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8/9/2019 On the Ambivalence of Female Monasticism in Theravda Buddhism
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O th Amivc
Fm Mticim i Thv Bhim
A Ctiti t th St th Mtic Stm i Mm
H hv Bhit i Mm gg thmv i mtic -
tihip hi ig ci xc m th mtic ititti (th
Sgh) ic th m ipp? Thi tic xmi th tm
mtic tt thgh th it i mi i v it-
cti. I gi ptig th mi chctitic th mivt t-t Bhit th mthgic pm thi i i
ti itcti t iict th it
pth tht t mtic itifcti. I th c th vi -
tihip i hich gg i Mm, ith cipti th
cmiti tihip t , m, tht high-
ight th mtic tm t mic tihip i hich
mtic ci itit it pc gitimti c t pc.
keywords: Thv Bhimm mticimti
itctimtic ti tm
Laure CarbonnelCentre dEtude des Mondes Africains (CEMAF), Paris
8/9/2019 On the Ambivalence of Female Monasticism in Theravda Buddhism
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Theravda Buist socity is stuctu into two opposing n complmn-ty goups. On t on n, t institutionliz monstic o (Sng;sanghika) s mmbs wo ti toug tition o ointion tt oigi-
nt om t Bu. On t ot n, t ots o ly popl wo
blong to t munn wol. Sinc istoicl nts l to bk in oin-
tion, t ml monstic o (bhikkhunSng)1 s ispp.2 Nowys,
only monks blong to t monstic institution. How, womn o still mbc
moncism n t istinction btwn nuns n ly popl is gnlly ccpt.
Nuns in Mynm pnnt on t ligious buuccy o t stt, n t
stt mks cisions concning tm. Futmo, ty li in connts tt go
by t sm nms in t Mynm lngug s monstis: sathindaik( lg
nunny o monsty ot to t stuy n lning o txts), kyang(mons-
ty, nunny), ngyang.3 Dspit tis monstic wy o li, Buist Bums
nuns (thilshin) minin n mbiguous position witin t ligious systm.
The terms o reerence used by some scholars reveal the difculty in cate-
gorizing Theravda Buddhist nuns and the dierentiation between emale
monasticism (outside the Sangha) and male monasticism (within the Sangha).
An English-langug oum Mym4 mpoy h Egh m
u h h vu m hpngy u o mo. Th oppo ou
h Th ox b by Egh hopoog uh P. Van Esterick
(1996). Th o p bu h gou u o m
m , o bou h bgg o h Buh gou ommu-
y h youg m oo mo (Brac de la Perrire, oh-omg). Bu h b oy o m o o quo h vy
goy o Thv Buh u o o vo h o
o vu m. Thu Van Esterick (1996) b Th maechii y
vo o u bu hy xu om h Sgh. Th
m y u h o b popo o b h b u, h
, hy f omh b h y h mo popuo. A x
y o h mbv u o h thilshinh b ou by Kawa-
nai (1990).5
In pcticl tms, t pssg om ly to ligious sttus o mls nting
t Sng is mk by itul o ointion. A scon lmnt o ifo
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w m y pp g m-
m q. T mp p p m py
y mg B wy mk, g
wy x, p p p py. B
p w m pp y pp pp y
y. T mk w p m y
, w m p x ( m w
y w p m m g m).
H g, p w ym pp
m. O , B Mym yp-
m g T : y g
m y m y pp. T m wy j
g m w ( z m pp): mp
mwk p m y. I pf
m , g y y p
m m, w m m .
O , Mym pp ywm w
p w mk . I, y
g mk y g gg
m mpm
w mk y pp. Fm, gy wm w py m mp , y w pp
. T, g mwk pp w m
mmy mk y, p g pp
g m m gy.
Fy, w mk pp g w w
k p g . W mk
q y g my, ,
g y my y pp, wy y -
. I Bm pp gz m y, yjy mpy y g p mp gzg m
my.T Bm pp m. I w
p y mp w w g-
(m y) y g . Hw, g w y-
pp g y ppyg m w y
wy my w g m w (
p ) . R, w my k w y m-
y w . S m - ( Sg) m f xp wm m
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268 | Asian Ethnology 68/2 2009
governing the necessary separation between those who have embraced the mona-
stic way o lie and those who have not, as well as their complementariness. Since
this is one o the characteristics that monks and nuns have in common, it is an
opportunity to highlight both the specifcity o nuns and their integration into
the same religious system as monks, and to reveal the many-sided network o the
monastic system. I px mb
, w m p w b g: m
m m . T b
x g b. T m m
p pf g
g pp. I w, w p
bg w pp mpm g m m,
b g m m-
wk, w w m z mb p. W
w b mmbp Sg, m
p (g b Sg) mgg p;
g w b p
b m .
T f m m
m g mgg . W m
-bw p g kg p m m w g w
w thilshin mgg p w m mpx -
mb bw m m . T
m m w g pp
mk , b w w m w
w m .
The second section o the article looks more specifcally at the relationship nuns
maintain with monks and lay donors. The relations between monks, nuns, and lay
people will be looked at as part o a single religious relational system in order toshed some light on the processes that operate diachronically, and in all possible
confgurations o interaction. Here again, the religious scale based on renunciation
implies a more complex relationship network that includes monks, nuns, and lay
people in a single system rather than a mere continuum. Thus, analyzing almsgiv-
ing relationships will allow us to deal with a number o questions raised by the
nuns ambivalent status, and will also account or various processes o monastic
identifcation.
Alsivin: onastic social
identity in the nunlay eole relationshi
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m m y mg, y w g
w y pg B ybokne(P: uposathadivasa) g
. N py m y,
w mk y, g g m
m Sgg H. D pk , y g
m w m y . Ty g k
my, w mk y pp k .
T f z y yp y
w w q wy w mg-
g w k p. Gg k
my p m m mp p-
pg . B, w m w mk,y y w my, w y, mk
. T g m my, y y w y w,
w mk w xp w
y . I , f
m mpmyw
mgg p wk. M, yp y
g g mk y g k
w m k y y mk (m y
Sgg H). T, w p m m , g m pf (yg
kg ) m w mwk mk m q
m mk. Rpg g7
p y mm p, -
xp. A m y fg
, , m y g
p mgg.
I, m-g q wy
k p. T m m g g
g p g 2001 w p -ky g
m m y m y g m g,
g y y m . I mp, m
f g mk y k.
T m p m mg g p w p-
f . T, y m -
. Ty x m, w g
g; m, w gg w y kw m p py g.8 T, -
T
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The etensive ode o collectin als
T u w ru Sgg H r ( p b
m xuy by u mk) g m w Sgg, py w y r r. Ty g g
urrug Sgg r Myw bu ur rm Sgg
wr y w my m r mrk. Spy pkg, x m
u my py ppr g urrug Sgg.
T grup x u I mp wk r w ur, r f
g, pp r m r pprxmy w ur
gy u y. Wkg b r, u b-
kw r pr purp by g rm m r m
. T w rp m u m m, rryg up u uk r r w bk . A pu uk r pur
ry bw, w my -ky p ry r .
Dpg mu r p g, m r rbu
u, r y m m grup; rr r
ky r yg. T prbby r (w fgur
g) wy u p up grup w r r r mm
urg r . E grup r g, r pr
grup r w mu br wg p r u
br m. Frm w y m, r prur rry pu- r r mu upy pf p pr. O ,
r, u g grup kw g w, w
yug mmbr p . S wm r
u r my, w rrbu y rur ury.
Crryg r rqur r r rgz. W
bw1 r ry u, uuy r wy bk, u g m b
g, w wg xm quy uk r
r py . W ry grup p pr, r
xg r my. I , u gr u xgby rgu r r xg mmr y g
pr r. T pr pr pr ur rm. T u-
ry rp y g by ur xg bu
by mm w xg rr u. T g rm rgu
ur rm r mpr ggrp uy u
mgg rry: m r u, br rg rr, r ju br
gg bk m.
Crg u w, k pr pru-
r ru bw ur m rm. O , prb r mk, rg my urg mk u
b O
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p g w
xg g m ( xg my),
w g my m w y m m -
g . I , m (
m) . T, m
my mpy g my p w -
g. W w ( xmp,
g wy mm ) my f, p y
m ymy gz .
The intensive ode o collectin als
A yp w m pp
g yp m g, w g m ,
mk, w m p xpy g. T,
g g w yp p xy
pp w w y w yzg x
g. W g p w y m
g y m p w mk, mk w
mm k p, w mk . Hw
mg p m-g p p p-f mm ?
I mkp, , w m gp w ,
w pp m x m w g w
w gg . Ty
m m, mm xg w , y
m x p. T mm w, p
w, w . Ty my pp p w
mg g ywy g w g kg. I ,
w w m p p m
p w m/ gz g
, m-g p p. A Mym
w w kg m mkp jf g
wg wy: H g, ,
I g . T w m g , w
xp m wy: N, w m, m
m g mk.
Cg m mkp my, w, k mpy - fg, mpyg m p. T p my
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merchant has ready on his counter. They do not receive alms rom the merchants
customers.
These two ways o getting alms have diferent implications. Because they share
the donations amongst themselves, a larger number o nuns going together in a
row implies an increase in the amount o rice and money that must be collected.
However, the nuns preer this way o collecting alms. To understand their choice
we must take into account the actor o shame: this appeared to be a preoccupa-
tion or one o the Myanmar women who accompanied me to a large nunnery
school. The only question she wanted to ask the head nun was whether all the
nuns were obliged to go out to collect alms, because she hersel elt she would
have diculty accepting the idea o being turned down. This observation shows
that when potential donors do not enter into an alms relationship, the reusal is
easier to overcome when in a group. The nuns may laugh among themselves and
they are less afected personally. In reality, as we shall see, large nunneries manage
to orewarn and protect their nuns against this sort o emotional risk in reinorc-
ing the monastic social identity o the nuns during the almsgiving relationship.
The second reason, connected to the frst, is that group collection is a device to
obtain donations and to construct a monastic identity through such interactions.
When a nun is alone or with only one other nun, she is in the same position as the
customer, that is, in ront o a merchant. Moreover, the echo o her chanting will
be less resonant compared to the recitations done by several nuns in a procession,and may ade away and melt into the noise o the market. Her position, the way
she holds hersel, and her appearance does not spur the potential donor into a
spontaneous alms relationship. In other words, the relationship engendered in this
situation does not involve two complementary categories o people (monastic and
lay), but two individuals. When asked to justiy his or her gesture, a donor would
not spontaneously declare when one sees [the nuns going or collection], one
knows [that we should oer donations], but would motivate their act by taking
into consideration the nuns supposed moral qualities and her needy situation.
I the Thervd Buddhist trditio, lmsgivig is cosidered meritorious orthe ly door. Followig H, it is oetheless ecessry to distiguish the rit-
ul gitwhich ccordig to Musss defitio is both mdtory d spote-
ousrom the morl git, which simply ivolves two idividuls solely o the bsis
o their ow persol judgmet (Hna 2002). Observing the nuns taking the
collection reveals dierent ways o engaging in and eliciting a ritual git. First o
all, the Buddhist chants recited by nuns can be heard by merchants and custom-
ers even beore the nuns come into sight. In a sense, their chanting announces
their monastic identity. It allows the merchants and their clients to anticipate
the moment that their activity will be interrupted, and to ready themselves toenter into a brie alms relationship. In addition, a monastic identity is percep-
ibl b h i i i l l di i i h bl h d i
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kg, g, p . I , p
p mm ,
m g p. T mp g m
mm p p fg . T
p, p g , pk
m : p -
, mpm g pp, g
mp p g.
Inluencin the ways in which nuns collect als
While collecting in procession helps in the recognition o the monastic
identity o nuns, and thus o the potential o the almsgiving relationship, not
all nuns are able to ollow the same pattern. One reason is that such a mode o
alms collection is only possible under certain conditions. First, the nuns must be
able to join together in procession as a group, but many o them live in nunner-
ies occupied by only one or two nuns at the most. Besides, creating a procession
in the middle o a market means that alms will be given to only one nun in the
procession, and the money will only be redistributed once back in the nunnery,
either to each participant or to the head o the nunnery. This requires a certain
intimacy, mutual trust, and perhaps the presence o a superior who is capable ointervening in case o disagreement. Thus, the level o organization at the nun-
nery inuences the relational confgurations that exist among the nuns as well as
between the nuns and their donors.
T m q k g-
z -k (sathindaik), xmp, N
N Yg M Sk N M. T
m p g p- k m
p ( k ) m p
mg g p . T g p ( ) k g p
p k k p . T
B m
p m : m , mg
kg. A, mp p
m m . T
g m xgg
m, p g g g m
m g , .B g ggg , g
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m gv m c), d g pcd
g p: d m g d gv m m,
m, d gv m. Idd, bgg -
d g gp pc d p m
d .
Instead o organizing a procession, the head nun could simply ask their donors
to give money to the nunnery. In other words, while the reputation o these nun-
neries allows their superiors to request monetary gits directly, the relationships that
are initiated by the collection remain necessary. The confguration o this collecting
procession is part o the construction o monastic identifcation, since the demon-
stration o their communal disciplinein contrast with the donors who wait or nuns
alone or in pairs in ront o their housescontributes to underlining the dierence
between monastic and lay lie during the interaction. Moreover, the well-organized
nature o the procession reveals and confrms the authority o the nunnery. This
is an authority ounded on the network o its leaders and their ability to inuence
donors, on the number o nuns under their control, and their discipline.
T p dpd mb mc
g, c b d b m-
d mm b m ( m bm pcp
d dd d -v ) d ( bm g, ,
pcp). I dpd c c d ggd. Fm d p v, g v b md
v pc dvc, p gg p-
gzd m p. T v d
b bg d p.
F, g mbvc p m cc-
dpd v c, pc gv
cv mpmd ccdg gz ,
z, v m m ccdd d, d c-
cv gz cv. I m, mbvc vd mcc b gg d p gg c-
mc d. Hv, c v
m, pc cc v m gp,
v pc mc dfc.
The nun-onk relationshi within the reliious syste
The observations made in the area around Sagaing Hill highlight specifc
relationships between monks and nuns. At frst, monks do not only go and col-lect ood among lay people, but they also go to nunneries and collect rom nuns.
Th d ll h id h i h l h h d
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his monastery, attending to his health as well as doing daily chores or him such as
cooking, cleaning, and so on. Finally, the teaching relationship between a nun and
a head monk may include what a nun calls voluntary service. At the International
Buddhist University o Sagaing where the majority o the students are monks, nuns
studying there with other nuns rom their nunnery will come and clean the univer-
sity buildings in response to a request by the head monk in charge.
Ofering ood and services to monks means that the nuns position is associated
with that o laywomen. Ofering these services seems less common in urban areas
since the number o monks and nuns is less important proportionally to the number
o potential donors. However, nuns remain under monks authority: they are living
on religious land that belongs to the monks, and in convent school, and only the
monks are authorized to teach the upper grade o the nuns religious education.
If m p g w
, m p g w m.
Tf, g m m w pp,
, m. Hw, m m f m -
p mpx mm f w
m p f , m p p m
z p f m m w.
A iure 1 w, f mg f m, w
w g fm, m p
m, w p m fm.
iure 1. T f-gg p.
onk nun lay donator
donates to
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Nx, g m mp gg m v-
mg p m v m g (iure
2). I m, bm pb ,
b b
p (sayagy). I bg v
m m v , bf m
gv . T m m-
g . I m
, m p ( xmp, g m)
m m p,
m x.
iure 2. R p.
nun onk lay donator
donates to
in direct relationshi with
I bv-m g m, -
m pg m p. T
pp m m b
b. I gv m p g
m , p gv m p g .Hv, p mpb . I,
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Sg. F m , mpf
p m mp
m: , p g m pp
w m g w f m w.
T w fg p p . T
g p (, m, ) gg w
gg g g , w m m m
w pp: m . I iure 2, m
p m w p , w iure 1
q p . T m p
q m p, w -
m m (w w p m m w pp
m) w m mgz g
p m m.
Hw, pp m m ,
, pg B g pp. iure 3 w
w m -pp p -: m
pp . I , pp m
p p g pp.
E w m p -
g Mm m p m m. M-
, p mm -pp p, g m m-. I , f m
mm p w m . T
iure 3. T g p.
onk nun lay donator
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g mk g
mk m g p, mp
xp m .
Fro the abivalence o status to an interated syste
We my onder heher he nuns mbvene nd prur eures
re due o her poson h ernes beeen mons sus nd y s-
us. Ths s rue one onsders he hoe sysem s beng mde up o sever
uonomous sub-enes (Watlawick 1972, 122), or one oos Dumons de
h soey s n ensembe o eemens orgnzed by hoe represened by n
deoogy h hods hem ogeher. Seen rom hese perspeves, he poson o
he nuns n hereore be undersood s beng reve, ordng o heher hey
re n he presene o mons or y peope, n he sme y s he herrhy n
Ind beeen ses depends on hh ses re presen (or n he sme y s
subsysem uues ordng o heher s onronng n neror or superor
subsysem). Bu nyzng he regous nerons s reon sysem brngs o
he ore more ompex mehnsm, n hh he mbven poson o he nuns
s expressed n dferen ypes o ruon beeen mons nd seur rmes.
The mbvene does no resde n n erne poson, bu gven h or he
nuns, one rme o vy mpes he oher rme: he servn reonshp hmons esbshes he mons poson o he nun, he he mons rme o he
oeon mpes her seur ves. Moreover, beyond n srbed sus, n
nyss o her reonshps reves he enr roe gven o neron n reogn-
on o her mons sus.
Mm mg m p mm
p pf m . M ,
m p , mg fm g fg
, g pp p k. T
m g . I,g I m ,
mm. A m
gmg mm B m
, Sg.
Nuns within the ideoloical leitiization syste
T Sg, g p,
, p, pp m m pm ( p p).13 B pp
k S
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Some Burmese undermine the position of nuns in monasticism, suggesting they
became nuns not by vocation but due to poverty (because they lived in py
p mg , xmp). O ,
m j w wm, y , py
g y . W xp w xm
mm mm. I, y
wm m m g ywgi(y p w
wy y m y g g B pp),
Sg mmp mk p w w wy
m y . B g y y -
m ym. I
wy fg yzg mgg
p .
T w m x m
m py m : g m
y pp w m, p g m .
F p w g g y ,
m m, g Bm. Y B -
m, my,14 w w mk w
B gp yg g. By g
, g yg g py g mxp m. W m m , p-
mg mp pg y, shinby(
p ), w mpy m y
my . Yg g w y y -
, y mk xp gg -
p w . T, g g
y m Bm m wy mk
y py g pg y ppy .
Ly, w x m Sg , pp m g gmy m p
mk w . W p g, w
m , m mk y
g B g, y y pg -
wy g m gg. I, w
q p gg (pay-) pp y g m p-
, my y p m m mk. O w
Sgg H jf p y g
w m mmy w gy : w Bm w g pp . I m mpyg mk -
B
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g d v pd d Sg m x,
m m mm
Bdd g.
T m w w wm m mm-
d , w d w m-
d d pd . T w
m m xv w ,
vg w m, w md
m w pf mp g
d Sgg H. A p w m vg
dd d m m, vg d
vd md, w m gv pp p.
T, g ppd xp m
v m dg, m m:
d v m g-w w
dg gm. T m dg gm x
m Sg.
Notes
* Eg m w d 2001 dg fdw Mm Sgg,
Md, d Rg. I wd Bd B d P, GmRzg, H Kwm, Ad H, d L C pdg d mg mm.
1. Bhikkhund bhikkhu P m d dg d m pv.T m Mm gg d m thilshin( wp pp) d hpngypv. F Mm pp, g w hpn, w q d p pw dvg m vg pmd (kan) d m p v p x (Schober 1989, 105).
2. T x m Sg md v p d x -
ce. Hwv, g x p v-S L (Kara Lekshe Tsoo 1999, 67).
3. I mp m, g gyangpp v d md Sgg H . I d p m m . Nv, m m w w d wgyangdkyang. I dfd g Myanar-Enlish Dictionary (1993, 71).
4. P Sg p Yg (Sg p , 1999, 12).
5. O Mm mg Bddm d Bdd, Houtan 1990.
6. T m ppd w mw d mg m dd Goan (1974) d Bateson (1977). I m
p m px g d d : vg wg, ggg jg x p, d . Hwv, m dpv, , w d pg v m
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7. T mz y gg g m.
8. B wy w p m m mg g p w pf .
9. My m g yp mmy p p mk w T Pp. Tm my w xmy m g w y m Mym. W y y , y m w mk , w g nat( mm
w B B P, 2007).
10. T y y w y.
11. F p, w g w m m g m . T p g wy m g mk .
12. Tk Hk Kwm pg .13. F xmp, m mm my m y.
14. Boearachchi (1994, 4950) p g S Lk m p, w y m - g g y mk. I wky m g Dmmy,
yg g gy g y mk my.
Reerences
Bateson, Ggy1977 U j m. I Vers une cologie de lesprit, 20924.
P: S, . P E.
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