UAB, May 11, 2009
The Prosodic PhonologyThe Prosodic Phonologyffof European Portugueseof European Portuguese
Sónia FrotaDep. Linguística, Laboratório de Fonética da FLUL (LinSe-CLUL)
http://www.fl.ul.pt/laboratoriofonetica/personal/sfrota/
Overview
1. Prosodic organization of Language2 P di d i i l h i2. Prosodic and intonational phrasing3. Intonational Phonology
Tones and tunes in intonation languages Phonetics and phonology of intonationTh i i f E P ( d d i )The intonation of European Portuguese (standard variety)
4. Processing ambiguity: the role of prosodic phrasing(recent experiment with EP data)
Prosodic organization of Language - I
Prosodic structure > Prosodic domains (Prosodic Phonology)
I I II I I
φ φ φ φ φ
ω ω ω ω ω ω ω
σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ
A introdução segundo ouvi dizer apresenta a teoria dos domínios
Prosodic organization of Language - IIP i d I t tiProminence and Intonation
I I IIw Iw Is
φs φs φw φw φs
Hi Hi Li
ωs ωw ωw ωs ωs ωs ωs
σ σ σ σ σs σ σs σ σ σs σ σs σ σ σs σ σ σ σsσ σ σ σs σ
L*+H L*+H H+L*
A introdução segundo ouvi dizer apresenta a teoria dos domínios
Prosody
1. Prosodic organization of LanguageKe notionsKey notions
Prosodic structure and prosodic domains (Prosodic Phonology)Prominence, rhythm and intonation (Intonational Phonology), y ( gy)
The higher levels of prosodic phrasingPhonological PhraseIntonational Phrase
European Portuguese
Prosodic structure (Prosodic Phonology)
• Morphosyntax – phonology Interface– Prosodic domains < mapping of morpho-syntactic information into– Prosodic domains < mapping of morpho-syntactic information into
prosodic structureEP: - morphological and syntactic word > prosodic word ω
Vi á i 2003Vigário 2003- XP (maximal projection) > phonological phrase φ- root sentence, parentheticals… > Intonational phrase I, p p
Frota 2000– Prosodic domains < phonological conditions (size, length, weight)
Th fl f h i i d i t di d i• The flow of speech is organized into prosodic domains: (i) the domains for sandhi phenomena, rhythmic phenomena, lengthening patterns; (ii) loci of pauses; (iii) the domains governing intonation (i.e. Distribution of pitch accents and boundary tones)
Phonological grammar: (other) relevant information
• Vowel system– Stressed system: i, e, E, a, ç, o, u– Unstressed system: i, ˆ, å, u– No quantity contrasts
• Syllable structure: CV-dominant + V and CVC• Word stress
– 3 syllable window, right edge; penult stress is dominant– No sensitivity to quantity: [tu»nE…]/[»tunE…] ‘large
k/t l’ [t »f ) )]/ [» f ) )] ‘t d / h ’cask/tunnel’ [tu»fåw]/ [»çRfåw] ‘tornado/orphan’• PWs (lexicon & most frequent words): 1 to >3
syllables monosyllabic with open syllables includedsyllables, monosyllabic with open syllables included– [»pE] ‘foot’; [»maR] ‘sea’; [tRå.bå.¥å.»do.RåS] ‘workers (fem)
Prosodic Word: Evidence for PW edges
Ri h d• Left-edge– Phonotactic constraints
*[¥/ / /ˆ ]
• Right-edge– Stressless vowels in σs closed
by sonorants are lowered*[¥/¯/R/ˆ…]ω
[{]ato vs. ca[R]o ‘mouse’/’expensive’*[ˆ] [ˆ] d ‘ i ’/l ’
by sonorants are lowered lÍd[E]r, Âmb[a]r vs. pOde, acAb[å]‘leader’ ‘amber’ ‘can’ ‘finish’*[ˆ]rguer vs. p[ˆ]rder ‘raise’/loose’
– Non-central vowels do not d f ll l d i
leader amber can finish
– Stressless Vs ending ωs within morphological compounds areundergo full vowel reduction
[e]rguEr vs. ro[ˆ]dOr ‘raise’/’rodent’
Ã
morphological compounds are lowered:
mOn[ç]-acentuAl vs. mon[u]grafIa[o]piniÃo vs. mi[u]lInho‘opinion’/ ‘soft part of bread-DIM’
‘mono-accentual’ ‘monograph’
– Non-high palatal Vs are deleted– Emphatic stress (optional)
high F0 levelpasse vs. pass[e]mos, pass[j]ar‘pass’ ‘pass-SUBJ-2pp’ ‘take a walk’
Prosodic Word in EP
• PW-bound phenomena–Two processes of PW-deletion
• Prominence-related phenomena– Word stress Two processes of PW deletion
clipping(tele) (móvel) > móvel ‘mobile’ vs
perceptually salient many segmental rules referring t th / b f t(tele)ω(móvel)ω > móvel mobile vs.
(telefonia)ω > *fonia ‘radio’
deletion under identity
to the presence/absence of stress e.g. vowel reduction: dÁ [»da] / *[»då]
dÊ [»de] / *[»dˆ];deletion under identity (mono)ω(gamia)ω ou (poli)ω(gamia)ω > mono ou poligamia ‘mono/polygamy’
Morphophonological processes show the asymmetry between t d/ t d l lvs. (biografia)ω e (discografia)ω >
*bio e discografia‘biography and discography’
stressed/unstressed: e.g. plurals [fu»ni…] [fu»niS] ‘funnel / funnels’ [»fasi…] [»fasåjS] ‘easy / easy-PL’
biography and discography(Vigário 2003)
– Pitch accent association only refers to prosodic word stress
Lexical HeadMax Projection
Phonological Phrase in EP Size of φ
• Phonological Phrase (φ) Formation (Frota 2000)φ d i Th d i f φ f ti i d fi d b th fi tia. φ-domain: The domain of φ-formation is defined by the configuration
[ … Lex XP … ]Lexmax (where Lex stands for the head of a lexicalcategory, and Lexmax for the maximal projection of a lexical category).
b. φ-construction: Elements around Lex are organised into φs so thati. all elements on the non-recursive side of Lex which are still withinL max t i d i th φ ith LLexmax are contained in the same φ with Lex;ii. a φ may maximally contain (i) and a following phrase in the domain of (a).
• Branchingness (or weight) condition on φs (Frota 2000)A φ should contain more material than one prosodic word.
Phonological Phrase in EP
a. [ o café ]φ luta pelo prémio,,, SC[ o café ]φ lutou pelo prémio NSC[ o café ]φ lutou pelo prémio NSC
b. [ o café luso ]φ contém cevada... SC
Igual
[ o café lusitano ]φ contém grãosNSC
diferente
Phonological Phrase in EP
a. … [ V NP ]VPi d i [ ]φ [ b il i
* ** *i. o dançarino [ama]φ [a bailarina
russa]φ *dançarinamaii. *… [ama a bailarina russa]φ
* ** *[ ]φ
b. … [ V AdvP PP ]VPi. [ o dançaRIno ]φ [ Ama ]φ
* *o bailarino [anda sempre]φ
[de limusine preta]φok bailarinanda
* * ** * ** * *ok bailarinanda
ii. [ o bailaRIno ]φ [ ANda sempre ]φ
Phonological Phrase in EP
a. [… A N PP ]NPb [ i bid ]φ
[uma progressiva subida]φ [dos preços]φPA PA PAb. [uma progressiva subida]φ
[dos preços]φc *[uma progressiva subida
PA PA PA--- PA PA*PA --- PAc. *[uma progressiva subida
dos preços]φa [ N [ A ]AP PP ]NP
Patterns of pitch accenta. [… N [ A ]AP PP ]NPb. [uma subida progressiva]φ
[dos preços]φ
distributionin prenuclear position[dos preços]φ
Phonological Phrase in EP (summary)
• By default, prominence within the PhP is rightmost, that is the final PW is the PhP headthat is the final PW is the PhP-head.
• Evidence for this level of phrasing in EP comes from three sources:three sources:(i) It bounds the operation of stress strengthening (a stress clash
resolution process)(ii) it plays a crucial role in the definition of rhythmic constraints on the
output of vowel sandhi (namely, vowel deletion is not allowed is the words involved are the heads of PhP’s)
(iii) it accounts for the attested patterns of pitch accent distribution in prenuclear position (in particular, if a PW is pitch-accented within a PhP this PW is the head of the phrase, and no PW may be accented if p , ythe head is not accented as well
Phonological Phrase in EP (summary)
However, the PhP in EP is not the domain of any sandhi rule;
Languages phonological processes domain of any sandhi rule;
It does not exhibit temporal boundary marking (namely,
English Iambic ReversalFinal Lengthening
Italian Raddoppiamentothere is no final lengthening distinguishing the PW-level from the PhP-level;
Italian RaddoppiamentoStress Retraction
French (col.) Liaisonfrom the PhP level;
It does not have to be tonally marked. PhP-edges are not
Greek Unrounded 1stVowel Del.Less Sonorant 1stVowel Del.
Bengali r-Assimilationsignalled by edge-tones in EP, and PhP’s need not be pitch accented
Voicing-Assimilation
accented .
Root sentenceIndependent phrases
Intonational Phrase in EP Sense unitSize
• Intonational Phrase (I) Formation (Frota 2000)I d i th d i f I f ti i t fa. I-domain: the domain of I-formation may consist ofi. all the φs in a string that is not structurally attached to the sentencetree (parentheticals, topics, etc), orii. any remaining sequence of adjacent φs in a root sentence.
b. I-construction: the constituents included in an I must bear ah d/ l t l tihead/complement relation.
• Weight conditions on Is (F t 2000)• Weight conditions on Is (Frota 2000)Long phrases tend to be divided (> 8 syllables); balanced phrases, or the
longest phrase in the rightmost position are preferred.g p g p p
Intonational Phrase in EP• Sandhi within I (Frota 2000) • Domain for resyllabification• Sandhi within I (Frota 2000)- Fricative Voicing (FV): word final
fricative becomes [z] before a word-initial vowel;
• Domain for resyllabification(Romance)
(cf., Mateus 1975, Andrade 1977 e Frota 1993 para FV Sá Nogueira 1938 1941 para SDinitial vowel;
- Syllable Degemination (SD): haplologia,in a sequence […σ1]w1 [σ2 …]w2
h 1 2 i il th fi l V
para FV, Sá Nogueira 1938,1941 para SD, e Sá Nogueira 1938, Frota 1993, 1995a, 1996, Ellison & Viana 1996, Vigário 1998, 1999, 2003 para resolução de encontros
where σ1 e σ2 are similar, the final Vod σ1 is deleted and the 2 Cs geminateor reduce to 1 C.
V l M (VM) th hi t [ ] i
vocálicos)1 Ligação é o modo como se transita do
último fonema de uma palavra para o- Vowel Merger (VM): the hiatus [å å] is
resolved into [a].- Back Vowel Deletion (VD): deletion of a
primeiro de uma outra no corpo deuma frase. O problema da ligação teminteresse prático e teórico. Temi á i i ã dword final back vowel if V1 in a
sequence V1 V2.- Semivocalization (SV): SV of the high
interesse prático, visto que se não podedizer que fala bem o português, porex., quem faz ligações como estas:h jié d ij i h j éword final vowel if V1 in a sequence
V1 V2.hojié, doijomens, cincoras, por hoje é,dois homens, cinco horas. A ligaçãonormal é: hojé, doizomens, cincuoras.”
Intonational Phrase in EP
a. [As alunas obtiveram boasavaliações]Iavaliações]I
z z zSS
b. [As alunas até ao nono ano]Iorganizaram uma manifestaçãog ç
(Hi) L*+H L*+H Hic. [As alunas]I [até ao nono ano]I[ ] [ ]
organizaram uma manifestação
(Hi) L*+H Hi
Intonational Phrase in EP (summary)
• Properties of I • I-RecursionAmple evidence: - Direct segmental evidence:
d i f dhi
- Compounding restricted to onelayer (No Xi dominates & isdominated by Xj i=j) and to adomain for sandhi;
- Boundary lengthening;
dominated by Xj, i=j), and to abinary setting (n-ary/binary).
- Boundary tones;- Other tonal properties:
d i f th i i ldomain for the minimaltune /T* T%/;
Pause insertion- Pause insertion.
Prosodic organization of Language - IIP i d I t tiProminence and Intonation
I I IIw Iw Is
φs φs φw φw φs
Hi Hi Li
ωs ωw ωw ωs ωs ωs ωs
σ σ σ σ σs σ σs σ σ σs σ σs σ σ σs σ σ σ σsσ σ σ σs σ
L*+H L*+H H+L*
A introdução segundo ouvi dizer apresenta a teoria dos domínios
Intonation Languages
• Tonal / Pitch accent • IntonationLexically defined pitch
configurations > differences between words
Pitch configurations are pot-lexically defined (phrasal domain) > differencesbetween words
Lexical meaningsSt d d Chi
domain) > differences among sentence types, pragmatic and discouse Standard Chinese
Cantonese, ThaiG ti l t t
p ag a c a d d scousedistinctions,phrase-level meaning
Grammatical contrastsWords with or without ‘accent’
p gdiferencesRomance Ls, English, Dutch,
accentJapanese, Basque
Bengali, Arabic, etc
Intonational PhonologyP i l ti b d f lt ( t l k d) l• Prominence relation by default (neutral, unmarked): language-
specific rightmost (prosodic head final) or leftmost (prosodic head initial) [ PhP: Romance vs. Japanese, Turkish; IP: Romance vs.initial) [ PhP: Romance vs. Japanese, Turkish; IP: Romance vs. Hungarian, Servo-Croatian?]
• Marked prominence: focus elements (not positional EP• Marked prominence: focus elements (not positional – EP, Neapolitan / Palermo Italian: D’Imperio 2001, Grice 1995 )
• Intonation: non le ical ling istic pitch config rations;• Intonation: non-lexical linguistic pitch configurations; phonologically a sequence of tonal categories; phonetically a continuous F0 contour.continuous F0 contour.
• Tonal events: associate with edges of prosodic domnains or heads of prosodic domains (following general principles of autosegmentalprosodic domains (following general principles of autosegmental phonology); Tα (edge tones), T* (pitch accents); T=H ou L; monotonal or bitonal
Intonational PhonologyT l t T ( d t ) T* ( it h t ) T H L• Tonal events: Tα (edge tones), T* (pitch accents); T=H ou L;
monotonal or bitonal• Tones and Tunes: T* (pitch accents): nuclear, pre-nuclear, post-Tones and Tunes: T (pitch accents): nuclear, pre nuclear, postnuclearEstrutura entoacional
s s [ ]I
s (w) s (w)
T T T T T T prenuclear nuclear postnuclear
• Phonology and phonetics of intonation >
Intonational Phonology
Phonology and phonetics of intonation– interpolation H H L H L L
– spreading H L L H
– Tonal association: tones and heads / tones and edges– Tonal alignment: phonetic coordination between tonal
targets and the segmental string (early, late)CV. C´V. CV ]
L* Hx
Intonational Phonology• For any intonation language• For any intonation language
– Prosodic structure (phrases > edges and heads)– Intonational lexicon
• Inventory of pitch accents and edges tones, and the meanings they convey in context / usage
– Relevant domain for PAD– Distributional contraints (‘tonotactics’)
• Tonal events that only appear in/are banned from certain y pppositions; that may not co-occur with others
– Implementation rules: early/late alignment; spreading / p y g ; p ginterpolation; contextual upstep (^) / downstep (!); compression / truncation
Research on prosodic constituency
Prosodic variation: RLs differ in their phrasing patternsS|VO phrasing in Romance
120
100
Prosodic branching
?Syntactic branching
60
80
%
SEP
NEP
Sp
g
40
It
Cat
20Phrase length
0ShortS LongS BranchS BranchL DBranchS DBranchL
Subject conditions
Pitch accent distribution
• SEPThe stretch of the contour
• NEPI-phrase internal words areThe stretch of the contour
intermediate between the initial peak and the nuclear fall is
I phrase internal words are usually accented > a higher density of pitch
usually acentless, and realized as a plateau.
accentse.g.
e.g.Only 27% of I-phrase internal t d ’ t d (
74% of I-phrase internal stressed σ’s are accented (Frota & Vigário 2000)
stressed σ’s are accented (utterances with >3 words)
Pitch accent distributionA LOUra graVAva uma meloDIa maraviLHOsa do lagaREIro
the blond girl recorded a wonderful song from the olive-pressman
Phrasing domains and pitch accents
• Two dimensions of variation 1. Prosodic phrasing1. Prosodic phrasing2. Pitch accent distribution (rich / sparse PAD)• PredictionsPredictions
Larger phrase domains & rich distribution (PAD is word-based) e.g. EALarger phrase domains & sparse distribution (PAD is phrase-based) e.g. SEPS ll h d i & i h di t ib ti (PAD iSmaller phrase domains & rich distribution (PAD is word-based) e.g. BPSmaller phrase domains & ‘in-between’ distributionSmaller phrase domains & in between distribution (PAD is phrase-based) e.g. NEP (arguably Sp)
Intonational Phonology of EP• The intonation of EP (Standard)
– T*: H*, L*, L*+H, H*+L, H+L*, H+!H*, (L+H*)– Ti: Li Hi !Hi LHi HLi– Ti: Li, Hi, !Hi, LHi, HLi
• Association and alignment– The relation between a tonal evant and the prominent syllable > *p y
H L* H* L
T d t d l t li t– Tendency towards late alignment
• Only the heads of IPs require tonal marking > minimal tune /T* Ti/ (IP is the relevant PAD domain)tune /T Ti/ (IP is the relevant PAD domain)
• Interpolation between targets (except vocative chant)• Lengthening/epenthesis of segmental materialLengthening/epenthesis of segmental material• Standard declarative contour: (H*) H+L* Li
1. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral statement
the poet sang a morning angelic
1. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral statement
H+L*, as in Italian varieties (Grice et al. 2005), or American Spanish (Sosa 1991)
the blond girl recorded a song wonderful from-the olive-pressman
Neutral declarative (1 I, N φs)
a. a.
Casaramb
O pintor retratou uma manhã âmbarbb. s
sb. w w s
s s w s[ [ Casaram ]φ ]I
| |[ [ o pintor ]φ [retratou]φ [uma manhã âmbar ]φ ]I
| | |H+L* Li H* H+L* Li
2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral statement vs focus
(they got) married (they got) married
What about John and Mary? What happened to them?
John and Mary broke up ?
2. Basic tunes in SEP: narrow/contrastive focus
focus
Was it an angelic night that the poet sang ?
2. Basic tunes in SEP: narrow/contrastive focus
focus
Who offered spices to the journalists ?
H*+L, as in Bari or Palermo Italian (Grice 1995, Grice et al. 2005)
Focus intonation: nuclear accent (position & shape)
Neutral:w w ss s w s
[(O pinTOR) (canTOU) (uma maNHÃ angeliCAL)]H* H+L* Li
Focus on manhã:w w ss s s w
[(O pinTOR) (canTOU) (uma maNHÃ angeliCAL)]H* H*+L H+L* Li
No change in prosodic phrasing!
3. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral yes-no question
the poet sang a morning angelic ?Interrogation is signalled by the tonal boundary (like in e.g. Standard Italian or French, Avesani 1995, Post 2000); unlike in Southern varieties of Italian or in Catalan, Grice 2005, Prieto 2000)
3. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral yes-no question
the boys bought slides (for the microscope) ?
2. Basic tunes in SEP: neutral yes-no question
340
400
y (H
z)
0 0.5 1
160
220
280
340
ndam
enta
l fre
quen
cy
100100Fun
H* H+L* LH%
ela foi ver o mar
44
2. Basic tunes in SEP: focus in yes-no question
focus
I’ve seen that movie but I don’t recall who drives a
the hero drives a Porsche ?Porsche.
4. Basic tunes in SEP: focus in yes-no question
focus
the poet sang a morning angelic ?
4. Basic tunes in SEP: focus in yes-no question
focus
I would like to know if they bought slides and not something
L*+H HL% acounts for the higher level of the H target (as in L*+HH%, Vigário 1998, Frota 2000); the end point of the rising pitch is always the pre-final syllable (Frota 2002b)
the boys bought slides (for the microscope) ?different.
5. Basic tunes in SEP: wh-question
Same contour as in neutral declarative statements (like in e.g. Standard Italian, Avesani 1995)who painted a morning amber ?
6. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing
parenthetical
IP: domain for sandhi, e.g. Fricative voicing; final lengthening; boundary rise; nuclear accent plus a H boundary (Frota 2000)
6. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing
parenthetical
H+L* H%
Minor IP: smaller final lengthening; smaller boundary rise; but the same sequence nuclear accent plus a H boundary; phrasing into minor IPs depends on phrase length (Frota 2000)
6. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing
• Compound IP (Ladd 1992, 1996 F t 2000 Vi á i 2003)
• Why not the intermediate phrase?1996, Frota 2000, Vigário 2003)
IPs: sandhi, final lengthening, nucleus plus a tonal boundary (H or L)
phrase?No evidence in terms of the distribution
of categorical phonological markers, Relative length of IPs > CompoundInner IP boundary within a Compound
M j IP i k th th t
e.g. T-T% for the IP and just T- for the ip Frota 2000, 2002a,b
or Major IP is weaker than the outer IP boundary (degree of final lengthening and size of pitch
No evidence for an edge tone that determines the contour from the last pitch accent until the end of the
excursion)Proposal: Outer IP > T%, level 4
Inner IP > T% level 3
phrase, as in the definition of the ip (B&P 1986, Ladd 1996, Beckman et al. 2005, Grice at al. 2005) F t 2002 bInner IP > T% , level 3 Frota 2002a,b
6. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing
• What makes a diff di
• Levels of phrasing are il l l fdifferent prosodic
constituent?not necessarily levels of prosodic constituency
the morpho-syntactic constituent it relates to and at least a subset of the phonetic and phonological
recursion and compounding refer to forms of grouping of instances of a given prosodic category, yielding
properties it shows should be different in type from those defining the other prosodic
levels of phrasing that are reflected only by gradient differences in the strength of the same phonetic g p
constituentsg p
properties.
( b i d)Frota (submitted)
6. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing
Long subject
Subjects more than 8 syllables long (Elordieta, Frota & Vigário 2005)
the boyfriend megalomaniac of-the Brazilian looked (at the) dark-haired women’
6. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing
topic
6. Basic tunes in SEP: intonational phrasing
Two root sentencesTwo root sentences
7. Basic tunes in SEP: vocative chant
270
330
390
450
l fre
quen
cy (H
z)
0 0.5 1 1.5 2
150150
210
270
Fund
amen
tal
(L+)H* !H% H* L%
mariana mariana
4 4
Two variants: vocative chant and the insistent callAnalysis: H* !H% (spreading of !H%) / H* L%Analysis: H !H% (spreading of !H%) / H L%Spreading goes hand in hand with lengthening
7. Basic tunes in SEP: vocative chant
220
280
340
400
tal f
requ
ency
(Hz)
0 0.5 1 1.5
100100
160
Fund
amen
t
H* !H% H* L%
j ã j ãjoão joão
4 4
Analysis: H* !H% (spreading of !H%) / H* L%Only with H* !H% is there syllable split as a strategy toOnly with H !H% is there syllable split as a strategy to extend the segmental string
7. Basic tunes in SEP: vocative chant
• Difference between f ( * ) d hfocus (H*+L) and the insistent call (H* L%)
Trajectory of theTrajectory of the fall
Focus: most of the fall on the 1st post-tonic
C ll h f ll iCall: the fall is spread between the tonic and the lasttonic and the last syllable
8. Basic tunes in SEP: request
Canta uma manhã ang(e)liCAL
H* L* L%H* L* L%
Dá-m(e) as LÂminas
H* L* L%H* L* L%
8. Basic tunes in SEP: command
DÁ-m(e) as lâminas
L*+H L%L H L%
Dá-m(e) as LÂminas
> H* H*+L L%> H H +L L%
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents• Description• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*
Three main nuclear accents
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents• Description• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*
Previous peak + fall within the accented syllable
L t t ll th b tt f th k ’Low target usually near the bottom of the speaker’s range
Nucleus in neutral/broad focus statements and questionsNucleus in neutral/broad focus statements and questions
Frota 1993, 1997, 2000, 2002a; Falé 1995; Vigário1998
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents• Description• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*
Peak within the accented syllable immediately followed by a fall; usually followed by compressed pitch range within ; y y p p gthe same IP
Nucleus in narrow/contrastive focus declaratives; also commandsNucleus in narrow/contrastive focus declaratives; also commands
Frota 1993, 1997, 2000, 2002a; Vigário1998; Fernandes 2007
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents• Description• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*
Low target in the accented syllable followed by a rise, starting within this syllable and usually reaching its peak g y y g pon the next syllable
Nucleus in initial/internal IPs within statements (continuation);Nucleus in initial/internal IPs within statements (continuation); nucleus in contrastive yes-no questions; also in commands (V)
Frota 2000, 2002b; Frota et al. 2007; Vigário 2003
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents• Description• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*
Three main nuclear accents Pre-nuclear position
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents• Description• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*
Accented syllable preceded by immediately previous peak
A t d ll bl d idAccented syllable around mid range
Common prenuclear accent in statementsCommon prenuclear accent in statements
Frota 2002b
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents• Description• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*
Accented syllable is high
F0 k t ft ( b t ti l) i f llF0 peak not after a (substantial) rise or fall
Frequent initial accent in statements and questions; not co-occurs with %H or phrase initial H
Frota 2000, 2002b; 2003; Vigário1998
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents• Description• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H+!H* H* (L+)H*
Accented syllable is high and immediately preceded by a low target leading to a rise in the accented syllableg g y
Fairly infrequent accent in SEP; b bl i f *probably a variant of H*
Frota, D’Imperio, Elordieta, Prieto & Vigário 2007
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents• Description• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H* L*
Other nuclear accents
Three main nuclear accents
Default accent
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents
• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H* L*
Other nuclear accents
Three main nuclear accents
Vocative chant
Default accentFrota, 2009
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - pitch accents• Description• Description
H+L* H*+L L*+H H* L*
Other nuclear accents
Three main nuclear accents
Requests
Default accentFrota, 2009
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase final boundaries• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
A low target on the boundary syllable
Pre-final and final IPs in statements; Wh-questions; RequestsPre final and final IPs in statements; Wh questions; Requests
Viana 1987; Vigário 1998; Frota 2000, 2002b
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase final boundaries• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
A high target on the boundary syllable
Initial and internal IPs in statements (continuation)Initial and internal IPs in statements (continuation)
Viana 1987; Vigário 1998; Frota 2000, 2002b, Frota et al. 2007
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase final boundaries• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
Low and High targets (rise) on the boundary syllable
Neutral yes-no questions Contrastive yes-no questionsNeutral yes no questions, Contrastive yes no questions (early nucleus); ‘Polite’ wh-questions
Frota 2002b
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase final boundaries• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
High and low targets (fall) on the boundary syllable
Contrastive yes-no questions (late nucleus)Contrastive yes no questions (late nucleus)
Frota 2002b
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase final boundaries• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
A downstepped high target on the boundary syllable (also responsible for sustained pitch)y ( p p )
Initial and internal IPs in statementsInitial and internal IPs in statements
Frota, D’Imperio, Elordieta, Prieto & Vigário 2007
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase final boundaries• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
With spreading and segmental lengthening
Vocative chantVocative chant
Frota, 2009
Summary: Basic tunes in SEP - boundary tones• Simple and complex intonational phrase final boundaries• Simple and complex intonational phrase-final boundaries
L% H% LH% HL% !H% %H
Initial high boundary (optional)
Statements and questions
Co-occurrence restrictions at IP beginning: %H phrasal H I[w H*
Frota 2003
Co occurrence restrictions at IP beginning: %H, phrasal H I[w, H
Basic tunes in SEP, NEP and BP
SEP NEP BPNeutral Decl H+L* L% L* L% H+L* L%F i D l H* L L* H L ( H* L)Focus in Decl H*+L L*+H L- (or H*+L)Wh-question H+L* L% L* L%Neutral yes-no Q H+L* LH% L* H(L)%Neutral yes no Q H+L LH% L H(L)%Contrastive yes-no L*+H LH/HL%Request (H*) L* L%Command L*+H /H*+LVocative chant H* !H %I i t t lli H* L%Insistent calling H* L%I-phrasing long phrases short phrasesSparse/rich PAD sparse rich richSparse/rich PAD sparse rich rich(accented I-phrase internal w) 27% 74% 80%Accent on every IP PhP PW (Hellmuth 2007)
Processing ambiguity: the role of prosodic phrasingF t Vi á i & S i i
• Processing utterances i h
• Lexical and syntactic bi i i i EP
Frota, Vigário & Severino, in progress
with temporary ambiguities
ambiguities in EPGoal: to examine the effects of
h f ll f diProsody is known to constrain lexical access and syntactic analysis:
the full range of prosodic constituent boundaries
IP > PhP > PWG > PWand syntactic analysis:Dilley & McAuley (2008),Millotte et al. (2007, 2008)
IP > PhP > PWG > PW[(grande)w (área)w]PhP
big areaLi & Wang (2009)
General agreement on IP
big area[ ((grand[j])w (área)w)pwg]PhP
penalty areaLower phrase and PW
boundaries ?
p yVigário 2008, 2009
Processing ambiguity: the role of prosodic phrasingF t Vi á i & S i i
• Examples:Frota, Vigário & Severino, in progress
Completion task
1.2.
Table 1. Experimental conditions Prosodic structure pairs Examples of test items Within PW / PW boundary PW boundary / Within PWG
Gosto da [pintadela]PW que deste ao armário. Gosto da [pinta]PW [dela]PW neste filme espanhol O miúdo [foi [mal]PW [criado]PW]PhP pelos avós. O miúdo foi [[mal]PW[criado]]PWG com os avós 2.
3. fita-cola/ fita cola4. suja (Adj) /suja (V)
Within PWG / PhP boundary Between PWs / PhP boundary Between PWs / IP boundary
O miúdo foi [[mal]PW[criado]]PWG com os avósA estagiária [surda-muda]PWG desfez os preconceitos alheios. A estagiária surda ]PhP muda de penteado todas as semanas A toalha ]PW larga mancha a roupa branca. A toalha ]PhP larga muita tinta vermelha. Penso que aquele arco ]PW colorido fica bem no jardim da Maria. Penso que aquele arco ]IP colorido pelas crianças está no sótão
5.6.
PhP boundary / IP boundary
Penso que aquele arco ]IP colorido pelas crianças, está no sótãoEstando ausente ]PhP o João, ficou um lugar vazio na mesa. Estando ausente ]IP o João fazia telefonemas diários
Utterances were cut right after thee.g. 4: Adj > completion with V
V > completion with N, Adv
- Utterances were cut right after the end of the ambiguous word- Participants listened to the cut
d k d ip ,
utterances and were asked to write the listened sentence and complete it as they saw fit
Processing ambiguity: the role of prosodic phrasingF t Vi á i & S i iFrota, Vigário & Severino, in progress
• Results • Results (p<.01) 12 educated native speakers of EP
(6 for each block)396 responses=33 pairs X 12
PW, PWG ≠ PhPA garrafa]PW suja abriu A garrafa]PhP suja a prateleira396 responses 33 pairs X 12 A garrafa]PhP suja a prateleira PW ≠ IP ; PhP ≠ IPEstando ausente]PhP o João, ficou ]Estando ausente]IP o João fazia PW ≈ within PWG (strong response
bi t d [PW PW]PWG)bias towards [PW PW]PWG)Diz-se que passa]PW tempos]PhP /
passatempos]PWGp pWithin ≈ PW PW (variation across items)
A Primavera / A prima]PW Vera
Processing ambiguity: the role of prosodic phrasing
• Conclusions (provisional) • The role of phrasal dResults support a
disambiguating role of the IP (as excepted) and also
prosody– Add to the claim that
l h lik hIP (as excepted) and also of the PhP
The PhP shows a stronger
lower phrases, like the PhP, are used in processing (mainlyThe PhP shows a stronger
effect than the PW (contra expectation)
processing (mainly based on French data)
– In a language wherep )Difficulty to detect PW
boundaries calls for
In a language where cues to the PhP are weak (NO sandhi, NO
further research (Chinese, Li & Wang 2009)
final lengthening, NO obligatory pitch accent
Nenhum vento sopra a favor de quem não sabe para onde ir
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