Pages From Vincenzo Ruggiero

7/23/2019 Pages From Vincenzo Ruggiero

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IDEOLOGY WITH HUMAN VICTIMS

1

We would probably be a little hesitant to reduce what Rusche

described and what he experienced to social control.What is obvious in these historical examples of the European

experience since the state-building process of the Middle ges!culminating in the "a#i attempt at a belated intra-Europeancolonialism and in what has lately! after two short decades ofintegration in the $%&'()'s! become unavoidable contemporaryreality again is the fact of social exclusion* societies draw limits as to whobelongs! who fulfils the duties and who is entitled to the privileges of abona-fide member. +tates have formally defined rules of citi#enship andways to ac,uire it. oreigners allowed to stay often get the duties but not

the benefits of membership. ourgeois thin/ing has at times gonebeyond this and has conceived of the improbable idea of human rightsand of the possibility of belonging to an allencompassing class ofhumanity. 0his idea has! of course! not been reali#ed 1outsidehumanist drama on the classical stage2! but has since constituted acontradiction to the reality of the nation state! of class society!of patriarchy!of some3mainly educated men of property3being more e,ual than

others. ll others3females! young people! poor people! uneducated people!savages3were simply neglected in constructions of man/ind! wereassumed to be represented by someone who ,ualified for full citi#enshipand(or had to wait and wor/ for emancipation. t least the labour and thefeminist movementswere ,uite successful in the latter.

0he twentieth century is full of reversals of bourgeois emancipation!

full of examples of the dialectic of enlightenment! particularly on thegrounds of a new political category* race. iological thin/ing! anunderstanding of capitalism in terms of social 4arwinism and thusdegeneration on the one! survival of the fittest on the other hand!opened up scientific ways of thin/ing about social exclusion* it becameconceiveable to avoid degeneration or even breed a superrace and toeliminate all persons who might not contribute to this or who might be

detrimental to the process. What we get in this idea is a fatal

combination of the personali#ing and structurali#ing modes of control

into a legitimation for eliminating certain categories of persons. 0he newscientific criminology around $%'' was full of this type of thin/ing* ascience of social exclusion. 5riminology has from this beginning been ascience of social exclusion and therefore connected to biologism! social


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HORIZONS

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4arwinism! racism! but with the rise of fascism in the $%6's it lostwhatever wea/ ties it also had to a social problems3or the social,uestion3 1meaning* fear of the labour movement32 approach. 7t hasremained an at best technocratic field of /nowledge! in which soft andhard technocrats still fight with changing gains and losses.

0he functions of crime and punishment in society are many and diverse!but among these one feature is obvious and cannot be disputed*punishment entails 1graduated forms of2 social exclusion. 7n theextremes of the death-penalty! transportation and exile it is totalexclusion for ever or at least for a long time. 0he interior exile of theprison and similar total institutions is similarly near- total exclusion! evenif the person can be reached by visitors and counsel and


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even if it is temporary. 8ther punishments li/e bodily harm and pain1including hard labour to that effect2 constitute at least temporary! if notpermanent! exclusion due to honour lost! stigma and physical or psychic

crippling. ines can be seen as the mildest form of social exclusion* theyta/e away 1some of2 the means of participation. 9ere we also have themost immediate and material effects of punishment! while those we couldidentify on the lower levels tend to be immaterial and ideological.

0hus* :unishment is social exclusion.:erhaps we can! for the time being! ta/e this to be the societal

function of punishment* to legitimate 1partial and temporary2 social

exclusion. "ext we have to turn this around and again as/ what otherforms of social exclusion we find.gain there are many forms of socialexclusion and punishment is neither the most important nor the mostfre,uent. ut it has special and strategic importance* it incorporates andexemplifies the logic of social exclusion for a particularly legitimate case.

0his logic is twofold* there is internali#ing social exclusion whichproduces a pariah population which is useful in exactly this position!and there is externali#ing social exclusion of persons and populations that

are redundantand expendable.

Internalizing social exclusion

7n a capitalist social formation it is the alienation of being typed

according to commodity characteristics! the central commodity being labour-power! that forms the core dimension of social exclusion. 5apitalistdevelopment is a constant struggle for a supply of cheap and powerless

labour on the one hand and coalitions to regulate competition for ;obs onthe other.


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housewor/! bric/laying! electrical installations and other s/illed ;obs2 for thelegitimate population. +ome of this! conducted by small operators! is

understood and treated as crime.$% 0he international organi#ers andsupporters of this production and distribution of commodities and services

are mostly members of legitimate society! often from the very top of theeconomy and state! especially the states armed and secret

apparatuses.

7t is poverty and the fact of being a recent immigrant 1including

internal migration2 that easily positions people as having to offer theirlabour for dirty wor/ and at a sub-standard price. 0he important point isthat the demand comes


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from the legitimate part of society* clients! customers and employers

can be found in all strata and positions. 0his is what organi#ed crime isabout! which may be more or less ghettoi#ed or integrated into the

whole of the economy. 7t has been argued 1"aylor $%%&2 that recentlyWestern economies have increasingly blurred this distinction betweenlegitimate and underground enterprise! not least helped by the enormousdifferences in living standards that have become exploitable in Europe.

:unishment helps ;ust a little in recruiting people into this pariah sector ofsociety and to reproduce it. ut it is only auxiliary to ordinary poverty and lac/of comparable legal opportunities. nd it does not reach the customers!

except blac/ sheep under exceptional conditions. 0he swelling discourse oforgani#ed crime is interesting here in that it is about what constituteslegitimate business! what are opportunities that can be grasped by anhonest businessman and what are the limits to greed in a newly liberali#edeconomy. 7t is interesting that the representation of morality in the wor/place!usually the domain of criminal law! is increasingly complemented by adiscourse on morality in business enterprise. 0his points to a conflict betweenthe state and the economy! that has ;ust been unfettered by the state! over

the spoils* will the gains all be privati#ed! or will some come bac/ astaxes! or will it ;ust be costs 1in terms of unemployment and welfareexpenditure2 that will come bac/>

Externalizing social exclusion

0he function of externali#ing social exclusion is routinely fulfilled by

the institution of citi#enship and the legal as well as factual limits to

immigration. 7t is also routinely fulfilled by differential living and wor/ing

conditions* the poor not only pay more! they also the earlier.?' 7t becomesconspicuous only when it is done by an 1economic and political2administration. :unishment is the most explicit case of this.

rom an administration and planning point of view people are useful

or a problem through their number or through needed or problematic,ualifications li/e labour power or consumption power or capacity to

withhold needed contributions 1as in a stri/e2! capacity to disrupt order 1asin riots2! their status as voter! recruit! or their ,ualification for marriage!partnership or parenthood. +ometimes people are categori#ed as


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expendable! burdensome or dangerous. 7n a highly administered societymany decisions depend on information about the distribution of these andsimilar characteristics and the assumed need for a certain amount ofthem 1and accordingly number of their bearers2. 0hus! the categories

according to which people are sorted and the depersonali#ed thin/ing aboutpersons as bearers of a property3indispensable pre-re,uisites forexternali#ing social exclusion3are all there.

What is added by punishment is the legitimation for the state and

even the duty of the state to exclude the bearers of certain properties forthe common good. Exclusion by crime and punishment has the singularfeature of being deserved and therefore being morally ;ustified. 0he patternproduced this way is a right to


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be here on the condition of proper conduct. ailure to meet this re,uirementma/es the person liable to be excluded3by the proper authorities only! ofcourse! but why not do the ;ob for them if they are too slow or hindered by

mere technicalities> Externali#ing social exclusion by administrative meansand on a numerically grand scale is never routine. 7t is always a political andsocial disaster of terror or a terror regime. 9istorical examples seem toshow that it can only be upheld for any prolonged time when it is part of awar or can be coached in terms of war. 0he enemy and criminal termsbecome interchangeable in war propaganda as well as law-and-order tal/14uster $%)$@ Aeen $%=&2. 0his wor/s both ways* routine social

exclusion by crime and punishment gains legitimacy by being declared tobe a form of war and the possibility of exceptional large-scale socialexclusion is held alive by the model of deserved social exclusion inpunishment. 0o ma/e this connection between punishment and socialexclusion more plausible without having to go into the detailed historicalstudies that this approachwould call for! let me ;ust mention two points*

0here is a lot of structural similarity between war propaganda and law-and- order tal/.

0here is the undeniable fact that the instruments of punishment havealso been applied in large-scale purges! even genocides.

Baw-and-order tal/ does not often go to the same de-humani#ing

extremes as war-propaganda but it uses an analogous polari#ation into

we and them. 0his has the re,uired effect of forming a homogeneouswhole to which we belong. 7t is all the easier if a category for this doesalready exist3a national identification! a racial one li/e ryan! or moral-political ones li/e honest wor/er or solid citi#en. ut it also wor/s theother way around* a common enemy forms us into a whole! even if there

is nothing more in common.?$

Baw-and-order tal/ devalues and dehumani#es persons! not actions or

structures! as does war propaganda. 0he enemy persons are dangerousand despicable by nature 1or by unchangeable cultural tradition2. 0hedefinition of the enemy as well as the criminal has an affinity to naturalcategories! as gender! age group or ethnic identification have under normal


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circumstances. 1+ince we try to reform criminals we have a new category*the persistent offender.2

Baw-and-order tal/ li/e war propaganda uses the patriarchal motive ofprotection of innocent children and women. 0he enemy as well as the

criminal are constructed as a threat to masculinity via children andwomen. 0he word innocent that is routinely used in this context!?? is ,uitean interesting indicator because it implies we would see things differentlyhad these victims not been innocent! had they been guilty. 0his!incidentally! is exactly the use to which this term was put in ntisemitismand by the "a#is* they were made guilty and deserving the treatment theygot.

0here is one element in war propaganda that has long been absentfrom the crime-discourse* paranoia. War propaganda cannot be provedwrong* if the enemy


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cannot be seen that is ;ust proof of how cunning they are. 7f a particularexemplar turns out to be fair and nice! he or she is an exception or isundermining our defences. War propaganda also /nows of covert actions!

subversives and useful idiots and wants us to be distrustful of everyone*evil is everywhere. 0o the author! it is ;ust a little bit dis,uieting that verysimilar expressions of such thin/ing pop up again and again in law-and-order tal/.

s to the second point we can ;ust stay in the twentieth century to

note the simple historical fact that the same instruments that weredeveloped for state punishment3legal exclusion from citi#en rights!

confiscation of property! transportation! incarceration! forced labour! deathpenalty3were also used in outright and open social exclusion- andextermination-programmes in "a#i Cermany and elsewhere. ll this wasdone to categories of people who were defined in terms of race!incorrigibility or 1political or common2 criminality 1or more than one ofthese23and the people so defined often met in the same concentrationcamps.

ascinating fantasies3harsh realities

7t seems we have to reali#e that in the institution of crime and

punishment the logic of deserved administrative social exclusion is/ept alive and so are the principal instruments that3under extraordinaryconditions3can also be used in large-scale social exclusion programmes.0here is also a strong connection between warfare(the military arm of thestates monopoly of force and punishment(the internali#ing exclusion arm of

that monopoly.?6

We can now comprehensively identify the functions crime andpunishment has in the mode of domination*

7t legitimi#es and executes social exclusion! it aspires to controllingmorality! it is a specific form of regulating conflicts. ut then! on all theselevels! the contribution to actual social exclusion! social control andconflict management is minimal statistically compared to the basic

mechanisms of the labour mar/et! discipline and patriarchy in economicterms. 0hese substantively effective social mechanisms go largely unnoticedin normal times! whereas the small and insignificant sector of crime and


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punishment catches our attention and our fantasies! feeds a great part ofthe culture industry3and is in fact fascinating and satisfying for the

consumer. Most crime and punishment circulating in society does so asstories and action movies. 0heir genres can be correlated to our three levels

again* there are stories of getting into trouble and out again?D at theinterpersonal level! domination challenged and enforced on theorgani#ational level and belonging and dropping out on the societal.

0hese fantasies are fascinating because they play on the basic motives ofpeople acting in societies! not least on their masculinity(femininity! theirrebellious as well as their authoritarian desires. :robably it is theseharmless fantasies by which the function of crime and punishment!

which materially is not very important for the mode of domination! is /eptintact and alive. What begins so


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harmlessly ends ,uite dangerously in /eeping intact the logic and theinstruments of social exclusion! which! under conditions that are not all thatunli/ely! are put to use in the historical disasters of large-scale social

exclusion.0he expression crime and punishment represents a significant

coupling together of ideas! functions and institutions. 0his significancebecomes frightening when we consider how easily they are mobili#edtoward warli/e ends. 7n normal times! crime and punishment may belargely ideologically constructed3but this remains ideology with humanvictims.

"otes

$ Enlarged manuscript of the lecture given in the opening session of

the E+R5 conference! Manchester! +eptember! $%%&. 0han/s to 7an0aylor and ill 5hambliss for help with the revision.

0he paper is also a second part to my $%%) in-de-siclecriminology Theoretical Criminology $1$2* $$$F$?%. s a third part 7

have since3in co-operation with 9elga 5remer-+chGfer3developedfurther the approach presented here. 0he changing fates of statepunishment and criminology 1as the mostly all-too-willing ideological part ofthat apparatus2 in this century can be described as integration anddisintegration of two institutions* crime and punishment and wea/nessand care. 0his further paper will be published in KriminologischesJournal.

? 0a/ing up oucaults lead this means detailed regulation of co-ordinated

actions and movements! invented and transported through thecenturies in the monastery! later applied to other total institutions!including the factory settlement of early capitalism! eventuallygenerali#ed to a self-monitored reliability in cycles of routines that doesnot need the corset of constant outside surveillance any more 10reiberand +teinert $%='@ +teinert $%%62.

6 0he core of this is household production dominated by an older

male who has to procreate! provide and protect! and for this uses andregulates the non-wage labour of the other household members. 0hepositions! power relations and 1self32definitions so established certainlytranfers to other situations and have conse,uences for them.


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D :sychologically this has been constructed by reud as brothers-horde!sociologically the commune! the subculture as well as the interestgroup are examples which have been widely studied 1+chibel $%=H2.0hese are social organi#ations in which this type of solidarity

becomes dominant! but it is also a dimension of other social forms.H


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of a process of civili#ation does not seem to hold* dialectic ofenlightenment may be more appropriate. 7nteresting examples of areformulation of what civili#ation may mean in the light of the

experience of the twentieth century are reuer 1$%%D2 andReemtsma 1$%%D2. My own reformulation is derived from military history*what Elias 1mis2understands as a process of civili#ation of violencewas the simple shift from societies dominated by warriors and thusupper-class violence to societies inwhich the lower classes were madeto do the dirty wor/ of violence.

= 0his position was developed in critical debates about Rusche and

Airchheimer 1$%6=2 and oucault 1$%)H2. +ee +teinert 1$%=$b! $%=6!$%=&! $%%$2! +teinert and 0reiber 1$%)=2! 0reiber and +teinert 1$%='2!including further references.

% or the distinction between reactive and pro-active social control see 9ess1$%=62.

$' +ee bel $%%$@ +chumann et al. $%=)@ +chumann $%=% amongst

others. 0he assumption that under normal conditions the number ofpeople processed is not big enough to be of material conse,uence is

;ust one! although an important! part of the argument. 0his has to bemodified* the present development of criminal policy in the


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instance rmstrong and 0ennenhouse 1$%=%2! BJderssen and +eibert1$%)=2! MJller-4iet# 1$%%'2! +chKnert1$%=6@$%%$2! +teinert 1$%)=2.

$6 0his other is! of course! not a slip of the pen 1or the /eystro/e2! but

ac/nowledges that these emotions are deeply patriarchal3which does

not at all preclude that they are often shared by female orsubordinate male members within this mode of domination.

$D or a detailed analysis of this position and the patriarchal mode ofdomination using the example of 5lint Eastwoods five 4irty 9arry-movies see +teinert 1$%%&2. 0he classical patriarchal genre in film! ofcourse! is the Western with its central theme ofcommunity building bymutual ac/nowledgement of patriarchal 1small2 property- owners. slong as the genre was intact 1as in +hane2 they were the heroes! notthe sheriff nor the lone rider! who were only instrumental in helping toput things right in the community! but then had to go. 7t is only in its lateand critical forms! particularly in its European 1+paghetti2 variant! thatthe Western lost that motive of community building and put the lonerider into the foreground.

$H 7 have ta/en arrington Moores 1$%)=2 concept of an implicit socialcontract and adapted it to describe changing re,uirements for labour

,ualifications in phases of the capitalist development with differentstrategies of capital reproduction. +ee +teinert 1$%=$a@ $%=D2! 5remer-+chGfer and +teinert 1$%=&2.

$& or strong arguments to the contrary see ox 1$%=62@ 5hambliss 1$%)=2.

$) 0his is not only true for the damages incurred through the peaceful

operation of ha#ardous production! but even for the classical field ofsteet crime where efficient prevention has to set in long before any

,uestions of punishment arise and where


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the latter often is a cheap way out of doing what could be effective.

+ee +teinert 1$%%?! $%%Ha! b2.

$= Lordan 1$%%&2 has constructed an interesting and sophisticated

politico-economic theory of social exclusion from assumptions aboutthe formation and effects of such clubs.

$%nother advantage is that these people without social bonds andconnections can be used for purposes of domination! partly for thedirty wor/ necessary! but also for positions that have to be trusted15oser $%)D2.

?' +ee 5aplovit# 1$%&62 on the first point! Wil/inson 1$%%&2 as a

summary of findings as well as presentation of original comparativematerial on the second.?$ "ational stereotypes seem to be very dependent on images formed in

wars and in war propaganda! even decades after the former enemieshave become allies. 8ne example is the Western image of Lapan asanalysed by Bittlewood 1$%%&2 from literaryand popular culture sources.7t is ,uite obvious that the national stereotype of Cermany is still heavilyloaded by the "a#i past. 7nterestingly 1and counter-factually2 ustria

has long managed to /eep out of that shadow.?? recent example that 7 happened to come across is provided by the

historian 9ans Mommsen 1$%%&2 who! in the first paragraph of hisessay! spea/s of the systematic li,uidation of millions of innocenthuman beings! primarily Lews 1my translation2.

?6 0his! by the way! leads to the interesting conclusion that the thirdvariety of the state monopoly of force3the police with its tas/ of

internal peace-/eeping and disarmament3is actually the mostcivili#ed of the three. 7t is not out to inflict pain li/e punishment and notaimed at the unregulated /illing and destruction of warfare.

?D 0his is one of the descriptions of what classical 9ollywood drama wasabout as well as the basic dimension of everyday stories about crimeand other troubles.

References

bel! Richard B. 1$%%$2 0he failure of punishment as social control! IsraelLaw e!iew ?H 16FD2* )D'FH?.


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lthusser! Bouis 1$%)'2 7dologie et appareils idologi,ues dEtat

1"otes pour une recherche2! La "ens#e no. $H$@ ,uoted from theCerman translation in* lthusser 1$%))2 Ideologie und ideologische$taatsa%%arate* $'=FH6. 9amburg* I+.

rmstrong! "ancy and Beonard 0ennenhouse 1$%=%2 1eds2 The &iolenceof e%resentation' Literature and the (istory of &iolence. Bondon*Routledge.

artlett! Robert 1$%%D2 The )a*ing of Euro%e' Con+uest, Colonization andCultural Change -/0 12/. :rinceton*


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5remer-+chGfer! 9elga and 9ein# +teinert 1$%=&2 +o#ialstru/tur undAontrollpoliti/* Einiges von dem! was wir glauben! seit Rusche undAirchheimer da#ugelernt #u haben! Kriminologisches Journal eiheft $

1Aritische Ariminologie heute2* ))F$$=.4on#iger! +teven R. 1$%%&2 1ed.2 The eal ;ar on Crime' The e%ort of

the =ational Criminal Justice Commission. "ew Oor/* 9arper.4uster! 0roy 1$%)$2 5onditions for guilt-free massacre! in +anford

".5omstoc/ et al.

1eds2 $anctions for E!il' ?HF6&. +an rancisco* Lossey-ass.

Elias! "orbert 1$%6%2 >?er den "roze@ der Ai!ilisation' $oziogenetischeund %sychogenetische 9ntersuchungen. asel* 9aus #um al/en. ?.ufl. 1$%&%2 ran/furt* +uhr/amp.

oucault! Michel 1$%)H2 $ur!eiller et %unir' =aissance de la %rison. :aris*Callimard.un/! lbrecht 1$%%H2 usgeschlossene und urger* 4as ambivalente

IerhGltnis vonRechtsgleichheit und so#ialem usschluP! KriminologischesJournal ?)*?D6FH&.

Carfin/el! 9arold 1$%H&2 5onditions of successful degradationceremonies!:merican Journal of $ociology &$*D?'F?D.

Cay! :eter 1$%%62 The Culti!ation of (atred. "ew Oor/* "orton.9ana/! Cerhard! Lohannes +tehr und 9ein# +teinert 1$%=%2 Brgernisse und

Le?ens*atastro%hen' >?er den alltglichen 9mgang mit Kriminalitt.ielefeld* LN-Ierlag.

9ess! 9enner 1$%=62 :robleme der so#ialen Aontrolle! in* 9.-L.Aerner

et al. 1eds.2 KriminologieD"sychiatricD$trafrecht' 5estschrift fEr (einzLeferenz zum F/. 8e?urtstag. pp. 6F?D. 9eidelberg* 5..MJller.

Lordan! ill 1$%%&2: Theory of "o!erty and $ocial Exclusion. 5ambridge*:olity :ress. Aat#! Lac/ 1$%=)2 What ma/es crime Qnews>! )edia,Culture and $ociety %*D)F)H.Aeen! +am 1$%=&2 5aces of the Enemy' eflections of the (ostile

Imagination. +an rancisco* 9arper S Row.Bittlewood! 7an 1$%%&2 The Idea of Ja%an' ;estern Images, ;estern

)yths. Bondon* +ee/er SWarburg.BJderssen! Alaus and 0homas-Michael +eibert 1$%)=2 1ed.2 :utor und

Tter. ran/furt* +uhr/amp.


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Mommsen! 9ans 1$%%&2 4ie dJnne :atina der Nivilisation! Gie Aeit no. 6&!ug. 6'*$DF$H.

Moore! arrington Lr. 1$%)=2 InHustice' The $ocial 7ases of 6?edience ande!olt. White :lains* +harpe.

MJller-4iet#! 9ein# 1$%%'2 8renz?erschreitungen' 7eitrge zur 7eziehungzwischen Literatur undecht. aden-aden* "omos.

"aylor! R.0. 1$%%&2 rom underworld to underground* Enterprise crime!Qinformal sector business and the public policy response! Crime, Law $ocial Change ?D*)%F$H'.

Reemtsma! Lan :hilipp 1$%%D2 4ie Wieder/ehr der 9obbesschen

rage. 4iale/ti/ der Nivilisation! )ittelweg 23 61&2* D)FH&.Rusche! Ceorg 1$%662 rbeitsmar/t und +trafvoll#ug* Cedan/en #ur

+o#iologie der +traf;usti#! Aeitschrift fr $ozialforschung ?*&6F)=.Tuoted from the reprint in Rusche and Airchheimer 1$%=$2* ?%=F6$6.

Rusche! Ceorg and 8tto Airchheimer 1$%6=2 "unishment and $ocial$tructure. "ew Oor/*5olumbia


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+chibel! Aarl-Budwig 1$%=H2 Gas alte echt auf die neue 8esellschaft' Aur$ozialgeschichte der Kommune seit dem )ittelalter. ran/furt* +endler.

+chKnert! LKrg 1$%=62 1ed.2 Literatur und Kriminalitt' Gie gesellschaftliche

Erfahrung !an &er?rechen und $traf!erfolgung als 8egenstand desErzhlens. 0Jbingen* "iemeyer.

+chKnert! LKrg 1$%%$2 1ed.2 Erzhlte Kriminalitt' Aur Ty%ologie und5un*tion !on narrati!enGarstellungen in $trafrechts%flege, "u?lizisti* undLiteratur zwischen 1FF/ und 1-/. 0Jbingen* "iemeyer.

+chumann! Aarl . 1$%=%2! "ositi!e 8eneral%r!ention. Erge?nisse undChancen der 5orschung,

9eidelberg 15..MJller2+chumann! Aarl .! 5laus erlit#! 9ans-Werner Cuth and Reiner

Aaulit#/i 1$%=)2!

Jugend*riminalitt und die 8renzen der 8eneral%r!ention, "euwied1Buchterhand2

+tangl! Wolfgang 1$%%&2 QWien3+ichere +tadt* Einbewohner#entriertes :rGventionspro;e/t! Kriminologisches Journal?=*D=F&=.

+tehr! Lohannes 1$%%D2 +o#iale usschliePung als bwehr von 9errschaft!Kriminologisches Journal ?&*?)6F%H.

+tehr! Lohannes 1$%%&2 $agenhafte Kriminalitt' >?er die %ri!ate :neignung !onherrschender )oral.

ran/furt* :h.4. dissertation! '6! L.W. Coethe-


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+teinert! 9ein# 1$%=62 0he development of Qdiscipline according to Micheloucault* 4iscourse analysis vs. social history! Crime and $ocial Justiceno. ?'*=6F%=.

+teinert! 9ein# 1$%=D2 Morale del lavoro e indigna#ione morale* storia

del controllo sociale! ovvero storia di strategic del capitale! Gei Gelitti EGelle "ene ?1?2* ?$6FD'.

+teinert! 9ein# 1$%=H2 Nur /tualitGt der Eti/ettierungstheorie!Kriminologisches Journal

$)* ?%FD6.

+teinert! 9ein# 1$%=&2 eyond crime and punishment! Contem%orary Crises$'*?$F6=.+teinert! 9ein# 1$%%$2 Q7s there ;ustice> "o3;ust usV QLustice as an

attempt to control domination and the problem of state-organi#ed paininfliction! Israel Law e!iew ?H16FD2* )$'F?=.

+teinert! 9ein# 1$%%?2 0echno-prevention and conflict managementversus moral- authoritarian control in criminal policy! in* 9ans-


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Nugleich eine nalyse von Q4irty 9arry und anderen 5lint Eastwoodilmen! in* Loachim Aersten und 9ein# +teinert 1eds2 $tar*e Ty%en'Iron )i*e, Girty (arry, CrocodileGundee und der :lltag !on )nnlich*eit.

Jahr?uch fr echts4 und Kriminalsoziologie 1--3'$?$FH). aden-aden* "omos.

+teinert! 9ein#! and 9ubert 0reiber 1$%)=2 Iersuch! die 0hese von derstrafrechtlichenusrottungspoliti/ im +pGtmittelalter Qaus#urotten* Eine Ariti/an Rusche(Airchheimer und dem U/onomismus in der 0heorie der+trafrechtsentwic/lung! Kriminologisches Journal $'*=$F$'&.

0illy! 5harles 1$%=H2 War ma/ing and state ma/ing as organi#ed crime! in*

:eter .Evans! 4ietrich Rueschemeyer and 0heda +/ocpol 1eds27ringing the $tate 7ac* In' &%F%$. 5ambridge*

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