Irrigation management in pre-Islamic South Arabia according to the epigraphic evidence Author(s): Peter Stein Source: Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol. 40, Papers from the forty-third meeting of the Seminar for Arabian Studies held at the British Museum, London, 23-25 July 2009 (2010), pp. 337-344 Published by: Archaeopress Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41224032 . Accessed: 12/06/2014 14:18 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Archaeopress is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 188.72.126.181 on Thu, 12 Jun 2014 14:18:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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Irrigation management in pre-Islamic South Arabia according to the epigraphic evidenceAuthor(s): Peter SteinSource: Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol. 40, Papers from the forty-thirdmeeting of the Seminar for Arabian Studies held at the British Museum, London, 23-25 July2009 (2010), pp. 337-344Published by: ArchaeopressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41224032 .
Accessed: 12/06/2014 14:18
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
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Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 40 (2010): 337-344
Irrigation management in pre-Islamic South Arabia according to the epigraphic evidence
Peter Stein
Summary Within the huge irrigation systems in Ancient South Arabia, the correct allocation of water to each single field was a task of great responsibility. A number of Sabaic inscriptions from the Jawf provide us with some details of the duties of water management in the irrigation system of a water flow (gyl) named Hirrãn in the vicinity of the ancient cities of Nas2qum and Nas2s2an. As we learn from these texts, this task was performed by a special office called qdmt (approx. "supervision"). The holders of this office, named "qdmt "chief managers, supervisors", were recruited from several Sabaean clans by rotation. Even though its mode of operation, duration of tenure, and appointing authority still remain obscure, the main character and duties of this office can already be established with the present epigraphic evidence.
Keywords: Ancient South Arabian inscriptions, irrigation management, water allocation, dealing with water, supervisor
Introduction
Flood-water or sayl irrigation using dams, canals and distribution devices is one of the basic features of agriculture in pre-Islamic Yemen. As is well known, this type of agriculture helped form the basis of the flourishing civilization in the oases along the desert fringe in northern and eastern Yemen. Remains of sedimented fields as well as irrigation devices have survived up to the present, testifying to the immense efforts that were undertaken in the past to keep these systems alive. By far the most impressive remains of such an irrigation system are certainly those of Ma'rib, covering an area of almost 10,000 ha. Another means of irrigation in Yemen, ancient and modern, includes using spring flow (Arabic ghayl, cf. Sabaic gyl "water-course; conduit, covered channel, ghayl", Beeston et al. 1982: 54f.). One characteristic of this method is that the water is not led directly from the source onto the fields but rather stored in basins first, in order to allow a well-balanced distribution to the land of each participant in the system.1
One of the main characteristics of both systems is the fact that many, if not all, participants in the system are dependent on one and the same source, namely the main canal that leads the water out of the source, be it a cistern
1 For a general evaluation of both types of irrigation, see Varisco 1983. 1 am very much indebted to Janet Starkey for having drawn my attention to this paper.
or the bed of a wadi. From this main canal, a complicated system of subsequent canals is needed to distribute the water onto each individual field. The important issue is to ensure that even the last, most remote field in this succession will be provided with a sufficient amount of water, even in the rather large and complicated structure that is the extended oasis of Ma'rib. This task requires not only a highly elaborate technology but also a strictly organized management.2 In short, there must be reliable personnel who are responsible for the correct allocation of each portion of water to the appropriate field. The office of chief administrator of irrigation is mentioned in a number of Sabaic inscriptions, not from MaDrib but from the oasis of Nas2s2än in the western part of the Wâdï al-Jawf. Some of these texts have already been known for some time; their particular relevance to the context in question has, however, been identified only recently with the help of two Sabaic letters in minuscule script.
Discussion of the epigraphic evidence
These two letters are found among the collection of minuscule inscriptions in the Bavarian State library in Munich (X.BSB 121 and 122) and thus originate from the presumed archive in the city of Nas2s2an (present-day
2 This can also be concluded from the well-documented Islamic history of Yemen up to the present, where different institutions of supervision can be observed, see also Varisco 1983.
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al-SawdaD).3 On the basis of palaeographic and historical comparison, both texts may be dated to about the late second or early third century AD.4 Since their contents are more or less similar, we may confine our investigation on the first-mentioned X.BSB 121 which is, in contrast to the latter, almost completely preserved.
1 . To the supervisors of the canal Hirrän (in the time) of autumn and
2. (to) the Banü SlcDM from WHB4VM of (the clan) 3. S2LLM. As for you, let 4. SkDTWN of (the clan) GDNM continue and 5. drain off5 60 continuing mfť (=unit of measure)7
of the water
3 For details on the Sabaic minuscule inscriptions in general, and the collection of the Bavarian State Library in particular, see the introductory chapters in Stein, (2010). An extensive commentary on the two texts in question is given there (2010: 419-426). 4 From the palaeographic perspective, the two letters are quite close to the legal document X.BSB 58, the date of which can be synchronized with that of the Sabaean king S2tRM WTR, and which is perhaps also contemporary to X.BSB 57 and YM 1 1726 (Stein, 2010: 222, 226). The other important text discussed here, M AFRAY-al-Bayçlã1 1 00, was also written at the same time as this king. There seems to be no argument that would contradict a close historical connection of all the texts discussed in this paper. 5 A palm-leafstalk of 13.9x3.0 cm with 11 lines of inscription, dated according to an eponym about AD 200 (see n. 4). The document has been annulled by three diagonal strokes carved into the surface of the inscription. For details of the text and its support see Stein, 2010: 419- 423. 6 Translation according to the basic meaning of the roots TLW/Y and QDH in Arabic; for a more detailed explanation of these and other terms, see the German edition of the text (Stein, 2010: 419-421). 7 See Ryckmans, Müller and Abdallah (1994: 60) for an interpretation
6. of the Banü S2LLM during the winter season! Don't have him
7. certify the purchase and the (resulting?)8 obligation (of this water) since
8. CLHN has had him certify already. This message was created
9. in the month D-DLDLT of the second year 10. of (the eponym) WDD3L, son of NS23KRB, of
(the clan) 1 1 . HDMT. WHBTWN (has signed).
According to the common letter formulae, we would expect the addressee at the beginning, followed, after the preposition cm-n "from", by the sender. Consequently, the noun °qdmt must represent some person here and may easily be read as a plural form of the well-known qdm "leader, commander"9 or another etymologically related noun.10 These Dqdmt are the chief managers of a canal named Hirrän which is already mentioned in a monumental inscription from the neighbouring city of Nas2qum (present-day al-Bayçiã3). This toponym has been identified by С Robin (1994: 231) with the actual Wadï Hirrän, the lower course of which flows exactly through the oasis where the inscriptions were found, the cities of Nas2qum and Nas^ãn (Robin & Brunner 1997: E4).11 of this term, the correct reading of which is affirmed by YM 11726/1 and X.BSB 122/5. According to Yemeni-Arabic mafrď, pl. rnqßri1, this unit designates the amount of water which flows through a canal during a certain time span. 8 Perhaps the water was purchased on condition that a comparable amount would be returned to the owner in a later season. 9 See Beeston et al (1982: 103) who give a plural "qdm, which is established as designating someone "responsible" or "overseers" in a definitely non-irrigational context in at least two Sabaic texts: Ko 3/1 {"qdm mhrmn 2 w-mhfdn "Die Vorsteher des Tempels und der Türme", thus Müller 1978: 122-123) and Rob Mas 1/13-14 (w-d-y's'yn b-hw qn[ym]]3 f-'w d-ydrmn-hw vv-7 yhdtn i]4qdmn l-yhnkrn hms' blfm "Whosoever finds in it (se. the cistern) a (piece of) livestock, or knows of it, and does not tell the overseers, shall be punished by (a fine of) five ¿///-coins", interpreted by Anne Multhoffin a personal communication). Other instances of both qdm and "qdm point to a tribal or even military leadership (Müller 1978: 122-123, "Anfuhrer") so that we have to proceed with the idea that there were two or more different offices, which may well be represented partly by a homograph, but are nevertheless morphologically distinct titles. The plural pattern /// for a singular// in Sabaic is established by other examples, see Stein 2003: 80. 10 Derivates of the root QDM are in use for designating responsible personnel up to modern times, such as the muqaddim al-mďyan, the supervisor of a tunnel system, who was responsible for timing the water allocation in the town of Ghayl Bã Wazïr near al-Mukallã, as described by Hehmeyer 2005. 11 The identification of the whole wadi with the toponym gyln "der Fluß" derives from H. von Wissmann who had no knowledge of the inscriptions under discussion above (von Wissmann 1976: 316, fig. 2, and 401-402: "Ghayl von Hirrän", see also von Wissmann 1964: 347 and fig. 17: "Hirrän Gayl Wadd").
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Irrigation management in pre-Is lamie South Arabia according to the epigraphic evidence 339
The actual letter consists merely of one order, a request to the irrigation managers to allow a particular person named SlcDTWN to drain off a certain amount of water from the main canal of the irrigation system. The supervisors, or 3qdmt, ofthat canal can thus clearly be identified with the authority that is responsible for distributing the water onto the different fields. The owner of the irrigation device, or the particular fields that are normally watered by it, is apparently not personally involved in the practical handling of this matter. Rather, he may be identified as the sender of our letter, giving orders by mail from abroad.
As the nouns s2om and bď in 1. 7 prove, the water in question was purchased by the beneficiary SlcDTWN. An official document about this purchase had already been set up in the past (11. 7-8). That water for irrigation was generally a subject for negotiation in Ancient South Arabia is known from other inscriptions as well. A legal document on wood assumed to be from the same provenance and more or less of the same date as our letter (see above, n. 4), preserved in the collection of the Yemeni National Museum in Sancã" and published fifteen years ago, contains exactly the required information in the context above. The text reads as follows:
1. The amount of 47 continuing mfif (=unit of measure)
2. of the water of the winter season, which the
12Published in Ryckmans, Müller and Abdallah (1994: 59-61, 94-95 pl. 1 1/A-B). The following interpretation, however, differs somewhat from that given in the publication.
supervisors, (namely) the Banu CTKLN 3 . and the Banü HLHLM, guarantee13 to WHB4VM
of (the clan) 3WS'M, (i.e. part) of the total 4. which is (encumbering) upon him due to the
(obligation of) fulfilment that he has signed to fulfil in that
5. (turn of the) qdmt-ofñce, the total he is going to contribute (lit.: to let flow) in the qdmt-ofňce of the Banu ťTKLN and
6. the Banu HLHLM in the month D-SHR of the year which follows the year of (the eponym) 3BKRB, son
7. of HYWM, of (the clan) HZFRM. This attestation was created in the month D-HWBS1 of the very same year.
This legal document states that a certain individual (named WHB'WM) had signed an obligation to contribute a certain amount of water during the running irrigation season (11. 3-6). It should be emphasized that this obligation must have been certified on another document some time in the past. With the present document, the supervisors of the irrigation system gave this person due rights to make use of the same amount of water in the winter season (s2tyn) in a subsequent year (11. 1-3). The office of these supervisors, which is called qdmt according to 1. 5 of the present text,14 was without doubt endowed with a high responsibility.
The considerable burden that rested on the shoulders of a supervisor becomes evident in the third inscription to be presented here. This text, a dedication to 3LMQH, lord of S2BCN, the main deity of the city of Nas2qum, was written during the reign of the Sabaean kings S2tRM 4VTR and his brother HYWC1TR Yp< (as mentioned in 11. 17-18) and is thus more or less contemporary with the texts mentioned above. In view of what we have already discussed, the relevant passages of this text may be read and translated as follows:
13 The verb form in line 2, read yts'rm "(us) accordent libéralement"
by the editors, is surely to be identified as the verb wsy T, meaning "to
guarantee" (in the sense of promising a [repayment in future), as is attested in quite a number of legal documents (e.g. X.BSB 58/1, see
Stein, 2010: 225-226). 14 Ryckmans, Müller and Abdallah (1994: 60) translate the word as "allocation (d'eau)"; they mix, however, the form qdmt with the plural "qdmt in line 2 which is, as we have seen, the plural of another noun
designating the holder of this office.
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1 . H YWM 3HTR of (the clan) CTKLN 2. and GLWM has dedicated to 3LMQH, 3. lord of S2BCN, this bull in praise for (the fact) 4. that he was preserved (from misfortune in) the
qdmt-ofñce]6 of the canal Hirrän, 5 . (namely) in (the turn of) the qdmt-office he was in
charge of on behalf of their house (i.e. the Banü TKLN) together with
6. the Banü HLHLM in the second year of (the eponym) MCDKRB, son of
7. 3BKRB, of (the clan) KBR HLL. And 8 . the lord of S2BCN has vouchsafed the canal Hirrãn
being repaired,17 9. all the fruits ofthat winter18 being preserved 10. from any louse attack, and it (i.e. that winter
flood) coming 11. abundantly
15 The text was published by Robin (1994: 230-232) with a photograph on p. 247. Based on a different interpretation of the keyword qdmt in line 4 (see the following note), his interpretation of the whole matter is therefore quite different from ours. 16 This interpretation was already proposed by C. Robin in a preliminary commentary on the inscription referred to by Beeston (1988: 33 "office of overseer"). In the actual publication of the text, however, Robin had recourse to the translation "conflit, affrontement" or even "procès", obviously drawn from the verb tqdm "confront, do battle with someone" (thus Beeston et al. 1982: 103), without any further discussion (Robin 1994:231). 17 The infinitive s'fdb is interpreted as a passive of the verb к db "to repair, put in order" (thus Beeston et al. 1982: 12), as attested in С 338/14=Gr 173/1 1 and J 542/2. 18 The reading ^[ityn "winter" in 11. 9-10, already suggested by Sima (2000: 130 with n. 460), is confirmed by the parallel YM 1 1726/2.
In this inscription, the author expresses his gratitude for having successfully accomplished his duty as the canal's supervisor. Set up at the end of his turn of office, the text reveals the author's unconcealed sigh of relief that his tenure of office passed by without any trouble. As the depicted situations show, the supervisor's duty was not just restricted to the appropriate allocation of water to the different users. He also had to ensure the function and efficiency of the irrigation system, including maintenance and repair work, if necessary. Perhaps it is not by chance that such an important and extensive task was not shouldered by one single person or family, but rather by the members of two clans, the Banü TKLN and HLHLM, together. Interestingly, the same constellation is reflected in the contract YM 1 1 726/2-3 mentioned before, where the supervisors ("qdmtri) are also identified as Banu TKLN and HLHLM. Likewise the letter discussed at the beginning is addressed, as we have seen, not to a certain individual, but rather to a clan.19
Furthermore, the connection of the qdml-officQ with a certain clan or "house" (byt) is found in two other inscriptions of more or less the same historical period. The authors of the first inscription state that their fruits were again preserved during the rainy season in the qdmt- office of the Banü TKLN and Banü HLHLM. As the following passages (lines 10-13) show, these fruits were cultivated in fields in the immediate vicinity of the cities of Nas2qum and Nas2s2än:
l9One might argue whether the apposition w-bn sndm in X.BSB 121/1- 2 must be considered explicative to the initial addressee, thus "To the supervisors (...), namely the Banu SlcDM". 20 The stone is preserved in the Dhamãr Regional Museum and may be found on http://csai.humnet.unipl.it (viewed 6 July 2009). A photograph is also published by Avanzini (2009: 18 fig. 4). The inscription was written under King NS2lKRB Y3MN YHRHB (11. 15-18), hence about AD 260.
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1 . RBBM 3HRS' and his brother 2. HWPTT 3SPWC, of (the clan) GDNM, 3. have dedicated to their lord 3LMQH, 4. lord of S2BCN, the statuette of bronze by which 5. they praised the power and might of 'LMQH for
that 6. he has vouchsafed his two servants RBBM ̂ HRS1 7. and HWFTT 3S2WC 8. all their fruits being preserved during the rain of
the 9. qdmt-ofňce of the one of CTKLN and the Banu
HLHLM, and 1 0. in order that °LMQH may continue to preserve all 1 1 . the fruits of his two servants RBBM 12. and HWFCTT, (namely) all that they will cultivate 13. in the cities of Nas2qum and Nas2s2an and 14. their valleys (in future)
The relevant passage of the second inscription, though fragmentary, may be reconstructed as follows:
V. [...] 2'. HLFN22 in praise for (the fact) that he was
21 This text, published by Beeston (1988: 33-35), was written in the mid-third century AD (LS2RH YHDB and YZL BYN, 11. 6'-7'). The beginning of the inscription is broken off; there are only traces of a few signs to the right of a line that may be counted as line 1 ' (in the Beeston 1988 edition, this being ignored, his first line corresponds to line 2' in our transliteration). 22 In MAFRAY-al-Bayçla1 100/4, the noun qdmt is grammatically determined by the particular canal for which the office is intended. In the present inscription, the determination ofthat noun in 11. 2'-3' is
[preserved (from misfortune in) that] 3'. qdmt-ofñce,23 and in order that the lord of S2BCN
may continue to preserve [him] 4'. (in all) qdmt-ofňce(s) he is going to take over on
behalf of their house [...] (in future) 5'
It is remarkable that both texts, despite the uncertain provenance of the actual stone, are also addressed to the god "LMQH, lord of S2BCN and thus probably originate from the same context as MAFRAY-al-Baydã3 100. A third though less secure instance is found in a dedication to DLMQH that was probably set up in Ma3rib. Referring to the parallels discussed above, the first part of this text could be restored as follows:
simply the article -«, thus referring to a specification of the term earlier in the text. Unlike the restoration by Beeston, there must have been some narrative passages before the preserved text currently starting with 1. 2'. The noun hlfn at the beginning of this line is therefore probably not the votive object of the dedicatory formula (thus Beeston 1988) but something else, perhaps the name of one of the subjects in this sentence. 23 The restoration of the noun qdmtn in the lacuna at the end of 1. 2 was already suggested by Beeston (1988), the additions before that follow parallels in MAFRAY-al-Bay^ã1 100/4. 24 See also the most recent interpretation by Cal vet and Robin (1997: 148-151). As in all previous treatments, that passage is understood to refer to a (military) conflict between the author (TBCKRB) and the Banu HZFRM, relating the verb in line 4' with tqdm "confront, do battle with someone" (see above, n. 16). The text was written under the Himyarite king DMRťLY YHBR son of YSRM YHSDQ, hence in the second half of the second century AD (1997: 150). 25 Even though a restoration of the few preserved signs of this line to [s]lmn "the statuette" seems quite enticing, the space before hmdm is too large just to be filled up with the expected apposition d-dhbn "of bronze". The suggestion that the divine name 3LMQH as the addressed deity was in this position, as proposed in CIH II 1911: 7, is even less convincing for similar reasons, since we would have to put the required epithet "lord of (the temple) NN" and the dedicatory object in the
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2' praise for (the fact) that he has vouchsafed, granted [and bestowed]
3'. his servant TBCKRB to be preserved (from misfortune in) the [qdmt-ofñco]
4'. TBCKRB was in charge of together with the Banu HZFRM.
5'. And he (sc. DLMQH) has pleased him when this danger26 had been overcome
6'. during that qdmt-office21
The (however restored) term qdmt in combination with the verb tqdm, and the statement that this duty was executed together with the members of another clan28 are effectively in parallel with the other texts in question. As the keyword qdmt cannot be established with certainty, however, the relevance of this inscription for our purpose remains speculative.
Conclusions
Taking into account the evidence of the presented inscriptions, we can establish the particular office of a supervisor who was responsible for the function of a certain canal within the irrigation systems in the oases of Ancient South Arabia. This office, called qdmt, was occupied in rotation by one or two clans, the members of which were called "qdmt. These supervisors had to allocate a particular amount of water to each plot of land, especially when water was leased or sold. The practice of leasing water is illustrated in YM 11726: one participant in the irrigation system could lease his allocation of water to another participant in one season, and get it back in another season. As the presented documents show, these transactions were arranged by written contract. Finally,
following lacuna. Moreover, the demonstrative pronoun in 1. 5' strongly suggests that the topic there was discussed previously in the text. Thus hmdm b-dt in 11. Г-2' does not seem to be the first adverbial phrase of the dedicatory clause. For a syntactic parallel, see the dedicatory inscription F 7 1 . 26This interpretation follows that given in Calvet and Robin (1997: 148-
151). Nevertheless, the reading of the letter h is far from being definite. If correctly defined, the word must refer to a pernicious situation, mentioned earlier in the text (see n. 25), which probably affected the
irrigation system when it was under the supervision of the author of our
inscription. 27 Even though the reconstruction of the word qdmtn here is not definite, all earlier suggestions (CIH II 1911: 8: h..n "expedition", rejecting a previous reading mkntn; similarly Höfner [1938: 19-20] sfrtn "Feldzug"; Calvet and Robin [1997: 149-151] s3?c?tn "occasion", stating "la lecture n'est pas sûre") are not definite either. 28 As is shown later in the text, the author belongs to the clan "S'LM
(1. 14').
the supervisors of the irrigation system were instructed (for example, by letter as in the case of the above- mentioned X.BSB 121 and 122) to allocate the particular quantities accordingly.
At present, as far as we can see the office of water supervisor was restricted to the oasis of Nas2qum and Nas2s2ãn in the Wadï al-Jawf around the (late) second to third centuries AD, a fact that raises some further questions about the actual character of the irrigation system referred to in the text discussed above. As we have seen, the terminology used in these texts seems to point to the presence of a perennial watercourse fed by groundwater, rather than a periodically flooded wadi. The term gyl used for the canal in question in X.BSB 121/1 and MAFRAY-al-Bay^a3 100/4 clearly corresponds to the Arabic ghayl which is characteristic of water flowing from springs, especially in the Yemeni highlands (Varisco 1983: 371). In the case of the canals which are part of flood-water irrigation systems, other terms such as dhb, fnwt, and hrt, are used in the inscriptions. Furthermore, the term s2ty stands for the dry winter season between mid- September and mid-December ("la saison sèche en hiver, entre le 13 septembre et le 12 décembre", Ryckmans, Müller & Abdallah 1994: 60), i.e. a time when no substantial flood water was expected. On the other hand, the actual Wadï Hirrän, which is feeding the site of the ancient oasis of Nas2qum and Nas2s2an, can hardly be considered a perennial watercourse. Could the evidence of our inscriptions be taken as an indication of a different ecological environment in pre-Islamic times? Indeed H. von Wissmann (1964: 253, n. 126; 347) proposes that the lower course ofthat wadi was a perennial rivulet in the past. And finally, the relationship between the "qdmt and other offices like mdrr "controller of irrigation" (thus Beeston et al. 1982: 36, still with question mark)29 must be cleared up in future research.30
29 See Mazzini & Porter 2009: 289 with n. 27. To the only reference for this term quoted there (Gl 1 563/8), three other texts may be added: MAFRAY-Husn Ä1 Sãlih 1/11 (Robin 1987: 167-169), Y.90.DA 2/7
(Gnoli & Robin 1992: 95-97), and YM 18352/12 (Arbach & Audouin 2007: 84 no. 53). 30 Perhaps the various titles focus on the different duties of particular persons: the person with overall responsibility (Dqdmi) being in charge of the entire irrigation system, in contrast to subordinate inspectors (mdrr) who are directed by the manager to work in one or other part of that
particular system. It has been observed that in MAFRAY-Husn Ãl Sãlih 1 and Y.90.DA 2, both originating from the vicinity of Yatill/Baraqiš and written in the eighth century ВС, the person in question (mdrr) is, again, a member of one and the same clan (namely KBR YTL).
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Irrigation management in pre-Islamic South Arabia according to the epigraphic evidence 343
Sigla
Note: Sigla of inscriptions are quoted according to the list given in Stein 2003: 274-290. CIH 1 889-1 932. Corpus inscriptionum
semiticarum. Pars quarta. Inscriptiones himyariticas et sabœas continens. Paris: Reipublicae Typographeo.
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Author s address PD Dr. Peter Stein, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena, Lehrstuhl für Semitische Philologie und Islamwissenschaft, Löbdergraben 24a, D-07737 Jena, Germany. e-mail [email protected]
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