Pan-Islamism and Radicalization of Kashmiri Youth
Introduction
Religious radicalization has its growing influence in the State of Jammu and Kashmir. Majority
of the Muslim youth in the Kashmir Valley is increasingly inclining towards extremist political,
social and religious ideas repudiating and challenging the status quo. There has been a sudden
heave in Pan-Islamism in Kashmir’s Muslim society gradually marginalizing an initial pro-
nationalist agenda of insurgency. Rabidly fanatical clerics are indoctrinating the youth with
Wahhabi ideology, whereby they reject the old Kashmiri tradition of people visiting and
paying obeisance at the shrines of popular saints (Sufis and Rishis), terming it a violation of
the teachings of Islam.
The youth are told that it is the duty of Muslims to capture power and impose Sharia Law
(Islamic Law), which disapproves democracy and legitimizes holy war (Jihad) as means for
establishing an Islamic Caliphate. Misuse of social media by the jihadist has exacerbated
radicalization, posing more challenges to the security of the State.
The type of Islam which Kashmiris have accepted since centuries is a variant of Sufism -
different from political Islam – in which Muslim Sufi saints preached pluralism and tolerance
of other faiths. Jihad oriented insurgency in Kashmir purged Kashmiri society of its indigenous
characteristics, as Pakistan funded and propagated radical- and militant Islam made deep
inroads into the Kashmiri society. Pakistan-based Jihadi groups like Hizbul Mujahideen, Harkat
ul Ansar, Markaz Dawa-wal-Irshad and its militant wing Lashkar-e-Taiba have become
extensively active in the Kashmir Valley as they found it easy to mislead the gullible people in
Kashmir.
Pan-Islamism, essentially upholding the concept of Ummah (Islamic community), rejects
national boundaries for an Islamic Caliphate. This idea has been drilled into the heads of
militants and hence violence and mayhem in the Valley of Kashmir are direct consequences
of it. Islamist extremists pose a challenge to the pluralistic social order, interfaith harmony
and peaceful coexistence among various communities while it gravely obstructs construction
of secular and democratic polity in the region.
Hindsight of emerging political identity
The year 1931 witnessed the rise of a massive nationalist movement against Dogra rule in the
context of feudal bondage. It was an endeavor by the oppressed people against a repressive
regime; they wanted to shape their destiny and of their coming generations. On 12th of
November in the same year, the last ruler of the Dogra dynasty, Maharaja Hari Singh
appointed a Commission to enquire the reasons for unrest and grievances of the Muslim
community. The Commission was headed by Sir G.B Glancy, an official of the Foreign and
Political department of the British Government of India, and the Commission recommended
a slew of reforms like reforms in the administrative structure and representation of Muslims
in service, which the Maharaja implemented. The Pandits initiated an agitation against these
recommendations referred to as the ‘Roti agitation’, led by a Pandit social organization called,
‘Yuvak Sabha’, which succeeded in warding off reservation of employment on communal
basis. However, it soon lost its momentum and ceased to be an independent political
movement.
In 1932, popular Kashmiri leader, Sheikh Abdullah, formed the first political party of Jammu
and Kashmir, the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, to project the rights and
aspirations of the Muslim community. The party focused on Kashmir peasantry, artisans and
working class groaning under the burden of taxes levied by the Maharaja. The All Jammu and
Kashmir Muslim Conference also prompted the formation of the ‘Kashmiri Pandit Conference’
and the ‘Hindu Sabha’ in the State. As President of the Muslim Conference, Sheikh Abdullah
appealed for a non-communal struggle aimed at putting an end to the suffering of all
communities and securing a responsible government.
“Our country’s progress is impossible so long as we do not establish amicable relations
with other communities” – Sheikh Abdullah, while addressing Muslim Conference in
1932.
“Let us all rise above petty communal bickering and work jointly for the welfare of the
masses. I appeal to all Hindu brethren not to entertain imaginary fears and doubts. Let
us assure them that their rights shall not be jeopardized if they join hands with their
Mussalmans”- Sheikh Abdullah, while addressing masses, regardless of caste, creed
or religion, 1935.
In order to secularize his organization and gain mass support, Sheikh Abdullah reconstituted
Muslim Conference as National Conference in 1939. This started the ‘Quit Kashmir’
movement in 1946, a struggle against the Dogra oligarchy, which was based on the demand
to set up a democratic government in the State with power vested in the hands of the people.
The leaders of the earlier Muslim Conference condemned the Quit Kashmir movement and
called it Sheikh Abdulla’s conspiracy (along with the Congress party) to disseminate Hindu
hegemony in the State, however the course of political development during the period 1939-
1947 remained free from communal and violent leanings. As President of National
Conference, Sheikh Abdullah, in his speeches affirmed that his government would be a
popular government of the people of the State regardless of their religion.
“In Kashmir, we want a people’s government. We want a government which will give
equal opportunities to all men, irrespective of caste and creed. The Kashmir
Government will not be the government of any one community. It will be a joint
government of the Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims. That is what I am fighting for”- Sheikh
Abdullah, President National Conference.
On 22nd of October 1947, Pakistan invaded both regions of the State, Kashmir and Jammu.
The invaders were organized in company-level units and armed with lethal weapons. The
invaders -- hordes of tribesmen from the tribal areas of Pakistan—butchered defenseless
Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs, burnt houses, looted and destroyed properties and indulged in
large-scale rape and abduction of women, many of who were forced to convert and marry in
parts of Pakistan. The panic-stricken Maharaja, his handful of soldiers unable to withstand the
onslaught of the invading hordes, made an appeal to the Government of India to come to his
rescue. Indian Government subjected military assistance to the Maharaja signing the formal
Instrument of Accession, which the Maharaja signed.
Consequently, India and Pakistan fought the first Kashmir war for more than a year, and on
the midnight of 31st of December 1948, a cease fire agreement was agreed which came into
immediate effect. It reset the boundaries of the State, with which India gained control over
almost two-thirds of the State of Jammu and Kashmir comprising Jammu, Kashmir Valley and
Ladakh while Pakistan was left with large portions of western Jammu and Poonch, Skardu of
Ladakh area and Gilgit Baltistan.
Maharaja Hari Singh and National Conference both accepted the accession of the State of
Jammu and Kashmir with India. International intervention from the UN made the accession
of the State to India open with the option of a plebiscite which Sheikh Abdullah also accepted,
but this option could not be implemented since Pakistan did not fulfill the preconditions of
holding a plebiscite (according to the UN Resolutions) which included withdrawal of its forces
from the parts of erstwhile princely State of Jammu and Kashmir, now controlled and
administered by Pakistan.
In 1972 Bangladesh war that saw the liberation of East Bengal from the clutches of West
Pakistani rulers, the people of the Valley prepared to endorse accession of the State to India.
The Shimla agreement between India and Pakistan, following the Bangladesh Liberation War,
in which both sides agreed to settle any disputes by peaceful means through bilateral
negotiations, had also rendered the UN Resolutions irrelevant. Abdullah announced, “our
dispute with Government of India is not about accession but about the quantum of
autonomy”. In February 1975, Sheikh Abdullah assumed power for the second time as the
Chief Minister of the State after a gap of 11 years and an Accord was signed between Prime
Minster of India, Indira Gandhi and Sheikh Abdullah, which further strengthened India’s
control over legislation in Jammu and Kashmir. Sheikh Abdullah remained the Chief Minister
and popular Kashmiri leader till his death in 1982.
Farooq Abdullah, who succeeded his father as Chief Minister, won a convincing victory against
Congress in 1983, which helped the people of the Valley to reaffirm their confidence in the
Indian democracy. However, not happy with Farooq Abdullah’s waywardness, Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi began destabilizing him and eventually Farooq Abdullah was dismissed on the
grounds of his inability to prove majority support and allegations of covertly supporting anti-
Indian elements in the Valley. The move angered the masses but there were no protests
against Abdullah’s dismissal and his brother-in-law, Gul Mohammad Shah, replaced him.
Operation Topac: A Pakistani conspiracy (1984)
Pakistan has always vehemently denied any collusion in Jammu and Kashmir, despite
contriving tribal incursion of the State in 1947 (First Kashmir War), 1965 (Operation Gibraltar)
and most recently in 1999 (Kargil War). Pakistan had pre-planned an operation, referred to
by several names viz ‘Operation Topac’, ‘Kashmir Plan’ or ‘Zia Plan’ for initiating terrorism and
unleashing a proxy war in the State of Jammu and Kashmir with an objective of making it a
part of Pakistan. Operation Topac, a brain-child of President Zia-ul-Haq of Pakistan, had a
three-phase action plan for covert support to armed insurgency in Indian Administered
Jammu and Kashmir. Under the first phase, youth from Jammu and Kashmir were to cross the
de facto border (Line of Control-LoC) to seek weapon training at various training camps in
Pakistan Administered Jammu and Kashmir. During the second phase, called 'Operation
Stage', the Pak-trained youth were expected to indulge in large scale subversive activities like
bomb blasts and shoot-outs creating an atmosphere of terror and demoralizing the
administration. The third phase, which was supposed to be the final stage of the operation,
was to liberate the Muslim majority Kashmir Valley and establish an Independent Islamic
State.
“What Pakistan could not achieve through the wars of 1947-48, 1965 and 1971 had to
be achieved through an amalgam of subterfuge, subversion, force and religious
fundamentalism”- Jagmohan, an Ex-Governor of Jammu and Kashmir & Author, My
Frozen Turbulences in Kashmir.
Amanullah Khan established Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), a political organization,
originally a militant wing of the Plebiscite Front in Pakistan Administered Jammu and Kashmir.
In May 1984, Amanullah Khan, then the Chairman of JKLF, was contacted by Lt. Gen. Akhtar
Abdul Rehman, a very close confidante and advisor of President Zia, the then head of
Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and the star of Pakistan's campaign against Soviets
in Afghanistan, to enlist the support of JKLF in initiating an insurgency in Indian Administered
Jammu and Kashmir. The plan was finalized by 1986 and action started in July 1988. There are
documentary evidences involving Pakistani based sources, corroborating their complicity in
the violence in the Kashmir Valley. JKLF, supported by the Pakistani army, established training
camps in Pakistan Administered Jammu and Kashmir with plans of weapons training for the
youth from Kashmir Valley. In February 1990, Amanullah Khan in an interview to Zahid
Hussain of Karachi monthly magazine ‘Newline’, said in reply to a question by a journalist,
"How did you mobilize the uprising? Was it a long-term plan?'' replied; "Yes, it was...... it had
to be well prepared. So, we actually started political planning in 1986 and continued till the
end of 1987 for one and a half years we were planning our strategy and it began in July 1988".
‘Operation Topac’ to be launched in 1991 had to be prematurely implemented owning to the
sudden death of Zia-ul-Haq and General Akhtar in the air crash of 17th of August 1988. General
Zia-ul-Haq's death in the said plane crash in Pakistan in 1988 triggered large scale rioting in
Srinagar, Baramulla, Pulwama, Bhaderwah and Anantnag, which eventually became areas of
militant strong-holds. The process of blasting of bombs, holding demonstrations and rioting
to whip up passions of local population continued till the end of 1988. In early 1990,
Amanullah Khan, very explicitly said in an interview with Times London, that the uprising was
a product of well laid plans and that the young men who crossed Line of Control received
weapons training through his organization based in Pakistan Administered Jammu and
Kashmir
“We chose Srinagar and the Kashmir valley as the first stage of our attack, what has
happened so far is the urban phase, mostly sabotage and hit and run tactics (phase
one of 'Operation Topac)"-Dr. Farooq Haider, Vice Chairman of the JKLF- revealed to
"the Economist" (London).
Zia-ul-Haq’s obsessive passion for Jammu and Kashmir was very well known as he went on
record shouting slogans “Kashmir Banega Pakistan” (Kashmir will become a part of Pakistan).
Some observers opine that as the ‘Afghan Struggle’ against the Soviets during Zia-ul-Haq’s
regime was nearing completion, ‘Operation Topac’ was a very well-planned move to prolong
his rule by involving the majority community of Kashmiri Muslims without repeating the
mistakes committed in 1965.
Alleged Rigged Election 1987 in Jammu and Kashmir
In 1986, Farooq Abdullah paradoxically concluded an accord with Rajiv Gandhi’s Congress and
returned to power by striking an alliance with the party, which left the people of Kashmir
Valley somewhat disillusioned and confused. They once again thought that their trust had
been betrayed, which was followed by communal riots the following year and a new political
party, Muslim United Front (MUF), gradually began gaining strength. It was formally launched
to safeguard the interest of Muslims and vitalize their identity and aspirations. MUF acquired
motivation from various fundamentalist groups, their focus being Islamic solidarity and
restoration of religious and political rights. The traditional shrine culture was repugnant to its
doctrine and its affiliates too began Islamizing Kashmir politics. In 1987, MUF fought the
elections on the identity of Muslim brotherhood, Kashmiri identity and the ideology of an
Islamic State. Some observers suggest that the election was rigged by the Abdullah-Gandhi
alliance and Muslim United Front believed that it received maximum votes and support
compared to the National Conference that was declared the winner of the elections. With the
declaration of the results, many people of the Valley lost faith in the democratic exercise and
once again felt betrayed which again resulted in strikes and incidences of violence.
Terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir
In 1988, several secessionist leaders and Kashmiri youth crossed the Line of Control (LoC) to
Pakistan Administered Jammu and Kashmir, received weapons training and returned to the
Valley, well prepared for an armed insurgency. Pakistani and Kashmiri religious parties and
their militant squads were used as a front to escalate armed attacks in Jammu and Kashmir
and succeeded in injecting the ideology of communalism in the Valley of Kashmir. Pakistan’s
motive to annex and not to liberate Jammu and Kashmir, causing disintegration within India,
is corroborated by the fact that majority of terrorist and separatist groups’ objective remained
merger with Pakistan. A malicious campaign against the minority community, Kashmiri
Pandits (Hindus), was launched by extremist Islamic terrorist groups using periodic write-ups
in local newspapers, sermons through mosques, shouting slogans and referring to the
minority community as non-believers (Kafirs). A final ultimatum was given to this community
through a press release on 14th of April 1990, asking them to leave the Valley within two days
or face death as reprisal. The entire community of about 350,000 Pandits of the Valley was
ethnically cleansed and forced to flee their ancestral homeland. In this phase of militancy, the
local Muslims who resisted, also bore the brunt of atrocities by Islamist terrorists and
mercenaries as there was a massive propaganda drive against Sufi Islam and the composite
Kashmiri culture, both dubbed as anti–Islamic.
The scattered generation of Kashmiri Pandits growing up outside their homeland is shaped in
a different culture with almost no connection to their roots while on the other hand, the
young generations of Muslims in Kashmir are growing up under the umbrella of a single
religion, Islam, and constant fear. There being no reference of communal harmony, heritage
or diversity of people that once existed in the idyllic Valley of Kashmir, the younger generation
can barely imagine how their elders used to live with Kashmiri Pandits. After nearly achieving
their aim of changing the structure of human population in the Valley, terrorists were
successful in extending their subversive activities in Doda, Poonch and Rajouri districts of
Jammu and Kashmir, where a series of Hindu massacres also led to the migration of the
minority community.
With the objective of strengthening anti-terrorism operations, the Prevention Of Terrorist Act
(POTA) was passed by the Parliament of India in 2002 and was also implemented in Jammu
and Kashmir (later abolished by the government of Manmohan Singh in May 2014); security
troops had the permission to blast a house if militants were found hiding inside it. To counter
POTA, militants were seen hiding in mosques. In fact, there has been a proliferation of
mosques in Kashmir. Cursory survey suggests that more than three thousand new mosques
have been built across the Kashmir Valley since 1990, of which the architecture features
domes and minarets, unlike earlier times when mosques had ceilings resembling Buddhist or
Hindu temples. These mosques have provided jobs for hundreds of unemployed youth as
preachers, priests and caretakers of the religious places and have also been used as a resting
and hiding place for militants.
Emergence of Separatist Movements
Despite the evidences regarding ‘Operation Topac’, some believe that the alleged rigged
elections in 1987 fostered disillusionment among the Kashmiri Muslim population,
emboldening the youth to cross the Line of Control to receive arms training in ‘Azad Kashmir’
(Pakistan Administered Jammu and Kashmir). Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) led
by Amanullah Khan committed itself to the self-styled secular political struggle advocating
secession of Jammu and Kashmir from India. Yasin Malik, along with Hamid Sheikh, Ashfaq
Wani and Javed Ahmad Mir, formed the core group — dubbed the "HAJY" group — of the
JKLF militants in the Kashmir Valley. The JKLF started its militant activities in the Valley and
struck first on 31st of July 1988 by exploding a bomb in Srinagar. On 8th of December 1989, Dr.
Rubiya Sayed, daughter of Union Home Minister Mufti Mohammad, was kidnapped by JKLF,
which demanded the release of militants. Capitulating to the pressure, the government
facilitated the release of militants thereby giving them new confidence and stimulating their
movement. In March 1990, Ashfaq Wani was killed in a battle with Indian Security Forces and
in August 1990, Yasin Malik was captured in a wounded condition and imprisoned until May
1994. Hamid Sheikh was also captured in 1992 but later released by the Border Security Force.
The organized struggle led by JKLF and supported by Pakistan was at its crowning in 1990 and
took a violent turn resulting in abductions, senseless killings and other criminal activities.
Once the insurgency was efficaciously launched, Pakistan decided to withdraw its support
from JKLF, they being perceived to be committed to the Independence of Jammu and Kashmir
rather than its accession to Pakistan and as a result much of its squads had either been
dispersed, destroyed or absorbed into other groups and the movement almost died down by
1993. Its leadership also split into factions, some of them renouncing militancy. Hizbul
Mujahideen, a pro-Pakistani Kashmiri Muslim terrorist group formed by Muhammad Ahsan
Dar in 1989 marked the beginning of the second phase of the movement and its shift towards
radical Islam. Hizbul Mujahideen introduced “Jihad” (holy war) to rationalize political violence
in the name of religion and at one point about 2000 young militants were said to have been
associated with Hizbul Mujahideen. Pakistan facilitated the formation and promotion of
various other terrorist groups which included Harkatul Ansar, Harkatul Mujahideen, Harkatul
Jihad Islami, and Lashkar-e-Taiba under the umbrella of Islamic Jihad.
To impose the radical Islamic culture on Kashmiris, Pakistan initiated a strategy to convert the
multi-cultural Kashmiri society into a hardcore Islamic one through the fear of gun. Many Sufi
shrines and mosques were targeted by the Pakistan-backed militant outfits; In May 1995 the
Islamist mercenaries from Afghanistan and Pakistan destroyed the ancient shrine of saint
Noor-u-Din (Nund Rishi for Kashmiri Pandits) called Chrar-e-Sharif. This shrine had been a
center of pilgrimage for hundreds of thousands of devotees, both Hindus and Muslims, over
the past six hundred years. Such brutal practices by Islamist terrorists, who exhorted the
Kashmiri Muslims to banish these ‘un-Islamic practices’, as visiting ancient holy shrines of
saints (Sufis/ Rishis), caused revulsion among the common masses in Kashmir.
Structural Changes in Kashmiri Society & Impact of Pan-Islamism
By early 1990, Jammu and Kashmir witnessed a trend of Pan-Islamism, clearing Kashmir Valley
of the Hindu minority presence and young boys disposed to lay down their lives in the name
of ‘Jihad’, the holy war. Separatist groups perceived as secular were abandoned by Pakistan,
favoring other Islamist substitutions, when they started moving away from the Pakistani’s
stance to see Jammu and Kashmir merging with Pakistan. Islamic terrorists endeavored to
bring structural changes at cultural levels of the Kashmir society since the inception of
militancy, as in the year 1989 and in the early 1990’s there was a mushroom growth of militant
organizations in Kashmir advocating ‘Nizam-e-Mustafa’ (Rule of the Prophet) as the objective
of their struggle. Simultaneously, all cinema houses, beauty salons, wine shops, bars, video
centers, use of cosmetics, listening to music or any such form of entertainment were banned
by militant groups. There were bans imposed on the selling of cigarettes and on the
circulation of Indian national- and Jammu based newspapers in the Kashmir Valley. Islamist
groups threatened to bomb houses, where women refused to wear veils. Such diktats bear a
striking similarity to the ones imposed by the Taliban in Afghanistan and recently by ISIS in
Iraq and Syria.
Various Islamist groups like Jamaat-e-Islami and its militant wing, Hizbul Mujahideen, the
radical women’s wing, Dukhtaran-i-Millat, Jamiat-ul-Mujahideen, Allah Tigers, Jamiat-ul-
Ulemma Islam, Al Badr, Al Jihad Force, Al Umar Mujahideen, Muslim Mujahideen, Islamic
Students League, Zia Tigers, and many such organizations decreed the objective of their
struggle as Islamization of the sociopolitical and economic set-up, merger of Jammu and
Kashmir with Pakistan and establishment of an Islamic Caliphate.
The entry of Mark Tully into the valley, the former New Delhi Bureau Chief of the BBC, who
urged people to shun Islamist extremism was banned by terrorist group “Wahdat-e-Islamia”.
The offices of daily local newspapers like Aftab, Al-Safa and Srinagar Times were attacked with
bombs and set on fire and several prominent media personalities including Mohammed
Shaban Vakil, Editor of Al-Safa, Lassa Kaul, Station Director of Doordarshan-Srinagar were
gunned down for not hauling the militant line. In a bid to destroy the established political
structures and to foil the process of restoration of democracy in the State, a series of
assassinations and bomb attacks on social and political activists belonging to nationalist and
liberal sections of Muslim society in Kashmir were also carried out. The Amir (Chief) of
terrorist group Lashkar-e-Taiba, Hafiz Mohammad Khan went on record saying: “Democracy
is among the menaces we inherited……. These are all useless practices and part of the system
we are fighting against. If God gives us a chance, we will try to bring in the pure concept of an
Islamic Caliphate”.
The liquidation of central government officials, Kashmiri Pandits, liberal and nationalist
intellectuals, social and cultural activists was described as one of the prerequisites to cleanse
the Valley of its un-Islamic elements thereby establishing an Islamic Order. The militant
groups imposed the Islamist viewpoint on society, politics, governance and laws and declared
practices of democracy and secularism as unethical.
The initial call to the holy war - Jihad - in Kashmir was rather generic, with a segment of
population viewing the struggle as a means to ‘liberate’ the entire State from India, and in
some cases also Pakistan, but soon the use of highly indoctrinated and Wahabised
(Wahabism: form of Islam that insists on a literal interpretation of the Quran) proxies inducted
into Kashmir became the norm. Many proclaim that these groups represent a far right political
version of the Sunni Islamic faith that has been nurtured widely in South Asia since the Zia ul-
Haq regime in Pakistan.
“Many of the Jihadi militants active in Kashmir (especially those with the closest
reported links to Al-Qaeda) trace their religious origins to a conservative Islamic
revivalist movement that began during the colonial period in India”– Excerpt from
Asian Economic & Political Issues, Authored by Frank Columbus.
The violence in the Kashmir Valley is now more religious in character than political, being
dominated by group of militant leaders acting under a Pan-Islamic ideology. Islamist
intellectuals and activists have been seeking to distort the difference between Islam as a
religion and nationalism, reinforcing the Islamic political consciousness by politicizing already
existing religious traditions and practices and by resisting change and modernization. The
young Islamic militants of today carry placards of Osama Bin Laden, hoist Taliban and ISIS flags
while participating in anti-government rallies. They identify with the Sharia Law (Islamic Law)
and choose to remain alien to the concepts of democracy and modernization. The earlier
‘Azaadi’ (Freedom) slogan for autonomy and dignity has currently transformed into the
expression of revulsion and rage against Hindu India and anything else non-Muslim.
Elections in Jammu and Kashmir (1998, 2002 & 2008)
The State Assembly elections, though boycotted by separatist groups were held in Jammu and
Kashmir in 1996, in which the National Conference won and Farooq Abdullah was appointed
as the Chief Minister of the State. The situation during this period was relatively peaceful as
the level of violence was low till the time 23 Kashmiri Pandits were killed by terrorists in
Wandhama town on 26th of January 1998 (Republic Day of India). The incident, also referred
to as ‘1998 Wandhama Massacre’, being carried out on the eve of a national celebration in
the constituency of Farooq Abdullah, was a reminder of the evil designs by fanatic Islamic
terrorists supported by Pakistan. The incident also indicated how the State and Central
government had failed to control the ‘Kashmir situation’, dejecting their claims of normalcy
returning to the Valley.
Despite the threat of terrorism and politics of separatism, the electoral process continued and
Assembly elections were conducted in 2002 and 2008, latter being the most successful one
having witnessed increased participation indicating the decline in aspirations for ‘Azaadi’.
However, on 26th of May 2008, the Valley once again echoed with the slogans of ‘Azaadi’,
because of the State government’s decision to transfer 99 acres (0.15 sq. miles) of forest land
in Kashmir Valley to the Hindu Amarnath Shrine to set up temporary shelters and facilities
for Hindu pilgrims. The decision once again agitated the Muslim majority disrupting the peace
process and many demonstrations, with protesters waving green flags opposing the State
government’s decision of land transfer, were carried out by Kashmiri Muslims, thereby
making it hard to ignore the deep Islamic impact. The State government accepted the
demands of the protesters from the Kashmir Valley by revoking the land transfer decision on
1st of July 2008, leading to disturbances in the Jammu province. Subsequently, several Hindu
groups such as the Bajrang Dal and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) started protesting
in Delhi in support of the land transfer. The Amarnath land controversy resulted in widening
the already existing gap between the people of Jammu and Kashmir, (while Ladakh remained
aloof) based on religious identities.
The deluded youth of the Kashmir Valley
The unfortunate accidental death of a Kashmiri schoolboy, Tufail Mattoo, due to teargas
shelling on 11th of June 2010, was the ostensible flashpoint setting the Valley afire as mass
protests erupted all over. The boy who was trying to make way home from school was
immediately turned into an “accidental martyr” and was buried in the Martyr’s graveyard
against the wishes of his family who wished their son to be buried in a family graveyard point.
The killing of the boy was followed by protests, demonstrations and clashes with local and
Central Armed Police Forces, in which another boy was killed leading to yet other protests till
several young lives were lost. The official figures reveal around 110 people lost their lives and
537 civilians were injured during stone-pelting incidents from May to September 2010.
Following these incidents, Hurriyat Conference (amalgam of Pro-Pakistani separatist- and
sociopolitical organizations) led by Syed Ali Shah Geelani and Mirwaiz Umar Farooq once
again called for the complete demilitarization of Indian Administered Jammu and Kashmir.
The protestors continued shouting pro-Islamic slogans, targeting symbols of government
authority, burning vehicles and attacking police with stones. Continuous shutdowns and
strikes were called by separatist leaders periodically, leading to disastrous paralysis of peace
and stability in the Kashmir Valley. Kashmiri youth was being incited by Pro-Pakistan elements
owing to their perceived hold on the youth to indulge in violence. The youth continued to be
misinformed with biased and half-baked news on law and order developments in the Kashmir
Valley while ironically, the children of these separatist leaders were conveniently out of this
so-called movement, either studying in big cities or earning decent remunerations in different
parts of the world, while using the children of common man as foot soldiers to carry out their
selfish designs.
The youth forms 65% of the population, addled between politics and religion. A report from
trusted sources indicates that “61% of the Valley’s youth listens to religious sermons on their
audio players” and “25% is interested in Jihadi speeches”. As a corollary, of these, 52% have
qualified the higher secondary or undergraduate examination and 32% are graduates or
postgraduates. It is indicated that a large number from this segment also has access to
information from sermons and meetings at mosques, graveyards and television channels. The
provocation is so impactful that some of the youth were found joining the militant
organizations after leaving their luxurious jobs and academic institutions. While it may be
contended that religious influence is not necessarily a negative sign, its possible implications
could have disturbing heralds for the future. The youth are made to believe that the Muslims
of the outside world are fighting for Kashmir’s independence and dying for Islam, further
substantiated by the fact that the Hurriyat hardliner Syed Ali Shah Geelani held funeral
prayers in absentia for the slain terrorist Osama bin Laden, who had no connection with
Kashmir politics whatsoever, referring to it as a ‘religious duty’ of Kashmiri Muslims to hold
prayers for the ‘Martyr’. The young and unemployed boys, having grown up in an atmosphere
of continuous fear and unrest, silently develop respect for the Islamist militants in the Valley,
who they think are dying for a divine cause. The Education system in the Valley has suffered
an irreparable loss lacking the efficacy to help students develop a vision, who eventually take
the recourse of Islam as an escape. The three decade long armed conflict and geo-political
disorder has particularly affected the psychology of the Kashmiri youth which take to stone
pelting conveying volumes about their vulnerabilities and psycho-social thought processes.
Stone-pelting is legitimized as a vent for the young self-styled fighters to reflect their spirit of
freedom and anger. The communication technology is being exploited; with young Kashmiri
militants blatantly releasing their pictures and videos on social media, presenting themselves
in the typical image of a virile ‘warrior’ – dressed in fatigues, carrying weapons, laughing or
smiling in a forest background in an ‘ISIS-like’ fashion, glamourizing militancy and thereby
trying to attract more youth.
The most extreme and appalling expression of this ‘cyber trend’ was seen following the death
of Burhan Muzaffar Wani, a 22-year-old militant commander of the Hizbul Mujahideen, on 8th
of July 2016. His death was followed by the usual large-scale protests, which advanced to a
greater degree from this new-found ability of protestors to send and receive information on
platforms beyond the control of the establishment that they were protesting against. The
social media offered these young radicals a platform allowing unimpeded circulation of
videos, pictures and information which further fueled the unrest. As per informed sources
about 300 WhatsApp groups were used to mobilize stone-throwers to disrupt security
operations in Kashmir and each of these 300 groups had around 250 members. Prior to this,
the quantity of people throwing stones was nowhere near this figure.
In a recent video released by Zakir Musa, a former Hizbul Mujahideen commander, he
professed his support to militant outfit Al-Qaeda which supports Shariah (Islamic rule);
warning that people would be beheaded for referring to the Kashmir issue as ‘political’ and
not an Islamic struggle.
Sharia law which legalizes the use of force (armed Jihad) as a means for establishing a
Caliphate also deprecates the concept of democracy (equality for all) because as per Wahhabi
ideology there cannot be equality between a man and a woman, a believer and non-believer
(Kafir), master and a slave, a ruler and subject.
“Kashmir will become a Darul Islam (an abode of Islam). Insha'Allah (God willing), I am
always opposing those who want to accede with the infidels."– Zakir Musa, former
Hizbul Mujahideen commander.
Zakir Musa, in his early 20’s is said to be hailing from a highly-educated family and most of his
siblings are reportedly doctors or pursuing medical degrees. He was deeply influenced by the
Jihadi preaching and literature and joined Hizbul Mujahideen after dropping out from a Civil
Engineering college. He ordained the Kashmiri youth to disdain the concepts of democracy
and nationalism and turn towards Islam while openly inciting youth to throw stones at
security forces; not in the name of nationalism but in the name of Islam.
This Islamic centric, reinvention of Kashmir issue, has further divided the Kashmiri Muslims.
On one hand youngsters are gravitating towards Zakir Musa’s argument of Kashmir issue
being a struggle for a divine cause and on the other hand there is another segment of Kashmiri
Muslim population who may have political grievances but support democracy and disdain
Islamic order.
Conclusion
The concept of distinct Kashmiri political identity evolved in the 1930’s with the rise of a
movement against the Dogra rule in 1931. The young Kashmiri Muslim literati of the Kashmir
Valley organized themselves as a political group which led to the formation of ‘All Jammu and
Kashmir Muslim Conference’ in 1932, with Sheikh Abdullah as its first President. The party
aimed at addressing the popular anger and discontent amongst the Muslim majority against
the feudal-cum-colonial Dogra rule, subsequently representing the demands and aspirations
of the masses, particularly those of the Muslim majority. Sheikh Abdullah, elevated to the
status of Sher-e-Kashmir (Lion of Kashmir), enlarged the scope of his party by reconstituting
it to ‘National Conference’ emphasizing on its secular character thus helping the party gain
wider public support. When Pakistan invaded the State of Jammu and Kashmir in the year
1947, Maharaja requested India’s military intervention and an Instrument of Accession was
signed, giving India legitimate authority to take control of the State. Though both, the
Maharaja and Adbullah accepted the accession, Sheikh’s goal was autonomy. He maintained
an anti-Pakistan stand, being aware of Jinnah’s popularity as a Muslim leader in Pakistan,
which was averse to his personal interest of ruling the State independently. Jinnah and
Abdullah publicly criticized each other and Abdullah with his repeated commitment to
secularism won support of the Kashmiri people.
If Pakistan comes forward and says, we question the legality of Accession, I am
prepared to discuss………We shall prove before the Security Council that Kashmir and
the people of Kashmir have lawfully and constitutionally acceded to the Dominion of
India, and Pakistan has no right to question that Accession”- Sheikh Abdullah in UN
Security Council, 5th Feb 1948
The course of political development in the State of Jammu and Kashmir was relatively stable
and remained free from communal and violent leanings till 1947, when Sheikh Abdullah
started to fight for autonomy and Jammu based Praja Parishad, completely against it, began
supporting merger with India.
India and Pakistan fought two more wars after 1947-1948 in 1965 and 1971 respectively. The
1971 war changed the geopolitical landscape of South Asia and Abdullah once again changed
his political course and instead of talking about accession, began speaking about the quantum
of autonomy.
The political legacy of the Sheikh Abdullah clan was carried forward by Sheikh Abdullah’s son
Farooq Abdullah who won a convincing victory against Congress in 1983. Farooq Abdullah was
dismissed and replaced by Gul Mohammad Shah whose tenure lasted for two years from
1984-86. In 1986, Farooq Abdullah concluded an accord with Rajiv Gandhi and returned to
power the following year. These elections were allegedly rigged, as everyone expected MUF
(Muslim United Front) to win, and have been deemed by some as being responsible for the
insurgency in the Kashmir Valley. Ever since the Accession, the Sheikh dynasty, has ruled the
State for more than 30 years and as and when, they are out of power in political commotion,
they raise the slogan of ‘Plebiscite’, ‘Azaadi’ and ‘Autonomy’ which they intermittently use as
a political trump card to exploit public sentiments. Some might say that it would not be unfair
to state that mishandling of the State of Jammu and Kashmir by the government and
inconsistent political stand of their own elected leaders left the people of the State,
particularly that of the Kashmir Valley, ‘politically confused’.
Although the genesis of terrorism is often attributed to the alleged rigged elections, in reality
it was the realization phase of Pakistan’s ‘Operation Topac’ to inflict a thousand cuts on its
adversary, India. Pakistan has always refuted the truth of Operation Topac but it has proved
to be a reality both documentarily and circumstantially. The founder of JKLF Amanullah Khan
and Dr. Farooq Haider, Vice-Chairman of JKLF have explicitly spoken to the press at several
occasions conforming the legitimacy of ‘Operation Topac’ and the fact that they were running
Pakistan funded weapon training camps in Pakistan Administered Jammu and Kashmir.
Pakistan has been successful in its design of stoking the fires of massive insurrection in the
Kashmir Valley in early 1990. JKLF, funded by Pakistani, organized a struggle of so-called self-
determination, eventually resulting in violent abductions, senseless killing and other criminal
activities. Though JKLF, that chose to be the face of insurgency claimed that insurgent
movement was for freedom of the State, it never tried to liberate the part of the State (Gilgit
Baltistan and Pakistan Administered Jammu and Kashmir) which is under the illegal
occupation Pakistan. Instead, it used Pakistani funds to establish weapon training centers in
Pakistan Administered Jammu and Kashmir for young boys from the Kashmir Valley to get
trained, fight their own people back home and eventually get killed. They demanded the right
of self-determination in the name of the people of Jammu and Kashmir but, in essence,
campaigned on behalf Pakistan.
Pakistan withdrew its support from JKLF giving way to another terrorist organization, the Hizb-
ul Mujahideen, that favored the idea of the State’s merger with Pakistan and establishment
of an Islamic order while introducing the concept of “Jihad” (holy war). The next decade was
characterized by not only widespread violence throughout the Kashmir Valley but also
structural changes of the Kashmiri society with an emphasis on the establishment of Islamic
order. There was a mushroom growth of militant organizations that decreed the objective of
their struggle as “Islamization”. Mosques became platforms for religious sermons
intermingled with fiery political speeches, delivered by trained Islamic Scholars (Mullahs)
from Pakistan. Central government officials, Kashmiri Pandits, liberal and nationalist
intellectuals, social and cultural activists, liberal Muslims and writers became the primary
target of the gun-toting self-styled revolutionaries. Pakistan embarked on a strategy to
convert the multi-lingual and multi-cultural Kashmiri society into a hardcore Islamic society,
on the lines of Afghanistan, through the fear of the gun. Consequent to these developments,
almost an entire population of minority community of Kashmiri Pandits was forced to run
away from their ancestral land and continues to live in exile today.
Considering the array of events, it is hard to phantom that the struggle was in anyway related
to demands for greater political rights. Pakistan took advantage of a weak political system
and palpable political divide among the people of State by imposing social changes associated
with religion giving rise to Islamic fundamentalism and subsequently creating an environment
from which insurgency thrived.
The Islamic Militants are the new role models for the unemployed youth who are made to
believe that Muslims across the world are fighting and dying for them as a service to Islam.
The disappearances of (now killed) Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar have been turned into
myths and replaced by stories that Allah helped them to disappear and these stories are used
by Islamic clerics in Kashmir while preaching to the youth in mosques. The education system
has been destabilized, with the mushrooming growth of Madrassas outpacing the modern
institutions of education.
‘Jihad’ is not only fought with arms and weapons but also has a cyber dimension to it. Social
media has glamourized militancy and an ideological war is being fought in this new
operational theater, using web based applications that allow creation and sharing of
messages. ‘Electronic Jihad’ includes activities such as the provocation to engage in terrorist
activities and carry out violent attacks, radicalization and recruitment of supporters and
carrying out a psychosomatic war aimed at increasing the enemy’s vulnerability.
Despite the bloodshed and ongoing unrest for nearly three decades, for a sizeable population,
religion remains a key instrument in furthering the political agenda and seeking greater
political rights. It is for these people to understand that practices that led to tampering of
social order, pluralism and inter-religious harmony can never be divine. It needs to be
acknowledged and accepted that no movement has succeeded in achieving its objectives
unless it is inclusive in its political character and social base, representing political interests of
all ethnic groups.
It is high time that media, civil society and most importantly the political leaders who have
been acting as the corporal hosts of the State, educate the youth of the Valley and discourage
them to hero-worship militants, who majority of the times, are angry victims of pseudo-
religious eyewash and economic deprivation.
June 2017. © European Foundation for South Asian Studies (EFSAS), Amsterdam