgement is, of course, to be found in chapter125 of the Book of the Dead.21 Life in the otherworld was in many waysenvisioned like life in this worldit was expected that one would have to doagricultural work, the theme of Chapter 110 of the Book of the Dead, 22 aswell as less pleasant corve work, for which one was equipped with shabtis,worker figurines, who would do the task in ones place. 23 It was also hopedthat the social network to which one belonged in this life would continue toexist in the nextin the Middle Kingdom Coffin Texts there are spells thatare intended to reunite a person in the netherworld with their family. 24

4. Going forth by Day

In the New Kingdom, the concept of the deceased going forth by daybecomes a central aspect of belief in the afterlife.25 Going forth by day is infact the Egyptian title of the Book of the Dead. In this context the ba plays anew and central role. We first encounter the ba of the non-royal person in theFirst Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom, but it is in the NewKingdom that it plays a prominent role.

In the New Kingdom it is the ba of the deceased that is able to escape theconfines of the burial chamber and leave the tomb to enjoy the light and air.The ba is able to join the barque of the sun-god and travel with him acrossthe sky, but it also enjoys the garden of the tomb,26 as many texts express, forexample, in Theban Tomb 110 of the Royal Butler Djehuty (time ofHatshepsut/Thutmosis III):

20Merikare P5357; M. Lichtheim,Ancient Egyptian Literature. vol. I: The Old and MiddleKingdoms (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London 1973) 101.

21For a translation see, e.g., M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature. vol. III: The New

Kingdom (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London 1976) 12432.22 R.O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead (London 1985) 103108 wherevignettes illustrating the fields of the hereafter are included.

23Taylor (n.5) 112135.

24Spells 131 and 136, Faulkner (n.19) 113, 116.

25See J. Assmann,Death and Salvation in Ancient Egypt(Ithaca and London 2005) 209234.

26L. abka, Ba, in W. Helck and E. Otto (eds),Lexikon der gyptologie I (Wiesbaden 1975)5890, where the ba is defined as the personification of the vital forces, physical as well aspsychic, of the deceased, his alter ego, one of the modes of existence in which he continuesto live after death, just as he lives fully as akh, ka, shadow and mummified body.


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Transforming into a living ba,so as to alight on his groveand enjoy the shade of its sycamores27and sit in the rear part of the pyramidwhile his statues endure in his house (tomb)and receive the offerings,and while his corpse remains, without being lostto the Lord of Life (coffin).28

The funerary texts also refer to the ba's freedom of movement, as in ThebanTomb 72 of Re, priest in the memorial temple of Thutmosis III (time of

Amenhotep II):

transforming into a living bato eat what is given him on earth,going in and out of the tomb/netherworld (imH.t)striding freely out through the gates of the netherworld.29

Here we encounter a phrase that appears countless times in the tombs,namely the wish not to be held back at the gates of the netherworld but to beable to enter and leave freely. These gates of the netherworld, through whichone had to pass, are the theme of Book of the Dead chapters 145 and 146 30and the accompanying vignette shows the keepers of the gates whose namethe deceased had to know to be let through. Leaving and entering ones tomb

is illustrated in the vignettes that accompany chapter 92 and 91 of the Bookof the Dead.31

The deceased also wished to be able to return to their houses where theydwelt during their earthly lifetimes: in Theban Tomb 83 of the vizierAametju, who lived in the early reign of Thutmosis III, we read:

27The deceased drinking at his pool in the shade of a sycamore personified as a goddess is avery well attested scene in the tombs of the New Kingdom (see B. Porter and R. Moss withE. Burney, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefsand Paintings. I. The Theban Necropolis Part I. Private Tombs [Oxford, 2nd ed. 1960]47273 for references to the Theban tombs that include the scene). We also encounter the

tree goddess in Book of the Dead Spell 59, where she is located in the skyFaulkner,Egyptian Book of the Dead(London 1985) 678.28

Assmann (n.25) 216.29

Assmann (n.25) 216.30

For Spell 146 and Book of the Dead illustrations of the gates and their keepers, see R.O.Faulkner (n.22) 13436; 13839.

31For Spell 92, see Faulkner (n.22) 90 with a vignette from the papyrus of Ani (BM 1074)showing Ani and his ba leaving the tomb. For ch. 91, see Faulkner (n.22) 89 with thevignette from the papyrus of Nakht (BM 10471) showing Nakht and his ba returning to thetomb. Note too the tree, representing the garden of the tomb.


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making transformations into a living ba that he may see his house of the living,so as to be a protection to his children daily, forever and ever.32

The theme is expressed even more clearly in Theban Tomb 82 of the vizierAmenemhet (time of Thutmosis III):

May you open the mountain of the necropolis,that you may see your house of the living,that may hear the sound of singing and music in your dwelling in this land,that you may protect your children for ever and ever.33

Returning to ones house of the living is a theme that we also encounter inthe Book of the Dead; Chapter 132 is entitled Spell to allow a man to turnaround and see his house of the living.34

The concept that the dead could influence the life of the living is an old oneand, as mentioned above, illustrated by some of the Old Kingdom textsaddressed to the living; it is well documented by a corpus of texts known asletters to the dead, which are attested from the Old Kingdom onwards.35 Inthe post-Amarna period we have evidence for this from Deir el Medina wherethe dead were known as excellent/effective spirits of Re and a number ofstele dedicated to them have been found at Deir el Medina; busts have also

been found there that have been interpreted as ancestor busts.36 Aninteresting text from Deir el Medina is a stock request that is probably to beaddressed to these excellent/effective spirits of Re, in which the spirit isasked to intervene for the benefit of the living:

When you enter into the presence of Re,may you bring so-and-so before Re.May you not punish (any) wrongdoing concerning him,(rather) be mindful of his goodness.May you allow his cattle to roam freely,without straying from the path.May you let date-beer be sweet in the jar there,

32K. Sethe (ed.), Urkunden des gyptischen Altertums IV. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie (Berlin

and Graz 1961) 491.710.33 N. de G. Davies and A.H. Gardiner, Tomb of Amenemhet (London 1915) pl. XXVII;Assmann (n.25) 219.

34Faulkner (n.22)121 with illustration on p. 124 from the papyrus of Nebamun (BM 9964)showing the owner in front of his house on earth.

35E.F. Wente, Letters from Ancient Egypt (Atlanta 1990) 21019; M. ODonoghue, TheLetters to the Dead and Ancient Egyptian Religion, Bulletin of the Aus tralian Centre forEgyptology 10 (1999) 87104.

36R.J. Demaree, The Ax iqr n Ra-Stelae. On Ancestor Worship in Ancient EgyptEgyptologische Uitgaven III (Leiden 1983).


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food and game in the storehouse.May you grant peace in the house,without one having (false) thoughts.May you remove ruin and show mercy,(since) one acts according to what you say.May you take away what is harmful and give what is beneficial,without delaying your plan.May you let the ploughed (lands) become fields (of grain),(so that) they will yield plenty.37

The other area of this life in which, in the New Kingdom, the dead hoped to

participate were festivals celebrated by the living, as attested by textualsources.38

Even from this brief survey one can observe just how complex Egyptianfunerary beliefs were by the time of the New Kingdom. We also note thevery obvious mythological nature of many of the conceptsa host of deities,great and small, are involvedOsiris, Re, Anubis, Thoth, Horus, Hathor, Nut

just to name a few of the more important ones.

Amarna Afterlife

Considering the far-reaching changes in religion introduced by Akhenatenone would expect to find concepts of the afterlife similarly affected. The

tombs of Akhenatens officials at Amarna provide us with almost all of thedata available to reconstruct the concept of the afterlife of non-royals at thistime and have formed the basis of earlier studies on the subject.39

37Translation by B. Ockinga from the original text in H.-W. Fischer-Elfert, LiterarischeOstraka der Ramessidenzeit in bersetzung(Wiesbaden 1986) 74.

38See Assmann (n.25) 225234.

39For an early discussion of the topic, see A. Erman, Die Religion der gypter(Berlin and

Leipzig 1934) 124126. On the ba in the Amarna texts, see L. abkar, A Study of the BaConcept in Ancient Egyptian Texts, SAOC 34 (Chicago 1968) 15659. For more recenttreatments, see E. Hornung, Zur Struktur des gyptischen Jenseitsglaubens,Zeitschrift frgyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 119 (1992) 14430; idem, Akhenaten and theReligion of LightEngl. transl. David Lorton (Ithaca and London 1999) 95104; C. Reiche,berlegungen zum nichtkniglichen Totenglauben in der Amarnazeit, in Wege ffnen.Festschrift fr Rolf Gundlach gypten und Altes Testament 35 (Wiesbaden 1996) 204222;T. Von der Way, berlegungen zur Jenseitsvorstellung in der Amarnazeit, Zeitschriftfr gyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 123 (1996) 157164; and Assmann (n.25) 1516; 217218.


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A situation that affects the range of data available from the tombs should benoted at the outset, namely the fact that the construction of many of theAmarna tombs was never completed; in addition, it is generally the inner partof the chapel, where we would expect to find most of the funerary material,that is incomplete. Even in cases where their architecture had beencompleted, in most cases their decoration was not. But there are one or twoexceptions, for example, the tomb of Huya.

When one examines the reliefs in Huyas tomb, the first thing that one notesis the total absence of any mythological representations. The only deity who

appears is the Aton, who is represented in a very abstract way. We also notethat the king and royal family appear frequently in the scenes, as does thetemple of the Aten in Akhenatens new city, Akhetaten. (Fig. 2)

Fig. 2 Tomb of Huya East Wall (after Davies, The Rock Tombs ofEl Amarna III pl. VIII detail)


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In the shrine, where one would expect material of a funerary nature, we haveprocessions of offering bearers and mourners and scenes showing thedeceased receiving offerings. (Figs 3 and 4) There is nothing of amythological nature in any of these representations. Huya is shown inmummiform, but this does not necessarily have any Osirid implicationsmummification was still practised but with the practical aim of ensuring thatthe body be preserved, a desire also expressed in the texts, as in the tomb ofMay: Open your eyes so as to see him, that your body may endure.40

Fig. 3 Tomb of Huya, Amarna Shrine East

wall (after Davies, The Rock Tombs ofElAmarna III pl. XXII)

Fig. 4 Tomb of Huya, Amarna Shrine West wall(after Davies, The Rock Tombs ofEl Amarna III

pl. XXIII)

Another tomb in which the shrine has some decoration is that of Any. As oneapproaches the shrine one can see the large engaged statue of the tomb-owner(Fig. 5); the walls are decorated with painted scenes rather than ones carvedin relief (Figs 6 and 7) and they show the tomb-owner seated at an offeringtable; that is, the situation is comparable to that in the tomb of Huyaagainthere is no material of a mythological nature.

As interesting as these scenes are, the iconographic data alone are not all thatinformative; we need to turn to the texts, to get a better idea of what theAmarna concept of afterlife was like. In the tomb of Huya, on the eastthickness of the doorway into the shrine, we read the following:

40M. Sandman, Texts from the Time of Akhenaten, BiAe VIII (Brussels 1938) 60, line 15; W.Murnane, Texts from the Amarna Period in Egypt(Atlanta 1995) 145.


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Fig. 5 Tomb of Any, Amarna Shrine(after Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna

V pl. XX)

Fig. 6 Tomb of Any, Amarna Shrine(after Davies, The Rock Tombs ofEl Amarna V

pl. IX)

Fig. 7 Tomb of Any, Amarna Shrine(after Davies, The Rock Tombs ofEl Amarna V pl. XX)


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Receiving offerings of the kings giving, bread and beer and food at everyplace of yours, that your [name] may endure upon your tomb, and that eachgeneration, when it comes into being, may invoke you, and that yourba maylive in your tomb, without your name having to be sought in your tomb, butmay every mouth say for you, A boon, which the king gives consisting of[ ] the bread of [your house] and the beer of your house.41

Here we have a clear reference to the ba and the implication is that it dwellsin the tomb and receives offerings there.

Another inscription in Huyas tomb is also informative (the same text is also

found in the tomb of Pentu):

May you let me be eternally in a position of favour in my house ofjustification; may my ba go forth [to see] your rays and to feed from itsofferings. May one call my name and may one (the ba?) come at the call; mayI partake of the things that come forth from [the presence (i.e., the temple),may I eat bread, cakes, offering loaves, jugs (of beer),] roast (meat), cooked(food), cool water, wine and milk, all that comes forth [from the Mansion ofthe Aten in Akhet-Aten].42

According to this text the ba leaves the tomb to see the Aten. It is invoked bycalling the name of the tomb owner and it receives sustenance from theofferings made in the temple of the Aten in Akhet-Aten.

In the tomb of Pentu, on the south thickness of the entrance, there is anotherwish that is appended to the hymn to the Aten:

May you grant that I may rest in my place of eternity (tomb), that I may unitewith (my) cavern of eternity (burial chamber), that I may go forth and come into my mansion (tomb) without my ba being restrained from that which itdesires, that I may stroll as my heart prompts in all its (the tombs) groveswhich I made on earth, that I may drink at the edge of my pool each daywithout ceasing.43

Again, we see here that the ba has a central place and that the concepts of theba entering and leaving the tomb and spending time in its garden are also

present.

41N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part III (London 1905) pl. XX; Sandman(n.40) 41; Murnane (n.40) 139.

42N. de G. Davies (n.41) pl. II; Sandman (n.40) 34; Murnane (n.40) 131; Assmann (n.25)218.

43N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part IV (London 1906) pl. IV; Sandman(n.40) 49; Murnane (n.40) 181; Assmann (n.25) 218.


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In a text inscribed on the ceiling of the entrance to the tomb of Tutu we readthe following:

You (the tomb-owner) will stand at dawn in your place of eternity to see theAten when he rises; may you purify yourself and put on clothing in the samemanner as when you were on earth.44

Here we see clearly that life after death was seen to be a continuation of lifeon earth; one wished to do the same sorts of things as one did formerly. It isthe Aten who revives the deceased:

May you adore the Aten so that he may grant you breath, so that his rays mayrejuvenate your body, so that you may raise yourself and forget weariness ashe vivifies your face through the sight of him.45

The deceased then goes to the temple, where he worships the Aten:

May you follow Aten, like his favoured ones, in the courtyard of the Mansionof the Benben, that you may worship his rays when you are in the place oftruth.46

One of the wishes expressed by Ay in his tomb is:

May you (the king) decree for me to rest in it (Ays tomb) in the mountain ofAkhet-Aten, the place of the favoured ones, that I may hear your sweet voicein the Mansion of the Benben.47

Once we realise just how central the temple was for an afterlife in Amarnait was the place to which the deceased went when he woke in the morning,where he could worship the god and be in the kings presenceit isunderstandable why so much of the decoration in all the Amarna tombs istaken up by representations of the temple.

In Amarna the king clearly plays a central role in funerary beliefs; it is hewho grants the official a burial, as is regularly stated in the inscriptions, suchas that of Ay quoted above. In a prayer addressed to the Aten and the king,Merire says:

44N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part VI (London 1908) pl. XIV; Sandman(n.40) 72, line 8; Murnane (n.40) 188.

45Davies (n.44) pl. XIV; Sandman (n.40) 72, line 10; Murnane (n.40) 1889.

46Davies (n.44) pl. XIV; Sandman (n.40) 72, line 13; Murnane (n.40) 189.

47Davies (n.44) pls XXVIII, XLI; Sandman (n.40) 93, lines 1011; Murnane (n.40) 112.


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My heart rejoices at seeing your beauty, I live from listening to that which yousay. May you grant me an old age not far from your word and a good burial[in Akhet-Aten].48

Merire also says:

May he (the king) grant a goodly burial (in) the mountain of Akhet-Aten, theplace of the favoured ones, in which you will be.49

According to pre-Amarna ideas, as outlined above, whether or not one wasable to spend a happy eternity after death depended on whether one passed

the judgement of the dead before the tribunal of Osiris. As Erman has alreadynoted,50 nowhere do the Amarna texts mention this central concern thatoccupied the ancient Egyptian mind from the Middle Kingdom onward. Thetexts frequently refer to the concept of maat, people wanted to be a mAa.ty(just one) and in their inscriptions refer to themselves as being mAa xrw(true of voice, justified),51 but, as R. Anthes has shown, what constitutesthe preconditions for fulfilling this is rather different in Amarna and is totallyking-centredthe deceased qualifies as being a mAa.ty, that is, justified, notthrough being pronounced true of voice by the tribunal of Osiris but on the

basis of his loyal service to the king. 52 Thus what determined ones fate afterlife in Amarna was how one stood with the king. Ay states in his tomb:

I am a servant whose lord (the king) formed him (and) buried him, (since) mymouth bears maat. How fortunate is the one who does what he teaches! Thenhe will reach the province of the favoured ones (that is, the resting place of thehonoured dead).53

An inscription in the tomb of Tutu, although damaged, is also veryinformative in this regard:

He (the king) is the one who taught me. Behold, I tell you, it is good to beobedient! Concerning the ruler, he is the light [of everyone] //// the funeral,health, happiness, behold, it belongs to the ruler, he will give it to /// heappears that he may exercise his divine power against the one who is ignorant

48N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part I (London 1903) pl. XXXV; Sandman(n.40) 5, 1011; Murnane (n.40) 156.

49Davies (n.48) pl. XXXV; Sandman (n.40) 5, 1415; Murnane (n.40) 156.

50Erman (n.39) 126.

51Hornung (n.39) 102.

52R. Anthes,Die Maat des Echnaton JAOSSuppl. 14 (Baltimore 1952) 27.

53Davies (n.44) pl. XXXIII; Sandman (n.40)100, 1315; Murnane (n.40) 119.


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of his teaching, but his favour is for the one who knows him, according as youobey the king, your lord ///.54

Unfortunately the text is rather damaged, but enough survives to make it veryclear that a good burial, and by implication an afterlife, is dependent on beingobedient to the king.

The texts in the tombs of the courtiers at Amarna often refer to the kingsteaching and the officials emphasise that they are obedient to hisinstruction. This teaching no doubt embraced the new Amarna theology,

which dealt with not just the god Aten but also the position of the king.

55

InAmarna, then, the judgement takes place not in the afterworld but in thisworld, and it is the king who sits in judgement, for one is judged according towhether or not one was loyal and obedient to him and his teaching. In anothertext from his tomb Tutu is at pains to emphasise that he was just this:

I do not do what his majesty hates, my abomination is untruthfulness in myinnermost being, it being the great abomination of Waenre (the king). I lift upmaatto his majesty since I know he lives off it, for you are Re, who createdmaat. /// my voice was not loud in the kings house; I did not swagger about inthe palace; I did not receive a wrongful reward so as to suppress truth falsely,but I did what is right (maat) for the king, what I did is what he charged mewith. /// I did not place falsehood within me when I was before him in thepalace ///the praised ones. He rises to teach me every day in as much as I carryout his teaching, no evil deed of mine being found /// the teaching of the Lordof the Two Lands.56

When it is recognised just how central the king was in funerary beliefs it isno longer surprising that he should appear so frequently in the Amarnatombs; there is hardly a wall that does not have a scene in which the king andthe royal family play a central role.

There are some relicts of the old funerary beliefs that also need to beconsidered.

1. The concept of the netherworld (dat)

In the texts of the Amarna tombs only two references to dat, thenetherworld, are known to me. One comes from a door jamb in the tomb ofMeryre: May he (the Aten) grant power on earth, effectiveness in the

54Davies (n.44) pl. XXI; Sandman (n.40) 86; Murnane (n.40) 198.

55J. Assmann, Die loyalistische Lehre Echnatons, Studien zur altgyptischen Kultur 8(1980) 132.

56Davies (n.44) pl. XV; Sandman (n.40) 7677; Murnane (n.40) 192.


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netherworld (dat) and that the ba may go forth that it may refresh itself in thetomb.57 The other is in one of the ceiling inscriptions in the pillared hall ofthe tomb of Ay:

May your children of your house [lib]ate for you (with) bread, beer, water andair for your ka, you having stridden freely through the gates of thenetherworld (dat) that you may see Re at dawn at his appearing in the easternhorizon and that you may see the Aten at his setting in the western horizon ofheaven.58

Since it is encountered so rarely and all the other texts locate the resting place

of the deceased in the tomb itself, there is a fair degree of likelihood that weshould understand dat here as referring to the burial chamber of the tombrather than to the netherworld proper. One could draw a parallel with a text inthe tomb of Pentu:

May you grant that I may rest in my place of everlastingness, that I may unitewith my cavern (TpH.t) of eternity, that I may go forth and enter within mytomb without my babeing restrained from that which he desires (whereTpH.tcavern probably refers to the subterranean burial chamber).59

2. Amarna Funerary Figurines (Shabtis)

G.T. Martin, who compiled a useful catalogue of Amarna funerary figurines,

rightly sees them as illustrating the very conservative nature of the Egyptians,particularly in the area of religion.60 He also comments upon the existence ofshabtis in Osirid form from the Amarna period:

The use of shabtis as such in the Amarna era is perhaps not altogethersurprising, but their employment in Osirid guise, in both royal and privateexamples, rather than for instance in the dress of daily life, is somewhatremarkable. The use of Osirid figurines thus throws an interesting sidelight onthe religious climate of the period, suggesting that Osiris was not one of thedeities especially singled out for vilification.61

I would see the situation a little differently. The form of the shabtis is notreally the problem, since it need not necessarily be linked to Osiris but couldsimply represent the deceased in mummiform; as such, their role is bestunderstood as being that which funerary figurines originally had, before it

57Davies (n.48) pl. XXXIV; Sandman (n.40) 4.1213; Murnane (n.40) 155C.

58Davies (n.44) pl. XXXIII; Sandman (n.40) 101.1518; Murnane (n.40) 120.

59Davies (n.43) pl. IV; Sandman (n.40) 49.34; Murnane (n.40)181.

60G.T. Martin, Shabtis of Private Persons in the Amarna Period, Mitteilungen des deutschenarchologischen Instituts, Kairo 42 (1986) 109129, esp. 110.

61Ibid.


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was focussed on freeing the deceased from onerous tasks in the netherworld,namely to serve as a substitute body.62 For in Amarna the preservation of the

body after death was also important, 63 and the funerary procession in whichthe mummy was taken to the tomb is also attested in a ceiling text in the tombof Ay: May you join your place of eternity, may your mansion of eternityreceive you, ox(en)64 dragging you, an embalmer(?) and lector-priest in frontof you, the (way of) the boat65 having been purified with milk.66 Martingroups the shabtis into five classes; of those that are attributed to the Amarna

period proper, A, C and D are unproblematic: Class A shabtis bear a versionof the funerary formula text and provide the identity of the owner; Class C

shabtis have only the title and name of the owner and those of Class D areuninscribed. Unusual are those of Class B, which include forms of thetraditional shabti text, which calls upon the shabti to take the place of thedeceased when he or she is summonsed, usually to do unpleasant work in thenetherworld. One of them, that of(I)py (Martin no. 6), does not specify whathe might be called upon to do; the other, belonging to the songstress in thetemple of the Aten Hat-sherit (Martin no. 7), lists the tasks that the shabtimight be summoned to do: to plant the fields, to water the riparian land, totransport sand of the east to the west. This is indeed unusual, since it is aclear reference to a life in the traditional other world, whereas the vastmajority of the Amarna tomb texts only speak of a continued existence in thisworld. The shabtis of Class E, described as being contemporary or nearcontemporary to the Amarna Period, all bear the traditional shabti text ofBook of the Dead Ch. 6; none are definitely provenanced to Amarna, butseveral belonged to owners who had tombs at Amarna: Ay, Merire and Huy.

How can Amarna funerary beliefs be characterised on the basis of theevidence?

62Taylor (n.5) 11213. This role of the funerary figurine in Amarna is also highlighted in arecent insightful study by K. Widmaier, Totenfiguren ohne Totenreich. berlegungen zuden kniglichen Uschebti aus Amarna, in Miscellanea in honorem Wolfhart Westendorf,GM Beihefte Nr. 3 (Gttingen 2008) 153160, esp. 15556.

63Hornungs suggestion ([n.39] 126) that in Amarna the mummy had no role to play is

questionable; as mentioned above, in the tomb of Huya, one of the few where thedecoration of the shrine has been completed, he is shown in mummiform, and Amarna texts(see references in n.40) also indicate that the preservation of the body was desired. On thesignificance of the body in the afterlife in Amarna, see also Widmaier (n.62) 156.

64Down to the late 18th Dynasty both oxen as well as cows are depicted pulling the sledge,thereafter cows are predominantly attested J. Settgast, Untersuchungen zu altgyptischenBestattungsdarstellungen (Glckstadt,Hamburg,NewYork 1963) 3334.

65 The boat mentioned here refers to the boat on a sledge on which the coffin is transported.66 Sandman (n.40)101, 78; Murnane (n.40) 119. On the purification of the path on which the

sledge is dragged with milk, see Settgast (n.64) 34.


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The problem with the evidence of the shabtis of Martins Class B is the sameas that attached to the objects found at Amarna that illustrate the worship ofthe traditional godshow are they to be dated? One has to reckon with them

belonging to the late phase or the immediate post-Amarna Period whenearlier, extreme views were relaxed or old beliefs reintroduced; stylisticallythey certainly do not belong to the extreme Amarna phase.67

Our most reliable data is that provided by the material from the tombs, sincethe latter can be securely dated to the reign of Akhenaten. This evidenceallows us to reconstruct the following picture:

1. There is a total absence of the mythological, which is in keeping withAmarna religion in general.

2. The afterlife is localised in this worldin the overwhelming majority ofthe texts there is no reference to a netherworld68 ruled over by Osiris, norto a celestial afterlife69 such as joining the crew of the barque of the sun-god or becoming one of the children of Nut (stars). The deceased, inthe form of their ba, dwell in their tomb and receive offerings there,come out to worship the Aten, and go to the temple where they alsoreceive offerings and hear the voice of the king.70

3. Judgement is transferred from the netherworld (the divine tribunal ofOsiris) to this worldthe king is the judge and he decides not only onesfate in this life but also who will have a goodly burial. Maat is nowdetermined as doing what the king wishes.

4. In line with point 3, the king is the provider of an afterlife, he providesthe tomb and he provides sustenancein Amarna the traditionalfunerary offering a boon which the king gives is to be understoodliterally.

67On the various phases of Amarna art, see S. Wenig, Amarna-Kunst, in W. Helck and E.Otto (eds),Lexikon der gyptologie I (Wiesbaden 1975) 174181.

68Apart from the two references mentioned above from the tombs of Meryre and Ay, where

datprobably refers to the burial chamber of the tomb.69 The text on the shabti of Py in the translation of Murnane would seem to be an isolatedexample of an Amarna text with the idea of ascending into the heavens (Sandman [n.40]177.9; Murnane [n.40] 182, no. 81): May you go forth into the sky on the arm of the livingAten. However, the phrase should be read with the preceding phrase: ss(n) TAw nDm n.ymHy.t pri.t m p.t Hr a.w pA Itn anx To breathe the sweet breeze of the north wind, whichcomes from the sky on the arm of the living Aten. Murnanes translation would requirepri+ preposition r, not m. Martin (n.60) 115 has the correct translation.

70On this concept of the afterlife, which in effect involves the removal of the boundarybetween this life and the next, see C. Reiche (n.39) with references to further literature.


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What has effectively happened is that funerary beliefs return, more or less, toa situation comparable with that which existed in the early Old Kingdom,where they revolved around the king and an afterlife that was located in thisworld, centred on the tomb.71

The move to again place the king at the centre of this system parallels thechanges that Akhenaten made to the dogma of kingship and the place of theking in religion in general, and personal religion in particular, where he is theintermediary between the individual and the deity.72 This posited return byAkhenaten to earlier funerary concepts is also consistent with the above

interpretation of the Amarna funerary figurines, which sees them as havingtheir earlier, broader function of serving as a substitute body rather than theirnarrower role of freeing the deceased from unwelcome tasks in the otherworld.

In the area of funerary beliefs Akhenaten is also a reformer, but we note thatto a large extent his reforms aim not so much at introducing radical new ideasas at returning to an earlier state of affairs and removing the accretions of theintervening centuries.

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gyptologische Forschungen 24 (Glckstadt 1968).Buck, A. de, The Egyptian Coffin Texts vol. III (Chicago 1947).Budge, E.A. Wallis, The Book of the Dead. The Chapters of Coming Forth by

Day (London 1898).Davies, N. de G., The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part I (London 1903).

______The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part III (London 1905).

71A conclusion also reached by Von der Way (n.39) 162163.

72On kingship in Amarna, see B. Ockinga, Amarna Kingship, in G. Callender (ed.),Aegyptiaca. Essays on Egyptian Themes (Sydney 1996) 7799 (reprinted from AncientSociety. Resources for Teachers 15 [1985] 525).


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______The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part IV (London 1906).______The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Parts III, V and VI (London 1905,

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Egyptologische Uitgaven III (Leiden 1983).Erman, A.,Die Religion der gypter(Berlin and Leipzig 1934).Faulkner, R.O., The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead(London 1985).

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