Organizational Cronyism: A Scale Development and Validationfrom the Perspective of Teachers
Muhammed Turhan
Received: 20 March 2013 / Accepted: 9 July 2013
� Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013
Abstract Organizational cronyism refers to favoring
some employees within an organization based on non-
performance-related factors. Although it is highly likely to
encounter many attitudes and behaviors meeting this
description within public and private institutions, there are
limited studies on this issue. Thus, the purpose of this study
is to develop a valid and reliable scale to assess the per-
ception of cronyism among organizational members. To
this end, an item pool was formed based on current liter-
ature as well the views of teachers and expert recommen-
dations. The validity–reliability of the scale was tested via
two sample groups. As a result of the study, a scale with 3
dimensions and 15 items as well as psychometric qualities
was developed to assess employee perceptions of crony-
ism. The scale dimensions comprise: in-group bias, pater-
nal cronyism, and reciprocal exchange of favor in
accordance with the way the method was addressed in the
literature. The analyses of nomological validity of the scale
showed that perception of cronyism is an important pre-
dictor of trust in managers.
Keywords Cronyism � Favoritism � In-group bias �Paternalism � Particularism
Introduction
Exploitation of public organizations by political figures in
order to provide employment for their supporters or foster
their positions is colloquially termed ‘‘String-pulling.’’
Such problems are well known in many countries while
recruiting and promoting civil servants (Martins 2010;
Ozsemerci 2003). In addition, exercising privilege over
others is a common ethical problem, both in public and
private institutions. Domination by personal relations
rather than objective criteria in management and inspection
was regarded as the main reason for the widely known
Eastern Asia financial crisis of 1997 and the Enron Scandal
in the USA (Khatri and Tsang 2003). The common point in
these types of favoritism is prioritization of informal rela-
tions (rather than formal ones), groupings, and reciprocal
personal expectations. The concept of cronyism refers to
the practices resulting in social networking structures that
favor certain groups over others. Organizational cronyism
refers to a manager favoring employees based on non-
performance-related factors or reciprocal exchange of
favor.
Since organizations are social institutions, they are not
objective and apolitical (Clegg and Hardy 1999). There-
fore, it is highly likely to encounter the differential treat-
ments toward subordinates such as cronyism within
organizations (Begley et al. 2010). There may be important
organizational and personal outputs stemming from supe-
riors practicing cronyism and favoring some subordinates.
Although there is a lack of empirical evidence, cronyism
has the potential to negatively impact job satisfaction,
organizational commitment and performance (Khatri and
Tsang 2003). Previous studies (Khatri and Tsang 2003;
Khatri et al. 2006; Begley et al. 2010) made important
contributions to defining cronyism and determining its
scope. However, there is a lack of empirical studies of
cronyism, despite its prevalence within organizational life.
Based on this need, this study presents a scale to assess
organizational cronyism in relations between superiors and
subordinates.
M. Turhan (&)
Department of Educational Sciences, Faculty of Education,
Fırat University, 23119 Elazıg, Turkey
e-mail: [email protected]
123
J Bus Ethics
DOI 10.1007/s10551-013-1839-3
What is Cronyism?
The word cronyism derives from the Greek word ‘‘khronios’’
to become ‘‘crony’’ in English. Essentially, it refers to ‘‘long
standing,’’ which we encounter in current dictionaries as
friend of long-standing and a friend or companion (Oxford
Dictionary of English 2010; Dictionary of Word Origins
1990; Collins English Dictionary and Thesaurus 2000).
During the 1840s, cronyism was used to mean ability and
eagerness to establish friendships. However, the first polit-
ical usage of the concept of cronyism occurred in 1952 in the
USA, when the Truman administration was accused of
appointing employees within the official postal administra-
tion, based on friendly relations rather than qualifications. A
New York Times journalist defined this act as cronyism,
which led to the loss of the previous meaning of the word.
Cronyism later began to be perceived as friendship-based
types of favoring (Dunar 1984; Khatri and Tsang 2003).
This phenomenon, termed ‘‘favoritism’’ or ‘‘string-
pulling’’ in colloquial speech, is expressed as ‘‘nepotism’’
and ‘‘cronyism’’ in the political science literature (Aktan
1992). Favoritism is a concept covering the phenomenon of
cronyism. Oktay (1983) defines favoritism as ‘‘prioritizing
such specific criteria as being from the same school, region,
etc., supporting the same political party, and pushing aside
universal criteria regulating management works in public
bureaucracy and the relations of public organizations with
society.’’ Cronyism is defined as favoritism resulting from
personal relations and social networks.
Although the term cronyism is frequently used within
the political science literature, the practices within the
scope of cronyism may also occur in organizations regar-
ded as political arenas (Drory and Romm 1990). From this
perspective, organizational cronyism may be defined as
managerial favoring of certain subordinates based on non-
performance-related factors and using the power to their
advantage.
Cronyism as a Social Exchange
The theory of social exchange explains that there is motive
either for ‘‘winning a prize or avoiding a punishment’’
behind human behaviors. Accordingly, all relations are
based on the principles of ‘‘give and take’’ (Kelly and
Thibaut 1978). However, this exchange may not always be
balanced and equal. Our feelings regarding relations with a
person depend on: (a) our perceptions of the balance
between what we give and receive from the relationship,
(b) our perceptions of relationship type which we assume
that we deserve, and (c) our perceptions regarding our
opportunities to establish a better relation with other people
(Homans 1961; Cook and Emerson 1978).
Mendras (2008) advocates that the entire social life is
only about giving and receiving. Social encounters and
interactions such as power, property, things, politeness,
etc., take place between parties on the basis of receiving
something in return and displaying a behavior equal to
another one. Giving and receiving an object is significant
within social life and leads to social intimacy. These
exchange relations have been organized by all societies and
civilizations throughout history. They have survived until
today as social patterns required for reconstruction of
social life. It is possible to say that this type of exchange is
observed in the organization of modern social networks.
For example, there is a confidential or open contract
between an employee and his institution when beginning
work. According to this contract, the employee shall use
his knowledge, skills, and/or power for the organization
and receive payment and other incentives in return. This
type of exchange stems rather from the formal aspect of the
organization. However, formal organization alone is
insufficient to explain in-group relations and group norms.
There are two dimensions of organizations: formal and
informal. Detecting and confirming influences of informal
organization over employee is based on neo-classical
organizational theory, whose foundations were laid with
the Hawthorne studies conducted by Elton Mayo (1945).
The finding that employee behaviors are influenced by
group norms and informal relations within the organization
makes it mandatory to take into account informal organi-
zation as well as formal organization. Prendergast and
Topel (1996) state that relations among seniors (superiors)
and subordinates, which constitute an important part of
their daily lives; and the fact that organizations are social
institutions; are not adequately emphasized. When phe-
nomena of power and policy are considered together, group
norms and social networks form the basis of favoring
relations within the organization.
Informal organization is a social structure with infor-
mal leaders, norms, values, emotions, and communication
patterns. As revealed in Howthorne studies, as soon as
employees of an organization gather, friendships and
informal groups occur. Such informal cliques can be seen
in interaction patterns both in and out of work. Informal
groups share values and norms. This sharing is necessary
for the cohesion of the group. With regard to organiza-
tional culture, the shared values and norms consist of the
natural, specific, and human dimensions of the organiza-
tion. People acting in accordance with these values and
norms are awarded, and when people do not obey they are
either excluded or punished (Hoy and Miskel 2004).
However, in organizations which have poor cultural
health, values and norms are not adopted by all members
of the organization and organizational norms and values
can be replaced by personal interests. In such a case, as
M. Turhan
123
Johns (1992) stated, informal relationships can turn into a
tool to gain strength.
Social exchange theory provides a useful framework by
which to understand favoring relations stemming from
informal aspects of the organization. Even in social terms
(authority relations and policies in organizations), there is
always a matter of reciprocity and settling accounts. If you
have a superior position and are granting something to one
of your subordinates, that person should be grateful to you
and, therefore, feel the need to return the favor in some
way. In other words, this person is favored by you and
approves your superiority. The inverse of this relationship
is also possible: If you are giving something to a superior,
you are expecting something in return by initiating the
favoring relations (Mendras 2008). This idea corresponds
with the norm of reciprocity. In social psychology, the
norm of reciprocity is defined as a social rule directing
people to reciprocate favors (Gouldner 1960; Cialdini and
Goldstein 2004). Therefore, when someone does another a
favor or protects their interests, that person is under an
obligation. Thus, an expectation of reciprocity develops,
which forms the basis of cronyistic relations between the
two parties.
Khatri et al. (2006) define cronyism as ‘‘a reciprocal
exchange transaction where party A shows favor to party B
based on shared membership in a social network at the
expense of party C’s equal or superior claim to the valued
resource.’’ As it is possible to deduce from this definition,
cronyism is a special form of social exchange.
Cronyism is an exchange. However, the most important
issue is what is received and what is given within this
process. The things exchanged need to be valuable for both
parties in order for the exchange to be sustainable. Thus,
the relations within the scope of cronyism may differ
across cultures and organizations. While the focus of cro-
nyism is the continuance of informal group membership in
some cultures, in others it may take the form of patronage
relations or personal benefits and expectations.
Cultural Antecedents of Cronyism and Their Effects
on the Organization
Khatri and Tsang (2003) present a useful model to determine
premises, causes, and results of cronyism. According to this
model, two important cultural premises serving as a source
for cronyism are particularism and paternalism. To Khatri
and Tsang, cronyism and negative impacts are more com-
monly encountered in cultures where these two features are
prevalent. Figure 1 shows cronyism model in organizations.
In this section, cultural antecedents (particularism and
paternalism) and immediate antecedents (in-group bias and
personal loyalty) of cronyism are discussed.
Particularism and In-Group Bias
Hofstede (2010) classifies cultures as either ‘‘collectivist’’
or ‘‘individualist.’’ In collectivist cultures, children are
brought up with a greater sense of group importance—a
sense of ‘‘we.’’ Child rearing is not only a responsibility for
parents, but for other relatives and those close to the
family, like grandparents, uncles, aunts, maids, and so on.
When children grow up, they learn to see themselves as a
part of an in-group in the society. An in-group is different
from the out-groups, which include other people in the
society. Certainly, this is not just the case for familial
relationships. In schools, workplaces, or any social envi-
ronment, a person tends to include people who seem closer
to him or her in the in-group, while placing others in the
out-group. Thus, a practical and psychological mutual
dependency develops between the person and the in-group.
In contrast to collectivist societies, the sense of ‘‘I’’ is
common in individualist societies. Most children are born
into a nuclear family rarely meet other relatives, as they
tend to live in other places. In time, children of such
families will develop a sense of ‘‘I.’’ The sense of ‘‘I’’ is the
identity of the person, and leads one to classify other
people according to their personal characteristics rather
than group membership. In such societies, the objective of
education is to teach children how to be independent.
The distinction between in-groups and out-groups is
very important in collectivist cultures and has wide-ranging
implications beyond the formal relationships between
employer and employee. The main role of individualist
societies entails treating everyone alike—this is known as
‘‘universalism’’ in sociology jargon. For example, treating
an employee or customer in a different way than others is
regarded as bad business practice and unethical behavior.
However, in collectivist societies, the opposite is true, and
the distinction between ‘‘our group,’’ and another’s shapes
Particularism Strong in-group bias
Paternalism
CronyismFavoritism based on relationship and loyalty
Individual outcomesJob satisfactionOrganizational commitmentIngratiation
Organizational outcomesPerformanceMoraleInertia
Unreserved personal loyalty
Fig. 1 A model of cronyism in
organizations (Khatri and Tsang
2003)
Organizational Cronyism
123
the main thought patterns of people. For this reason, when
someone treats those friends or employees that he or she
finds closer to themselves better than others, this is regar-
ded as a natural, ethical behavior and sound business
practice. Sociologists call this behavior ‘‘particularism’’
(Hofstede 2010). Particularism is marked by the prioritiz-
ing of the informal and subjective over the formal and
objective in organizational relationships. In other words,
the factors which determine the relationships within the
organization are informal relationships and cohesion of
employees, rather than structural and formal features of the
organization. In collectivist societies, the cohesion between
people can depend on many different criteria (gender,
having the same political view, being member of the same
trade union, being relatives, having graduated from the
same school, being countrymen, being friends, etc.) and
can be viewed as favoritism regardless of the status of a
person within the formal structure of the organization.
According to Melchior and Melchior (2001), the pre-
vailing thoughts associated with particularism have the
potential to change ethical principles guiding managerial
structure and to threaten the bureaucratic structure designed
to protect managerial structure. Because of this, the situa-
tion in particularism is just opposite of the bureaucratic
organization theory of Weber, by which he defined uni-
versalistic organization practices. A bureaucracy follows
impersonal merit-based staffing policies. On the other hand,
particularistic personnel policies are interested in who they
are rather than merits of employees (Pearce et al. 2000). In
other words, in the management of organizations, the
commitment to organizational norms is less important than
the responsibilities related to personal relationships.
Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner (1997) define a
universalist society as one which is rule-based. In these
societies, each and every person should obey rules as a
citizen and no one has any privilege or exception. On the
other hand, in particularistic societies rules are imple-
mented on the basis of fulfilling duties as a friend, sibling,
spouse, or someone close rather than just a citizen. For this
reason, personally close relationships result in exceptions
in the implementation of rules.
A study conducted by Pearce et al. (2000) on samples in
the USA and Hungary has yielded significant results in terms
of revealing how social and cultural differences affect
organizational management. According to the results of the
study, particularistic and universalistic personnel practices
differ by the structure and political features of the society. In
the modernist political system of the United States, person-
nel practices are found to be more universalistic compared to
the neotraditional system in Hungary. According to Pearce
(1991), some managers in Hungarian companies can use the
criteria that determine the performances of the personnel in
favor of certain employees subjectively.
To Aytac (2010), the most important elements in
forming favoring relations in a society are commitments
and social networking structures. These commitments and
structures may be displayed implicitly and explicitly within
rational and legal institutions. For example, nepotism/cro-
nyism types such as favoring actions based on family,
kindred, and acquaintances, largely transform modern
relations. A study by Aydogan (2012) regarding universi-
ties found that favoring may occur for various reasons,
including shared political views, religion, and ideology,
studying in the same school, being related, being fellow
townsmen, being from the opposite sex, and having the
same race. These kinds of informal commitments are
considered elements that increase the functionality of the
organization on one hand, but form the causes of negative
organizational outputs by producing inequality and
unfairness on the other hand.
According to leader–member exchange theory, it would
be more appropriate to deal with the influence of leadership
on employees individually rather than as a group influence.
In other words, followers are not equally influenced by
leader actions (Boies and Howell 2006). In addition, most
leadership theories assume that a manager behaves the
same to all individuals within an employee group. In
practice, leaders behave differently to different followers
and develop different types of relations with them (Graen
and Uhl-Bien 1995). Leaders may treat some individuals as
in-group and others as out-group members. This distinction
may result from various characteristics of subordinates in
relation to performance- as well as non-performance-rela-
ted factors.
Classifying employees as in-group and out-group may
result in favoring people belonging to one’s own in-group
(Tajfel et al. 1971; Khatri and Tsang 2003). In the leader–
member exchange model, in-group members are highly
trusted, supported, and rewarded. On the other hand, out-
group members make less use of these elements. Out-group
members are managed within the boundaries of the contract
made with the institution, and receive no real leader support
(Lenunberg 2010). Managers have the tendency to adopt
more human-relation-oriented behaviors toward in-group
subordinates while out-group subordinates are treated as
task-oriented (Cheng 1999). Low exchange relationships
(out-groups) involve purely contractual manager–subordi-
nate relationships in which both parties follow rules and
procedures while high exchange relationships (in-groups)
involve non-contractual social exchanges that exceed formal
role requirements (Kim and Organ 1982; Jones 2009).
Developing two different kinds of attitudes as in-group and
out-group may lead managers toward cronyism. The leader
may share more than leadership with in-group members, and,
therefore, act to the benefit of in-group members and to the
detriment of out-group members.
M. Turhan
123
In-group bias refers to favoring of certain members by
groups which are formed spontaneously within the orga-
nization, and developing biased attitudes toward them.
Relations within these groups are totally independent of the
official and formal structures of the organization. In other
words, these groups are formed regardless of hierarchical
structure of the organization, and the position of either a
manager or a subordinate within this group may be dif-
ferent from their position within the organizational hier-
archy. Khatri and Tsang (2003) claim that reciprocal
relations between managers and subordinates in terms of
cronyism tend to be guided by personal ties rather than by
official responsibilities. These kinds of informal relations
may invalidate organizational schemes. In addition, mem-
bers of organization share more than friendship to realize
individual targets that they cannot meet via formal chan-
nels. Thus, each individual has the tendency to prioritize
benefits of other individuals within their own group.
Humans feel themselves closer to those who are similar
to them in terms of appearance, speech, opinions, nation-
ality, political views, group membership, etc. This is
because people need a sense of group-belonging, and,
therefore, establish and protect permanent, positive, and
significant inter-personal relations, at least at a certain level
(Baumeister and Leary 1995). Members of an organization
make contributions to organizational processes through
their knowledge and qualifications, and interact with other
employees through the characteristics that they possess
inherently or which they have acquired as a result of
environmental influences. In this interaction, employees
who are similar to each other in various ways create
informal groups. Power struggles between informal groups
may result in the emergence of cronyistic relations within
the organization. Members of an informal group that is
close to an organizational leader might be favored at the
expense of usurping the rights of others.
Leader–Member Exchange (LMX) theory assumes that
intimate relations between seniors and subordinates are
always on behalf of the organization. However, there may
be negative results of these close relations, although this
depends on the cultural characteristics of a society (Khatri
2011). For example, Zhang et al. (2006) and Gomez et al.
(2000) indicated that, within vertical collectivistic cultures,
performance assessments tend to assign greater importance
to relations among employees of an organization than to
their real performance.
Paternalism and Personal Loyalty
Paternalism is a common cultural feature of traditional
eastern societies. This feature manifests itself in all areas,
from inter-family relationships to state–citizen relation-
ships. A study conducted by Aycan in 10 countries
revealed that paternalistic features are mostly observed in
India, Pakistan, China, and Turkey (Aycan 2001; Erben
and Guneser 2008). One of the primary things that children
learn in traditional societies is to obey family elders.
During education, children treat their teachers with a high
level of respect, even to the point that they are afraid of
teachers (e.g., when a teacher enters the classroom, stu-
dents stand up). The manifestation of paternalism in
organizations is to obey managers and be loyal to them.
(Hofstede 2010). Paternalism is related to power and loy-
alty. From the organizational perspective, paternalism
refers to the preferences of superiors for subordinates who
are connected and loyal to them at the expense of others,
and to treating such subordinates differently. The employee
displays unreserved loyalty to the manager, and the man-
ager disproportionately protects the employee’s interests.
Culture is one of the most influential elements in
determining the prevalence and type of cronyism in orga-
nizations (Khatri and Tsang 2003; Khatri et al. 2006;
Begley et al. 2010). This is because cultures can maintain
appropriate conditions for the emergence of cronyism. For
instance, cultures with high power distance are convenient
environments for people to adopt cronyistic attitudes in
order to achieve or maintain power. According to Hofstede
(2001), power distance is related to social acceptance of
unequal power distribution. This inequality may be asso-
ciated with prestige, wealth, and power. From the per-
spective of organizations, it is the acceptance level of
unequal distribution of power by positionally less powerful
members of an organization.
To Clegg and Hardy (1999), organizational structures
and systems are not objective and apolitical. There is a
hegemonic and dominant structure in the nature of orga-
nizations. Therefore, possessing and using organizational
power is a political issue. Imbalance of power between
subordinates and seniors prepares a convenient environ-
ment for organizational policy to function using power.
This situation, as indicated by Greenberg and Baron
(2000), may lead to organizational corruption in a moral
sense.
The nature of cronyistic relationships can be analyzed
within the scope of organizational power and policy. For
example, the favoritism demonstrated toward some
employees by managers is related to the policy system,
which is one of the power systems defined by Mintzberg
(1983). From this point of view, cronyism is in the scope of
informal and illegitimate power as stated by Hoy and Mi-
skel (2004) as well. Since cronyism is based on informal
and personal relationships rather than formal and organi-
zational ones and it can turn into a tool used by employees
to get power. The definition of cronyism offered by James
(2006) also corresponds to this point of view. To James
(2006), cronyism is a subtype of negative collective politics
Organizational Cronyism
123
and it is created by a group of people who work together in
order to develop and sustain an informal system through
which they can derive personal benefits by circumventing
formal rules and procedures.
Clustering in organizational environment initiates power
struggle in some way or another. In this respect, power can
be regarded as a source allowing favoritism. Moreover,
favoritism becomes an instrument to increase power by
those who hold power. In organizational relations, man-
agers possess sources of power and maintain their relations
through the authority they derive from these sources. This
situation may sometimes lead managers to use present
sources according to not only confirmed principles and
rules but also their estimation, especially on behalf of
people they trust, or regard as similar and loyal to them-
selves (Asunakutlu 2010). This act, naturally, may result in
favoritism—specifically cronyism.
Those in high positions feel the need for subordinates
with strong loyalty, who will accept their decisions
unconditionally (Khatri and Tsang 2003; Cheng 1999;
Hofstede 2010). Thus, a cronyistic relation may emerge,
with subordinates paying loyalty to seniors and receiving
protection in return. There is a greater chance of encoun-
tering such relations in cultures with high power distance.
In these cultures, subordinates are not eager to participate
in decision-making. Instead, they expect to be told what
needs to be done by their seniors, or else await a decision
by those in high positions. Managers do not include their
subordinates into decision-making processes because this is
regarded as an indicator of weakness. People are mostly
fond of helpful and autocratic managers (Tripathi 1990).
The duty of subordinates is to unconditionally obey, and to
behave in accordance with the demands of the manager. In
return, a helpful manager rewards them. What matters is
loyalty to the manager rather than loyalty to the institution.
Previous studies have revealed that managers are expected
to display behaviors such as protection, help, defense, and
affection in collectivist cultures, and that these kinds of
paternal expectations are more influential than individual
outcomes of employees (e.g., job satisfaction) (Pellegrini
and Scandura 2006; Sinha and Sinha 1995). As for sub-
ordinates, they obey managers in return for protection,
defense, and favoritism. Therefore, loyalty of subordinates
to the manager is prioritized rather than their abilities and
performance.
Construct of Organizational Cronyism
The biggest challenge in developing a scale for organiza-
tional cronyism is to define the concept and detect its scope.
The present study is the first attempt in the literature to
specifically measure this construct. Therefore, specification
of the construct is necessary for this study. The main
objective of this study is to discuss organizational cronyism
from the perspective of employees (teachers) and develop a
scale in this framework. For the reason, the study focuses on
cronyistic relationships between the manager and employee
and employees’ perceptions of these relationships.
Khatri and Tsang (2003) regarded cronyism as a broad
social phenomenon, however, classified it according to
vertical and horizontal cronyism in organizations. Hori-
zontal cronyism refers to relationships based on favoritism
between employees at the same level (friends, colleagues,
etc.); vertical cronyism refers to the relationships between
managers and employees. The scale developed in this study
is related to vertical cronyism. Khatri and Tsang (2003) have
defined vertical cronyism as ‘‘favoritism shown by the
superior to his or her subordinate (e.g., promotion, bonus,
pay raise, or better job assignment) based on non-perfor-
mance (e.g., relationship of subordinate with the superior),
rather than performance criteria (e.g., objective perfor-
mance, competence, or qualifications of the subordinate), in
exchange for the latter’s personal loyalty.’’ According to this
definition, cronyism is related to the unfair use of organi-
zational power and authority. Cronyism is personal, as it is
based on unfair treatment of the manager depending on
factors unrelated to performance. However, cronyism is also
organizational, as the power and authority used in these
types of treatments derive from the organizational structure.
Defining cronyism simply as favoritism narrows its
meaning. Instead, it is better to explain cronyism by
exploring what makes it different from other related con-
cepts. In literature, the concept favoritism is examined
under three different types: nepotism, cronyism, and
political favoritism. Nepotism is a type of favoritism based
on affinity relationships rather than merits. For example,
while appointing someone to a position, if affinity rela-
tionships are taken into account rather than educational
background, performance, skills, etc., this is an example of
nepotism. Studies revealed that such practices are observed
more in family companies (Millgram et al. 1999; Spranger
et al. 2012). Political favoritism or patronage refers to
practice whereby the political party in power discharges
managers in public institutions and employs supporters of
the party in their positions. Thus, this type of favoritism is
more related to a political partisanship and conflict of
interests (Weingrod 1968). Cronyism refers to a much
broader social phenomenon compared to two other types.
This is because in cronyism, relationships are dynamic and
can be based on various grounds. In the basis of such a
relationship, there can be various social variations, such as
friendship, political views, citizenship, personal loyalty,
ethnic origin, relationships based on self-interests, etc.
The focal point of this study is employees’ perception of
cronyism. For example, when a manager takes different
M. Turhan
123
factors, like friendship, personal loyalty, etc., into account
rather than performance while appointing someone to a
position or awarding employees, the other employees in the
organization think that it is not fair. The relationship between
the manager and favored employees might disturb other
employees. Such behaviors on the part of the manager will
damage other employees’ sense of justice and adversely
affect the perception of the objectiveness and fairness of the
manager and the organization. According to Hoy and Tarter
(2004), the manager’s behaviors are important for employ-
ees’ sense of justice. A manager who is equitable, sensitive,
respectful, consistent, free of self-interest, honest, and ethical
will create a perception of fair and balanced treatment. On the
contrary, favoritism, giving preference to personal interests
rather than organizational interest and unfair treatment will
adversely affect the perception of the organization. In this
respect, cronyistic relationships between managers and
subordinates can damage the sense of organizational justice.
Therefore, the issue should be dealt with as a whole and the
views of those who witness such practices should be taken as
the basis for measuring organizational cronyism.
The issues related to cronyistic relationships are not
limited to rewards, promotions, salary increases, or perfor-
mance assessments. In important issues which are never-
theless regarded as basic, such as providing better working
conditions, giving permission more easily, inclusion in
decision-making processes, unfair treatment while resolving
conflicts, relationships based on cronyism between manag-
ers and employees can develop. For example, in studies
conducted by Blase and Blase (2003, 2006), it has been
revealed that principals are able to favor some teachers by
giving them the best classes and students, making positive
assessments about them, electing them for committee
membership, or appreciating them. For this reason, in par-
allel with the purpose of this study, organizational cronyism
is defined as ‘‘Any privileged, favored treatment by the
manager toward certain employees based on factors (per-
sonal relationships, personal loyalty etc.) not being related to
performance criteria or formal procedures from the per-
spective of employees.’’ As the purpose of the developed
scale is to determine employees’ perception of such treat-
ments, the construct is termed Perceived Organizational
Cronyism (POC).
Development of the Scale
Item Generation
Items were generated using two sources. The first one is
relevant literature, while the second is interview forms
completed by teachers. The domestic and international
literature was reviewed regarding the sociological and
psychological basis of cronyism. Then, an interview form
comprising two questions was implemented with 33
teachers, each working in separate schools. The first
question was, ‘‘At any point throughout your career, have
you ever witnessed favoritism toward certain school staff
to the detriment of others?’’ (Yes/No). The second question
was, ‘‘If yes, please describe the attitudes and behaviors
that you encountered regarding favoritism.’’
Of the 33 teachers, 31 stated that they encountered
favoritism. In the second question, they defined the
favoring attitudes and behaviors that they encountered.
The attitudes and behaviors defined by teachers were
analyzed, and 14 favoring behaviors were detected in
total. These behaviors were written as thesis statements,
taking into account related literature, to create the pool of
14 items. For example, one teacher defined the behavior
with the following words ‘‘The school manager did not
grant me a full-day off for my Master’s degree, although I
registered for the degree and certified it. However, he
granted some other teachers a full-day off for their Mas-
ter’s one year later.’’ This and similar views were com-
bined to form the item, ‘‘Our manager treats employees
with whom he has a closer personal connection with more
tolerance.’’
Pooled items were assessed by means of two focus-
group interviews conducted with teachers. The purposes of
these interviews were to add new pooled items, detect the
dimensions of organizational cronyism, assess item
expressions, and identify ambiguous items. Each focus-
group interview lasted for approximately 1 h. One of the
interviews included six teachers while the other included
eight teachers. Teachers were asked to discuss the 14
pooled items derived from the interview responses. In
addition, teachers were encouraged to produce new items
and give their opinions about the dimensions of the scale.
As a result of the focus-group interviews, four new items
were added to the item pool and three items were modified
slightly in their expressions.
The expanded item pool with 18 items was given to three
experts from the department of educational management and
two experts from sociology to receive their views regarding
content validity and item expressions. These experts have
authored many published papers regarding similar topics.
Based on these expert views, minor modifications were made
in the content of four items. Thus, a survey form named as the
Perceived Organisational Cronyism (POC) with 18 items
was developed and, scored via a 5-point Likert-type scale
with choices of ‘‘Strongly agree,’’ ‘‘Agree,’’ ‘‘Somewhat
agree,’’ ‘‘Disagree,’’ and ‘‘Strongly disagree.’’
Organizational Cronyism
123
First Study
Sample and Data Collection
POC scale with 18 items, which was produced from a lit-
erature review, interview forms, focus-group interviews,
and expert views, was distributed to 296 teachers working
in primary schools in the center of Elazıg, Turkey and 277
valid and complete responses were included for analysis.
Of these teachers, 162 were male and 115 were female;
ages ranged between 26 and 48 (mean = 34.8).
Factor and Item Analyses
Prior to exploratory factor analysis to determine the
structural validity of the POC scale, the items were
examined for their appropriateness for factor analysis. The
Kaiser–Meyer–Olkin (KMO) coefficient was calculated
and the Bartlett test of sphericity was used. The KMO
coefficient of the scale was 0.951 and the Bartlett result
was significant (v2 = 2873.48; df = 105; p = 0.00),
which indicates that the data were appropriate for factor
analysis (Field 2005).
Exploratory factor analysis was conducted using varimax
rotation. The results showed that the scale comprised three
factors with eigenvalues greater than 1. Items with factor
loadings of 0.50 or above within one factor and unloaded
items within two factors were reserved for further analyses,
and the remainder were excluded from the scale (Hair et al.
1998). According to these criteria, two items with factor
loads of less than 0.50, and an item loaded under two factors,
were removed. The final factor analysis showed that the
three factors in the scale explained 69.77 % of total variance.
The eigenvalues and explanatory powers of the three factors
were 5.28 (explained 35.21 % of total variance), 3.34
(22.27 %), and 1.84 (12.28 %), respectively. Table 1 shows
the results of final exploratory factor analysis.
The first factor of the POC scale consists of 6 items with
load values between 0.740 and 0.827 (a = 0.90). The second
dimension consists of five items with factor load values
between 0.581 and 0.777 (a = 0.87). The third dimension
consists of four items with factor loads between 0.638 and
0.804 (a = 0.74). These three factors were named after the
content of the sub-items, related literature, and the model
proposed by Khatri and Tsang (2003). Accordingly, since the
items within the first factor are related to bias based on
informal relations and group memberships between manag-
ers and subordinates, this factor was termed ‘‘in-group bias.’’
Items under the second factor are related to favoring loyal
subordinates, and, therefore, this factor was named ‘‘paternal
cronyism.’’ The third factor is termed ‘‘reciprocal exchange
of favor,’’ since the sub-items are related to reciprocal
exchange of behaviors between managers and subordinates.
Second Study
Sample and Data Collection
The purpose of the second study was to test the fitness of
the structure put forward in the exploratory factor analysis.
To this end, the POC scale was implemented with teachers
working in 23 secondary schools in the center of Elazıg,
Turkey. In order to have more reliable data, questionnaires
were administered individually in the school environment.
Of 682 teachers working in 23 schools, 253 completed the
scale voluntarily. Since 35 of questionnaires that were
received had missing data, only 218 were regarded as valid
and included in analyses. Response rate was 37 %. Of the
respondents, 125 (57.3 %) were male and 93 (42.7 %)
were female. In terms of school type, 32 (14.7 %) work in
vocational high schools, 41 (18.8 %) work in science high
school, and the remaining 145 teachers (66.5 %) work in
general and Anatolian high schools. Respondent ages range
between 24 and 53 (mean = 36.7).
Confirmatory Factor Analysis
The data obtained from the 218 valid surveys were analyzed,
and the validity and reliability of the scale were investigated.
Tabachnick and Fidell (2001) recommend that sample size
should be a minimum 200 in order to use multivariate sta-
tistical techniques. In addition, Jackson (2003) and Kline
(2005) state that the ratio of cases to free parameters should
be 10:1 in order to conduct a confirmatory factor analysis.
The sample size of the study is, therefore, sufficient
according to both the recommendation of Tabachnick and
Fidell (2001) (N [ 200) and the criteria set by Jackson
(2003) and Kline (2005) (15 9 10 = 150 \ 218).
Table 2 presents the standardized loadings and model fit
indexes of the items of the three-factor structure.
Table 2 shows that all standardized loadings of items
exceed 0.50. The factor load values of all except three
items exceed 0.70. In addition, the fit indexes indicate that
the three-factor structure displays an acceptable fit
(Table 2).
A composite reliability index was used to determine the
reliability of measures. As seen in Table 3, the composite
reliability index exceeds the minimum recommended level
of 0.60 (Bagozzi and Yi 1988). Average variance extracted
(AVE) values are greater than the recommended level of
0.50 (Hair et al. 1998). Discriminant validity was tested by
comparing the AVE values of each structure and the var-
iance shared by the structure and all other variables. In all
comparisons, AVE exceeded all combinations of the shared
variance (Table 3).
A one-factor model, second-order factor model, three-
factor model, and modified three-factor model were tested
M. Turhan
123
by means of maximum likelihood estimation. Table 4
presents the goodness of fit indexes of each model.
As seen in Table 4, all models have good fit values.
However, the best fit was shown by the three-factor model
and second-order factor model (v2 (87) = 176.97,
GFI = 0.90, RMSEA = 0.06, RMR = 0.04, NFI = 0.92,
CFI = 0.96, NNFI = 0.95). Since the cronyism scale is
newly developed, modification indexes (MI) were investi-
gated in order to better examine the items in the factor
structure. It was seen that some modifications would
increase the goodness of fit indices. Examination of the
MIs demonstrated that the highest MIs were between items
4 and 5 (MI = 8.93), and between items 7 and 9
(MI = 8.84). Thus, within-factor error covariance between
the 4th and 5th items was included in the calculation.
Likewise, within-factor error covariance between the 7th
and 9th items was added, and the measurement model was
modified accordingly. As seen in Table 4, the modified
second-order factor model displayed a strong goodness of
fit index (Fig. 2). According to Barnes and Moon (2006),
the knowledge criterion of Akaike can be used to compare
non-nested models. Accordingly, since the modified three-
factor model gives a lower AIC value (227.25), it displays
a better fit than the original three-factor model (242.97).
Nomological Validity
Cronyism is an unfair practice. Therefore, a lower level of
trust in managers is expected within organizations with a
high perceived level of cronyism. Many studies have
reported a strong relationship between perception of
Table 1 Factor loads of scale items
Item description Factor loadings
Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3
Our manager treats employees with whom he has a closer personal
connection with more tolerance
0.821
In our institution, individuals’ performance rather than their personal
relations with the manager are taken into account when employees
are rewardeda
0.818
When resolving conflicts, our manager protects employees with whom
(s)he has a closer personal connection
0.776
In our institution, employees who have a closer relationship with the
manager are given activities that have financial or career-related
benefits
0.768
The views of employees who have a close relationship with the
manager are prioritized while making decisions in our institution
0.768
Faults of employees who are personally close to the manager are
ignored in our institution
0.736
The interests of people who show unconditional loyalty to our
manager are protected more than others in our institution
0.799
Our managers treat those who do not criticize their decisions with
greater tolerance
0.710
Loyalty to the manager is the most important criterion in assessing
staff within our institution
0.673
Our manager ignores the faults of subordinates who are loyal 0.607
In our institution, loyalty to the institution is more important than
loyalty to the manager
0.580
Manager–employee relations in our institution are based on
institutional benefits rather than personal benefitsa0.796
When employees support our manager on a certain issue, they expect
to be rewarded
0.791
Our managers reward employees who present behaviors that support
their interests.
0.650
Manager–employee relations in our institution depend on reciprocal
personal benefits
0.571
Eigenvalue 5.28 3.34 1.84
Percent variance explained (%) 35.21 22.27 12.28
a Items in italic are reverse-scored
Organizational Cronyism
123
organizational justice and trust (e.g., Hoy and Tarter 2004;
Wong et al. 2006). To testify the psychometric character-
istics of the POC scale, the effect of cronyism on trust,
which is one of the variables to which cronyism is theo-
retically related, was tested. All dimensions of the scale
need to predict the trust in managers oppositely in order for
the scale to have nomological validity (Table 5 shows the
results of multiple regression analysis, displaying the
relationships between the dimensions of the POC scale and
trust in managers).
As seen in Table 5, the dimensions of the POC scale are
significant predictors of trust in managers. The R2 value of
the model is quite high (0.537). The ‘‘in-group bias’’ is the
most significant predictor of trust in managers, followed by
paternal cronyism and reciprocal exchange of favor,
respectively. These results are consistent with the structure
obtained through exploratory and confirmatory factor
analyses. In other words, it was concluded that the scale
had an adequate nomological validity.
Table 2 Standardized factor
loadings and fit indices
GFI goodness of fit index,
RMSEA root mean square error
of approximation, SRMR
standardized root mean square
residual, NFI normed fit ındex,
CFI comparative fit index;
NNFI non-normed fit indexa Items in italic are reverse-
scored
Item description Std. loadings
In-group bias
Our manager treats employees with whom he has a closer personal
connection with more tolerance
0.77
In our institution, individuals’ performance rather than their
personal relations with the manager are taken into account when
employees are rewardeda
0.63
When resolving conflicts, our manager protects employees with
whom (s)he has a closer personal connection
0.87
In our institution, employees who have a closer relationship with the
manager are given activities that have financial or career-related
benefits
0.81
The views of employees who have a close relationship with the
manager are prioritized while making decisions in our institution
0.82
Faults of employees who are personally close to the manager are
ignored in our institution
0.88
Paternal cronyism
The interests of people who show unconditional loyalty to our
manager are protected more than others in our institution
0.88
Our managers treat those who do not criticize their decisions with
greater tolerance
0.73
Loyalty to the manager is the most important criterion in assessing
staff within our institution
0.68
Our manager ignores the faults of subordinates who are loyal 0.84
In our institution, loyalty to the institution is more important than
loyalty to the manager
0.75
Reciprocal exchange of favor
Manager–employee relations in our institution are based on
institutional benefits rather than personal benefitsa0.69
When employees support our manager on a certain issue, they
expect to be rewarded
0.66
Our managers reward employees who present behaviors that support
their interests
0.83
Manager–employee relations in our institution depend on reciprocal
personal benefits
0.76
v2(87) = 176.97; p \ 0.01; GFI = 0.90, RMSEA = 0.06; SRMR = 0.04; NFI = 0.92; CFI = 0.96;
NNFI = 0.95
Table 3 Means, standard deviations, scale reliability, AVE, and
correlations
Means s.d. AVEa 1 2 3
1. In-group bias 2.40 0.80 0.64 0.87b 0.51 0.32
2. Paternal cronyism 2.21 0.74 0.60 0.72 0.82 0.43
3. Reciprocal exchange
of favor
2.13 0.69 0.54 0.57 0.66 0.72
a Average variance extractedb Scale composite reliability (reported in bold along the diagonal).
Correlations are showed in the lower half of the matrix. Shared
variances are reported in the upper half of the matrix. All correlations
are significant at p \ 0.01
M. Turhan
123
Discussion
Although many studies have been conducted on ethics in
the field of management and leadership, there is a limited
number of studies about the common and important prob-
lem of cronyism and its effects (Khatri and Tsang 2003).
Previous studies have contributed to the definition of cro-
nyism and its reflection in the field of management.
However, there are few empirical studies about cronyism
within organizations and the individual and organizational
outcomes. Therefore, there is a need for empirical studies
to improve knowledge of cronyism and its effects. Based
on this need, a scale was developed to measure perceptions
of cronyism among members of an organization. The
present study introduces the multidimensional 15-item
POC scale.
In this study, the concept of organizational cronyism
was defined as managers favoring people or groups to
whom they feel closer for whatever reason, and dispro-
portionally protecting their interests. There are many fields
in organizational life where this situation may be experi-
enced. This is because an organization is an environment
where imbalances of power and informal and mutual
relationships, based on self-interest, are experienced both
structurally and behaviorally. Therefore, this study dealt
with the concept of cronyism within the concept of social
exchange theory, leader–member exchange theory, and
organizational power and policy.
One of the significant contributions of this study is that it
determined that employees’ perception of cronyism as a
multidimensional structure. Exploratory factor analysis
demonstrated that the POC scale had a three-factor structure,
in accordance with the literature. In describing the factors
leading to perceptions of cronyism, the three dimensions of
the scale were termed: ‘‘in-group bias,’’ referring to mana-
gerial bias based on informal relations with subordinates;
‘‘paternal cronyism,’’ referring to managers favoring loyal
Table 4 Goodness of fit indices of models pertaining to factor structure of POC scale
Model v2 v2/df Dv2 GFI RMSEA SRMR NFI CFI NNFI AIC
One-factor 197.84 2.27 0.88 0.07 0.04 0.91 0.95 0.94 263.84
Second-order factor (Model 1) 176.97 2.03 0.90 0.06 0.04 0.92 0.96 0.95 242.97
Three factor (Model 2) 176.97 2.03 0.90 0.06 0.04 0.92 0.96 0.95 242.97
Difference between Model 1 and Model 2 0
Modified three factor (Model 3) (Fig. 2) 157.25 1.85 0.91 0.06 0.04 0.93 0.96 0.96 227.25
Difference between Model 2 and Model 3 19.72**
Used model fit indices – B3 0.90–0.95 B0.08 B0.08 0.90–0.95 C0.95 C0.95
Reference Sumer (2000), MacCallum and Hong (1997), MacCallum et al. (1996), Bentler (1990), MacCallum
and Hong (1997), Hu and Bentler (1999)
GFI goodness of fit ındex, RMSEA root mean square error of approximation, SRMR standardized root mean square residual, NFI normed fit
ındex, CFI comparative fit index; NNFI non-normed fit index, AIC Akaike’s information criterion
** p \ 0.01
IB
C1 e1
,77C2 e2
,55
C3 e3,87
C4 e4,80
C5 e5
,80
C6 e6
,89
PC
C7 e7,88
C8 e8,73
C9 e9,70
C10 e10,84
C11 e11
,74
REF
C12 e12,69
C13 e13,65
C14
C15
e14,83
e15
,77
,57
,72
,66
,24
,25
Fig. 2 A diagram for modified three-factor model (Model 3)
Table 5 Relationships between scale dimensions and trust in
managers
Dimensions of POC
scale
B SE b t p R2
In-group bias -0.59 0.08 -0.43* -7.06 0.00 0.537
Paternal cronyism -0.27 0.06 -0.21* -4.19 0.00
Reciprocal
exchange of favor
-0.22 0.07 -0.16* -2.96 0.00
Dependent variable: The trust in manager (1. ‘‘In general, the
employees at our school trust in the manager’’; 2. ‘‘In general, our
manager treats everyone impartially’’) (a = 0.81)
* p \ 0.01
Organizational Cronyism
123
subordinates; and ‘‘reciprocal exchange of favor,’’ referring
to the expectation of mutual favor between manager and
subordinates. An employee’s perception of cronyism may
differ in terms of the three dimensions. Previous studies
(Khatri et al. 2006; Yan and Bei 2009; Hong 2011) showed
that the causes and effects of cronyism may vary depending
on culture and organizational context.
The ‘‘In-group Bias’’ dimension of the POC scale con-
sists of 6 items, including: ‘‘Our manager treats employees
with whom he has a closer personal connection with more
tolerance’’; ‘‘When resolving conflicts, our manager pro-
tects employees with whom (s)he has a closer personal
connection.’’ The high score indicates strong perceptions of
in-group bias. The ‘‘Paternal Cronyism’’ dimension of the
scale consists of 5 items, including: ‘‘The interests of
people who show unconditional loyalty to our manager are
protected more than others in our institution’’; ‘‘Loyalty to
the manager is the most important criterion in assessing
staff within our institution.’’ The high score indicates a
strong perception that managers favor subordinates who
show loyalty and obey unconditionally. The third dimen-
sion of the scale is ‘‘reciprocal exchange of favor,’’
including: ‘‘When employees support our manager on a
certain issue, they expect to be rewarded’’; ‘‘Manager–
employee relations in our institution depend on reciprocal
personal benefits.’’ The high score indicates an intense
perception that subordinate–superior relations within the
organization are shaped by cronyism based on the expec-
tation of receiving something in return.
Confirmatory factor analyses revealed that the three-
factor structure of the scale yielded the best goodness of fit
values. However, it was seen that the goodness of fit
indices of the single-factor structure also provided an
acceptable level of fit. Thus, the developed POC scale may
be used also unidimensionally in order to determine per-
ceptions of cronyism among employees of an organization.
The present study showed that perceived organiza-
tional cronyism was a significant predictor of trust in
managers. The findings indicate a strongly inverse rela-
tionship between perceived in-group bias and trust in
managers, followed by paternal cronyism and reciprocal
exchange of favor. The more strongly employees believe
that their manager treats subordinates unequally and
favors some employees, the less trust they have in their
manager. This finding reveals that perceptions of crony-
ism negatively affect employees’ sense of justice, because
cronyism is an unfair practice. Previous studies reported
that trust and justice are closely related (Hoy and Tarter
2004; Wong et al. 2006). In this regard, managers should
pay strict attention to the principle of justice in their
professional relations, and avoid attitudes and behaviors
associated with cronyism in order to gain the trust of
their subordinates.
Each of the three dimensions of the scale addresses a
different premise of cronyism. It is likely that in-group bias
is experienced more within cultures that have intense social
networks and informal relations. Paternal cronyism may be
experienced more in cultures with a high power distance,
where superiors expect obedience and subordinates expect
protection. Based on the classification by Singelis et al.
(1995), these kinds of cronyism may be expected to be
observed mostly in vertical and collectivist cultures (e.g.,
Asian countries). As mentioned by Khatri (2011), these
cultures have a more appropriate culture for cronyism;
because in these cultures employees have respect and
affection at high level toward their managers. The rela-
tionships between managers and employees are based on
fear and affection. Managers are closely interested in the
lives of their employees, both in and out of work. However,
this relationship does not turn into an informal friendship.
Instead, relationships are formal and are kept at arm’s-
length. This kind of a relationship can result in an exchange
similar to the one between father and sons or daughters. In
other words, while the employee respects and obeys the
manager, the manager protects and guides the employee.
On the other hand, reciprocal exchange of favor seems to
be more likely within individualistic cultures (e.g., Western
countries). Further study would be necessary in order to
empirically confirm such deductions.
Limitations and Future Studies
The present study is significant in that it has developed a
scale determining behaviors within the context of cronyism
within an organization. However, both the first study and
the second study were conducted in educational institu-
tions. The dimensions and scope of cronyism may differ
between employment sectors and sample groups. In this
sense, the developed scale may need to be adapted to dif-
ferent sectors. In addition, there is a limited number of
studies on the phenomenon of favoritism, both within
schools and in other organizations. The literature contains
some studies about favoritism and nepotism in general
(Millgram et al. 1999; Spranger et al. 2012; Asunakutlu
and Avcı 2010; Bute 2011a; Keles et al. 2011; Bute 2011b;
Aydogan 2012). However, further studies are required to
analyze the phenomenon of cronyism and its effects on the
behaviors of employees within public and private institu-
tions. Thus, descriptive and correlational studies of this
issue may make important contributions to the literature.
The intensity of biased attitudes and behaviors within an
organization may have many individual and organizational
outcomes. It is more than probable that biased practices
will impair the sense of justice; reduce trust in managers,
other colleagues, and the organization; and have important
M. Turhan
123
organizational implications. Furthermore, individual
effects such as lower organizational commitment,
increased burnout and stress level, and reduced job satis-
faction may be expected. Therefore, there is a need for
further research to determine the individual and organiza-
tional results and effects of cronyism, and to develop
strategies for addressing similar practices within organi-
zations. Future studies may focus on the causes of crony-
ism as well as its effects on individuals and organizations.
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