On the tonal asymmetry in the On the tonal asymmetry in the dialects of the group Wu-dialects of the group Wu-

an an input-based input-based viewview

Te-hsin LIUDepartment of Linguistics

Paris 8 University

liu.tehsin@gmail.com

Program of presentationProgram of presentation

1. The phenomenon - tonal asymmetry in Wu dialects

2. Fundamental problem of current accounts

3. How does our model solve the problem? Disyllabic forms Trisyllabic forms

4. Discussion

5. Conclusion

6. Appendix: Issues in African languages-what is downstep?

7. References

The phenomenonThe phenomenonTonal asymmetry in Wu dialects:

The dialects of the group Wu, such as Shanghai, Suchou, Wuxi, Tangxi, are remarkable as to their sandhi behavior.

Unlike Mandarin or Tianjin where the stress falls invariably on the last syllable and the preceding syllables are subject to tonal changes, the sandhi in Wu interferes with the syntax:

The tone of the pretonic syllable reduces to a level tone deductible from the register

The phenomenonThe phenomenon This asymmetry conditioned by the syntax seems to be more

complicated in Wuxi, another Wu dialect. Chan&Ren (1986) report that there are 6 lexical tones in open

syllables, namely 52, 131, 313, 213, 34, 213, classified according to their historical categories.

/13/ in Chao (1928)

No correspondencebetween historical

categories and citation tones

Initial lower pitch

The phenomenonThe phenomenon When the first syllable is stressed, there are four tone

patterns each of which is assigned one or two lexical tones. The following unstressed syllables lose their underlying tone (Chan&Ren 1986).

The phenomenonThe phenomenon

Monosyllabic disyllabic trisyllabic quadrasyllabic

Pattern AT3 (313), T6 (213)

Pattern B T1 (52), T4 (131)

Pattern CT5 (34)

Pattern D T2 ([2] 13)

Tones in the same row share the same underlying tonal melody

Previous analysis -Yip (1989)Previous analysis -Yip (1989)

Yip (1989) : contour tones = melodic unit

Edge-in association Phonetic

interpolation rules

Previous analysis - Duanmu (1994)Previous analysis - Duanmu (1994)

Duanmu (1994): against contour tone units

Initial syllables are all LH in patterns A, B and D, the final L tone being due to domain-final effect.

Problems of current analysisProblems of current analysis1. There is no consensus as to the interpretation of these tone

patterns:

2. They fail to explain: Why are there four tone patterns? What determines the relationship between a tone pattern and a lexical

tone? Why is there always a final L tone in a multisyllabic domain? Where

does it come from?

Our proposalOur proposal 1. We attack the source of the problem, claiming that there

are only three lexical tones in open syllables in Wuxi, which have a direct relation with the four tone patterns.

2. Common point between lexical tones and tone patterns: A limit of size: tone patterns never exceed HLHL

whatever the number of the syllable is.3. We posit that both lexical tones and tone patterns are

constrained by a phonological input, a tonal template HLHL.

4. Following the assumption of a universal tonal periodic skeleton HLHL postulated by Carvalho (2002), analogous to the syllabic skeleton CVCV proposed by Lowenstamm (1996), tones in open syllables in Wuxi can be represented as follows:

Our proposalOur proposalGiven the allophonic variation of the register conditioned by the

laryngeal state of the onset, there are only three phonological tones. The vertical line indicates the tonal head encoding the lexical register

Why 3 lexical tones but four tone patterns?

Our proposalOur proposal

1. The register of each tone being conditioned by the laryngeal features of the onset, we propose to analyze T3 (31[3])/T6 (21[3]) as an underlying falling contour with a low head.

2. The final H tone in T3/T6 is due to an epenthesis adjacent to the low head, which is also found in T2.

3. The derived character of complex contour tones is also supported by Mandarin, where the falling-rising tone 213 can be analyzed as an underlying low tone (Yip 2002)

Our proposalOur proposal

As opposed to the falling contour with a low head, T1 (52)/T4 ([1]31) will be analyzed as un underlying falling contour with a high head, the initial epenthetic L tone in T4 being triggered by the lowering effect of the voiced onset.

T5 (34) and T2 ([2]13) will be analyzed as an underlying rising tone. T5/T2 have no lexical head, but contextual heads induced by the

allophonic register.

Our analysis - disyllabic formsOur analysis - disyllabic forms1. Identity preservation: the head (i.e. the register) should be

preserved in tone patterns.

2. We propose two general principles to account for the derivation of tone patterns:

1.σ2 associates to the last plain position of the tonal template of σ1 and to the following first empty position;2. Being unstressed, σ2 cannot have its own tonal head.

Our analysis - disyllabic formsOur analysis - disyllabic forms

Local conclusionsLocal conclusions

1. Why are there 3 lexical tones but 4 tone patterns ?=> The rising contour doesn’t have an underlying head.

Contextual heads, conditioned by the laryngeal state of onset, will serve as head in tone patterns. Hence pattern C and pattern D.

2. In the case of two falling tones with lexical head, i.e. pattern A and pattern B, the allophony of register induced by the onset is too fine to be perceived as a distinct pattern. Just like the lengthening of a short vowel before a voiced consonant in English: it will always be perceived as a short one, since there are lexical long vowels in English.

Our analysis - trisyllabic formsOur analysis - trisyllabic formsright-headed tonesright-headed tones

1. Association from left to right;2. Constrained by the size

of the template, the mediansyllable will be “jammed” between σ1 and adjunction of the last syllable;

3. Consequently, σ2 will associate to the head so thatthe identity of the head can be preserved.

Our analysis - trisyllabic formsOur analysis - trisyllabic forms left-headed tonesleft-headed tones

The adjunction of the last syllable will dissociate σ1 from thetail so that the median syllable can accede to the head of the pattern.

loss of the tail

Local conclusionsLocal conclusions

Relationship between tone pattern, stress, and tonal template

1. Just as lexical tones, tone patterns are constrained by a tonal template HLHL.2.The tone patterns characterize un group where σ1 is stressed and the rest loses their tone and are subject to the spreading of the stressed lexical tone.3. Isochrony between trochaic foot and tonal template.

Wuxi: Emergence of a trochaic accentual pattern

The tone patterns in Wuxi cannot be explained but by the inputs they derive from, viz. by lexical tones

DiscussionDiscussion What is a “tone pattern”?

1. Pasiego montanés (Tivoli 1998, 2006)

2. Koya (Tivoli 1998, 2006)Vowel harmony dependant on stress

Tone pattern: tonal harmony dependant on stress The tone of σ1, stressed, spreads to the following unstressed syllables.

ConclusionsConclusions In Wuxi, lexical tones are not assigned to tone patterns

arbitrarily, there being a direct relation between stress, lexical tones and tone patterns.

Historical categories play no role in the modern dialect, and there is reorganization of lexical tones based on the phonological representations.

The hypothesis of preservation of head in tone patterns predicts correctly the phonetic realization of multisyllables, and thus explains why there are 3 phonological tones but 4 tone patterns;

The “domain final effect” of Duanmu follows directly from the hypothesis of a tonal skeleton whose order is HLHL, rather than *LHLH.

Appendix: Issues in African languagesAppendix: Issues in African languages Hyman (1975, 2004) distinguishes “vertical assimilation”

from “horizontal assimilation”: Vertical assimilation: lowering or raising of a tone by an adjacent

tone

Ex: HL + H => H.!H Horizontal assimilation: conservation or anticipation of a tone on a

adjacent tone

Ex: H + L => H.HL Hyman notices that, in vertical assimilation, progressive

downstep and regressive upstep are natural phenomena, while regressive downstep and progressive upstep are not natural.

Appendix: Issues in African languagesAppendix: Issues in African languages

Why progressive upstep and regressive downstep are not frequent?

A position available forH to settle down

The chair is already taken by H.

No progressive upstep,No regressive downstep

Progressive downstepRegressive upstep

Thank you for your attention!

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