30
Parasites, Worms,and the Human Body
in Religion and Culture
EDITED BY Brenda GardenourAND Misha Tadd
PETERLANGNew York· Washington, D.C.lBaltimore • BernFrankfurt • Berlin • Brussels • Vienna • Oxford
I
Library oC Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Parasites, worms, and the human body in religionand culture / edited by Brenda Gardenour, Misha Tadd.
p. cm.Ineludes bibliographical references.
1. Parasitic diseases-Social aspects. 2. Parasites-Psychological aspects.3. Worms-Psychological aspects. 4. Human body-Religious aspects.
5. Religion and culture. 6. Anthropology-Comparative method.1. Gardenour, Brenda S. n. Tadd, Misha.
RC119.P347 616.9'6-dc23 2011043817ISBN 978-1-4331-1547-9 (hardcover)
ISBN 978-1-4539-0263-9 (e-book)
Bibliographic information published by Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek.Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek Iists this publication in the "Deutsche
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Cover image reproduced courtesy ofWellcome Library, London
The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durabilityof the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The editors of this volume would like to thank the American Academy ofReligion and the Boston University Department of Religion, without whosesupport the 2008 conference on the Wormy Corpus and this volume wouldnot be possible. We would also like to thank Shigehisa Kuriyama ofHarvardfor his inspiration, Linda Bames for her unwavering guidance, and theWellcome Library for the History ofMedicine in London.
SOME CONSIDERATIONS REGARDING THEORIGIN AND FUNCTIONS OF PARASITESAMONG Two MBYA COMMUNITIES IN
MISIONES, ARGENTINA
Marta Crivos, María Rosa Martínez, Carolina Remorini, and Anahí Sy
Ethnographical and ethnological studies such as the pioneering work of LeviStrauss and Evans-Pritchard suggest that in the religious and traditionalbelief systems of indigenous populations, certain people, animals and spirits,are said to have the power to injure individuals and/or the community as awhole. 1 Physical injuries, including sickness and death, are ofien inflicted byentities in response to perceived transgressions of fundamental laws andsocial boundaries that regulate relationships between the natural andsupernatural realms. In fact, the violation oftaboos regulating the interactionbetween natural and supernatural entities appears to be one of the maincauses of illness and death in many indigenous communities. In thesecultures, the human and natural environments expand beyond their empiricalor biological features to encompass a variety of entities that can transgresspermeable boundaries-including those of the human body-at will. Thestudy of indigenous ideas about and representations of illness, especiallywhen caused by supematural entities, provides a window onto indigenousperceptions of the human body, human relationships, and the interactionsthat exist between human and non-human entities that live in and share aparticular environment. The focus of this study will be the relationshipbetween worms-natural and supernatural, beneficial and harmful-and thepeople of the Mbya Guarani communities of the Argentinean NortheasternRainforest.
In their everyday activities, members of Mbya Guarani communitiescategorize and utilize their natural environment-the sub-tropicalrainforest-and give different values (positive, negative, or neutral) todifferent components of that environment. The relationships between theMbya Guarani and the non-human entities ofthe forest that sustains them aresurprisingly elastic; sorne of the most complex and ambivalent relationshipsare those between Mbya Guarani and worms. In' many cultures, thepenetration of the body by worms is a cause of both fear and disgust. InMbya Guarani culture, however, certain types of worms are seen as
96 CRIVOS, ET AL.
completely natural, and their presence and activity in the environment andthe human body are thought to be not only harmless, but also beneficia!. Forexample, the worms that grow in the marrow ofthe Pindo palm tree (Syagrusromanzoffiana) are ascribed a positive value because they serve as adelicious and nourishing source of protein. There are also worms that areborn with and within a person, and live in the human body as theirmacrocosmic environment; these worms are seen as a natural part of aperson's body and not as invaders or as pathogens. Worms from the soil andwater that enter the body unbidden, however, can become pathogenic andprovoke illness, and are ascribed a negative value.
For the Mbya Guarani, then, the presence of worms or "bugs" in thebody does not always imply a state of illness. Because of the complex natureof Mbyan conceptions of the human body and its connections to the naturaland supernatural worlds, the relationship between wonns and humans is notalways parasitical (beneficial for one species at the expense of the other) butinstead is ofien symbiotic (beneficial to both species). This reciprocalrelationship, however, may become unbalanced if the worms' habitualbehaviors become pathogenic thereby causing damage to the host's health.For the Mbya Guarani, worms not only cause damage but also are the resultof "damage" (paye), which in this culture is closely allied with maleficence.Paye is the negative action of one human being who wants to inflict evil 011
another human being, which ofien results in either sickness or death. One ofthe deadliest forms of paye materializes in the shape of a worm that invadesand attacks the body, consuming internal organs until the afflicted individualfinally succumbs. Paye worm infestation is considered by far to be the mostfrightening; unlike natural worms that serve as food or are born within thebody, paye are imbued with supernatural power. This kind of situation is theresult of an interpersonal conflict between members of the community,which can be due to different reasons. These worms are feared, as they arethe expresion of evil, of a conflict.
From the perspective of modern Westem biomedicine, the presence ofworms in the human body-no matter their nature or source-is alwaysconsidered to be negative. Health policies set forth by medical andgovernmental agencies, therefore, focus on the complete elimination ofworms by means of medical, pharmacological, hygienic, and environmentalintervention. Recent research done on intestinal parasitoses amongindigenous people in the Amazon confirms that parasitic worms are a
-
PARASITES AMONG THE MEYA 97
medical problem requiring the attention of government officials, medicalauthorities, and environmental experts. In the Argentinean rainforest, thecombination of clayey, damp soil containing a high concentration of organicmaterials together with aclimate characterized by sustained hightemperatures provides a suitable environment for the development, spreadand chronicity of enteroparasitosis. Despite the fact that enteroparasitosis areendemic in this region, these pathologies tend to be underestimated by boththe general population and the local sanitary staff because they are ofienasymptomatic. Undetected, parasitic infections wreak havoc within the bodyand are responsible for increased morbidity, especially when coupled withmalnutrition. The integral relationship between geohelminth infections,malnutrition and anemia has been demonstrated by several authors, includingNavone et al in their 2006 article, "Parasitosis intestinales en poblacionesMbyá-Guaraní de la Provincia de Misiones, Argentina: aspectosepidemiológicos y nutricionales."2
Our research reveals that while the Mbya and the biomedical sectorconverge in their belief that many types of worms are detrimental to thehuman body, they diverge in their ideas regarding the origin, mechanisms ofpathogenic action, and suitable therapeutic actions to be taken in thetreatment of parasitic infection. The growing presence of modernbiomedicine in Mbya culture as well as the increase in the number ofindividuals from these communities who train in sanitary institutions has ledto a significant transformation in local conceptions and practices regardingparasites and parasitoses. This new knowledge has been integrated intotraditional belief systems, resulting in a changed perception among the Mbyaof the risks associated to the presence of worms. Our paper analyzes Mbyabeliefs and practices concerning the existence of parasites in humans,especially the representations oftheir origin and behavior in the human body,as well as on practices associated with the diagnosis, prevention and therapyof parasitoses. The information included in this paper is the result ofethnographic and interdisciplinary research on human parasitology carriedout between 1999 and 2008 in two Mbya Guarani communities in theProvince of Misiones, Argentina. This research was developed by a team ofethnographers, biologists, parasitologists, ethnobotanists and biologicalanthropologists belonging to the Facultad de Ciencias Naturales atUniversidad Nacional de La Plata3
.
98 CRlVOS, ET AL.
The Mbya Guarani Communities
The Mbya, together with the Kayova, the Ñandeva and the Ava Guaraní or"Chíriguanos," are the Guarani groups with the largest number of members.They speak the languages belonging to the Tupí-Guaraní linguistic family.According to recent estimations4 the total number of Mbya in Brazil,Paraguay and Argentina adds up to about 19,200 individuals. According tothe 2005 ECPI (Complementary Survey of Indigenous Peoples), there existin Argentina around 3,975 people who identify themselves as belonging tothe Mbya Guaraní people in Misiones province.5 The Mbya presence inMisiones dates back to the end of the nineteenth or beginning of thetwentieth centurl when they begin migrating outward from the midsouthern region ofthe forest in modern day Paraguay.7
The Mbya inhabit the Paranaense rainforest, one of the most complexand biologically diverse ecosystems in South America. The Paranaenseforest encompasses all of Misiones province and extends northeast to theprovince of Corrientes in Argentina, and continues eastward into Paraguayand south to Brazil. Over recent generations, the natural resources of thisecosystem have been seriously depleted and, as a result, the very boundariesof the forest have contracted until only a very small amount of its originalterritory remains. The contraction ofthe forest is the consequence of severalfactors, including: the exploitation of timber resources in the rainforest; thesubstitution of native species for exotic tree species; the building ofhydroelectric dams; and the advent of agricultural colonization and thegrowth of lucrative crops for the export market, such as tea, yerba mate,tobacco and tung tree. 8 Also contributing to the transformation of therainforest is the sustained use of its natural resources through hunting andfishing, gathering, and "slash-and burn" agriculture -all of which are thesubsistence strategies of aboriginal groups in the area.9
Mbyan culture has been, until recently, characterized by their constantspatial mobility as they exploit forest resources and search for areas havingfavorable conditions for Mbya reko, that is, the Mbya way of life. Periodicalmovement within the ecosystem's limits has allowed them to recover andreuse previously occupied spaces. At present, the Mbya population tends toform small, relatively stable settlements, although sorne individuals or smal!family units still move regularly. The more sedentary lifestyle embraced bythe Mbya in recent years is the result of several factors, the central one of
-PARASITES AMONG THE MEYA 99
which is the shortage of available land having the conditions necessary fortheir survival. Much of the land in the Paranaense has been claimed asprivate property or has been incorporated into the state national parks ordesignated as natural reserves, al! of which either limit or ban the settlementand use of that space. Another factor favoring sedentarization among theMbya is provision of subsidized housing by the government and ENDEPA(National Aboriginal Pastoral Team).IÜ
The Ka 'aguy Poty and Yvy Pyta, the two Mbya communities that are thefocus of our research are settled in Valle del Arroyo Kuña-Pirú, in the middleof Misiones province, between the departments of Cainguas and LibertadorGeneral San Martín. These communities are connected with neighboringsettlements including Aristóbulo del Valle, Jardín América, and Ruiz deMontoya as wel! as with other Mbya communities on the basin of Cuña Piru1 and JI streams, by Provincial Route N° 7 which siices across the northernpart of the Reservation (see Figure 1: Map). Within the Ka 'aguy Poty andYvy Pyta communities, the Mbya language is spoken, and most adults andschool children also speak Spanish. As a result of the migration andsettlement of communities near convergence of the borders of Argentina,Brazil, and Paraguay, Portuguese and Yopará (Paraguayan Guarani) are alsospoken. According to a census conducted by our team in May of 2003, thepopulation of both communities totals 280 people. From a demographicpoint of view, it is a "young" population, as the greatest number ofindividuals is between O and 14 years of age (54%). Percentages decreasewilh an increase in age; only 6% of the population is over 60. As for sexc1istribution, we found predominance of men, who accounted for 56.07 % oflhe total population, while women accounted for only 43.92 %.
At present, the Ka 'aguy Poty and Yvy Pyta practice a variety ofsubsistence strategies including a combination of horticulture, hunting,íishing and gathering-the latter of which takes place in both the "chacras"(orchards) and the "monte" (forest). Subsistence activities are combinedwith temporary employment in "colonias" (rural settlements devoted to theproduction of yerba mate, tea, tobacco and tung) and the selling ofhandicrafts. Sorne individuals receive government al!owances, while othersearn salaries from working as teaching assistants or sanitary agents. Themoney obtained from these activities allows the Mbya to purchaseindustrialized goods, such as clothing and shoes, as well as processed foods.These individuals no longer rely on the forest as their sole provider of
100 CRIVOS, ET AL.
nourishment. Changes in the natural environment, a shift towards a monsedentary lifestyle, and a processed diet high in lipids and carbohydrate:have altered Mbya reko, leading not only to changes in culture broadl~
construed, but also to the culture ofthe human body.
Figure 1: Provincia de Misiones ©Marta Crivos, et al.
PARASITES AMONG THE MBYA 101
Health Assistance in Mbya Communities
In both the Ka 'aguy Poty and Yvy Pyta communities, a diversity of actorsplay roles in the provision of healthcare. Many conditions are routinelydiagnosed and cured within the domestic environment by members of thesick person's immediate social network. The extent of the participation ofthese actors depends on their knowledge and previous experience in thetreatment of each specific illness, as well as the general availability of thenecessary therapeutic resources. Many of traditional healing resources arecollected in the "monte" (forest); the gathering, compounding, andapplication of these resources requires not only a familiarity with naturalmedical resources, but also a wide range of experience with disease andhealing. For this reason, elder members of the community playa central rolein the healing of the sick. Furthermore, there exist in every community sorneindividuals-generally elderly men and women-who are recognized astherapeutic experts, known in the Mbya language as Karai or Kuña Karai(men and women respectively). The term Karai is used to refer toprestigious people within a community who have displayed extensiveknowledge not only of natural remedies (po5), but also of the prayers andother rituals associated with treatment of illness. Sorne of these Karai arecalled poro poiino va 'e, an expression that generically refers to someonehaving the ability to cure "con remedio de yuyo", that is, by using vegetaltherapeutic resources. II Sorne of these Karai are also recognized as religiousleaders within the community, in which case they are called Pai or Opyguii.What is distinctive about the religious leader, and confers him/her with thedistinction of Pai or Opyguii is the "call" or vocation he or she receives fromthe gods. Unlike other specialists, the Opyguii's performance goes beyondthe therapeutic domain; due to their extraordinary powers, they are the onlyones who can lead the ceremonies related to natural, annual, and human lifecycles. 12
In addition to local healers and traditional therapeutics, the Mbya alsohave access and frequently resort to the Aristóbulo del Valle Sanitary UnU(US:AV:), which includes medical, odontological and biochemical staff, aswell as an admission service. The Ka 'aguy Poty and Yvy Pyta can alsoobtain medical care at the Jardín América Hospital (40 km away), whichprovides a broader range of more advanced medical services. Otheraltematives include the hospitals in Oberá and Posadas, both of which are
102 CRIVOS, ET AL.
farther away from the settlements, 58 km and 147 respectively. Until 1998,there was a sanitary station in the Ka 'aguy Poty community that providedboth communities with medical attention. The staff there included a nurse,who consulted with patients presenting with routine problems, a sanitaryagent (aboriginal) who was responsible for monitoring children's weight andheight and distributing food supplies as provided by the Provincial Motherchild Plan. A doctor from the Dirección de Asuntos Guaraníes visits thecommunities to deliver primary health attention (PRA), but does not stay ona permanent basis. This is done with the help of a local sanitary agent whogathers the population at the local school building, consults with those whopresent with health conditions, performs routine clinical examinations, andmeasures and weighs children. The doctor on duty generally has the basicmedicine (antibiotics, anti-feverals, anti-parasitics, and pain killers)necessary for the most common conditions, as well as food and supplementsfor those families who have under-weight children. Many members of theMbya communities take the opportunity to consult with the doctor (eitherbecause of an illness or a routine check-up) when he is available. 13 It shouldbe emphasized that, although the Mbya mark in their speech a contrastbetween traditional (Mbya) medicine - or "natural medicine" as sorne peoplecall it - and the jurua medicine (that of the white people), they use bothtypes ofmedical resources in a complementary, combined or alternative waywhen facing concrete illnesses. Nevertheless, there are sorne ailments thatare considered by the Mbya as belonging to them ("propios de los Mbya"),and can only be solved by appealing to traditional specialists or therapeuticresources, as they believe them to be beyond the purview of biomedicine.
Methodology
Our ethnographic research investigated Mbya perceptions anccategorizations of disease, and strategies to recover health. We gathered datéregarding the processes of health-illness processes through the application oltechniques stemming from qualitative research. We conducted semi·structured interviews aimed at recognizing the most frequent illnesse~
affecting individuals of different sexes and ages. We also asked individual~
about their beliefs regarding the origins and symptoms of their particulalconditions, as well as the diagnosis, prevention and therapeutic practice~
PARASITES AMONG THE MEYA 103
associated with their conditions. Due to the local population's concern withparasitic infections in conjunction with the results of parasitological studiesand the high number of consultations regarding parasites in health centers,we decided to focus our work on gastrointestinal illnesses14.
We closely studied cases of gastrointestinal disease by interviewingvarious adults who had personally experienced or participated in the eventssurrounding parasitic infection. 15 Fmther work was done with adults andchildren on the graphic representations of the different kinds of parasitesrecognized by the Mbya population and their locations in the human body.This allowed us to gain information about Mbyan perceptions of the humanbody, the physiological processes associated with digestion and foodmetabolism, and the effects of gastrointestinal parasitic illnesses upon them.As a complement to interviews, we observed daily health care practices withthe purpose of identifying activities oriented towards the prevention ofillness as well as recording scenes that involved the gathering, preparationand administration of traditional therapies. Members of our team alsoaccompanied adults (both experts and laypersons) on expeditions aimed atgathering natural substances used in the treatment of parasitoses; as part ofour participation in these expeditions, we gathered samples for futureexamination. 16
Motivated by the local people's concern about constant re-infection andchronicity of parasitoses, ten workshops and meetings were carried outbetween 1999 and 2008 with the purpose of promoting discomse between thepopulation's perspectives, knowledge and practices regarding parasites andthose of the medical staff in relation to the prevention and therapeutics ofenteric parasitoses. Participants were the members of the interdisciplinaryteam of UNLP, doctors, nurses, sanitary agents, health agents, teachers andmembers of the Mbya Guarani population and those of the Aristóbulo delValle locality. The methodology applied in successive workshops combinedpresentations done by experts, working in smaller groups, plenary debates,and the collection of soil samples and fecal samples from domestic animalsfor later laboratory examination. This process allowed the members of thecommunity to become familiar with the tools and techniques used bymicrobiologists as well as the procedures for the diagnosis of parasitoses bytrained medical personnel. Children attending the workshops participatedmainly in the graphic representation of the places and risk behavior related to
104 CRIVOS, ET AL.
parasitoses, parasite location in the human body and the images resultingfrom their observations in the microscope. 17
During one of the first workshops in the Ka 'aguy Poty community,conducted in 2000, sorne members of the Yvy Pyti'i community who were inattendance invited our team to a meeting where they presented their OWnperspectives about parasitoses. This workshop took place two days later inthe community's school and was run by one of the members of thepopulation, allowing for discussion and participation of the community as awhole as well as members of the UNLP team. The productive discussionthat followed allowed us a window on Mbya knowledge about the body andparasites and granted us access to a set of traditional values and experiencesregarding parasitoses. The result of these discussions was a refocusing ofour ethnographic interviews and the incorporation of new factors into Ourcharacterization and assessment of the problems associated with Mbyanparasitoses.
Results
"We come witll tachó": Parasites and the Digestive Process
"Acho" or "tachó" is the Mbya word for parasites in general. It is translatedinto Spanish as lombrices, bichos o parásitos (worms, bugs or parasite.\).According to the Mbya, tachó are normally located in the "tripa" (the guts),that is, inside the bowels, which are called "gekue" or "tyekue" in lhevernacular language. 18 There often seems to be a distinction between"guachu kue" and "gekue guachu kue" (the large intestine) and "gekue poi"(the small intestine). In this respect, ''py'a'' refers to the thoracic cavity and"tye" to the abdominal cavity (tye: abdomen) and the term also involves thestomach. That is, ''py'a'' and "tye" are usually used to refer to the cavitiesand also to the organs inside them. Therefore, the names of sorne illnessesare a1so derived fram these names. 19 Thus, "tyerachy" means "stomachache"and "gerachy" means "diarrhea". The suffix -rachy derives frol11"mba 'achy", an expression used by the Mbya to designate "illness,,2o.Parasites in the digestive tract are considered to be necessary for human Iifeand their beneficial action is c10sely related to the way food is transfol'med.
PARASITES AMONG THEMsYA 105
In this sense, they are seen as a basic component of the normal physiologicalprocesses of digestion. This is how sorne of our informants express this fact:
"children already have tachó, we come with tachó ... they are inside the person, come
with you when you are born. Every child, since very lirtle, has the 3 kinds oftachó."(eR, 65-year-old man, opygua, YP, 2000)21
"you have to have il, no marter what...it musl die logelher, ... together it has to die...
(lbe person and the worm must die together). There YOll are, finished (dead) because
you don'l have any liquid, nothing...our parasite molher. .. that one is born with
uS...yes, it doesn't come out ofthe body, either, it comes with us, because we raise it
since we are babies, lirtle babies and we come with the parasite, "ñande racho",
that's the way we cal! it, 'our parasite', the mother. .. "ñande racho chy" ... if you
don't have any parasites, if you eat a big one (piece of food),you won 't chew, ... the
parasite is the one who chews.... It makes molinares (it crushes it), it is like the mom
of this other one (parasite)" ... (MG, 30-year-old man, YP, 2000).
There would be two kinds of parasites normally living in the digestivetract: mba 'e che vera, ("the saliva's owner"), located in the throat, and ñanderacho chy ("our parasite mother"), located in the gut ("tripa"). Ñande rachochy produces eggs that give rise to two other forms of parasite: tacho ovy,green parasites, and tacho pytéi, red parasites. The latter ones, tacho ovy, andtacho pytéi, are the ones which, under certain circumstances "becomeagitated" and alter their behavioral patterns. When this happens, thephysiological balance of the gastrointestinal system is likewise altered,giving rise to different symptoms that the Mbya refer as characteristic ofparasite illness. Although parasites are located in the digestive tract, sornetypes migrate throughout the body and may travel to the heart, stomach,through the trachea, and to the mouth. In these cases, when the "bugs"appear outside the "tripa", sorne informants express that this is another kindof illness, associated with sorne kind of intentional "damage" to which theygive the name ''paye''. These "bugs" are the material and tangible expressionof the willful damage sent by another persono Unlike other types of worms,which are treated with vegetal therapeutic resources, the treatment of payeworms requires the intervention of traditional specialists and theimplementation of religious rituals. In the words of one of our subjects:
"it isn 't any kind of worm, there is a spiritual parl, too ... it is not to be cured only
with the yuyo 01' with... because payé is an evil spirit, there are sorne people who
learn to do things to other people, they can directly kil! another person, it is not
106 CRIVOS, ET AL.
nah¡ral, it is sent (by another person) to do something like that ... doctors can donothing; payé may be a WOlID, a spider, or any other bug that gets into your tlu'oat,into your heaJi ... a healer must take it out ... and bug eats only from your body ...sometimes it comes out ofyour nose, it gives you fever ... and it dies, and out wentthe payé, when it comes out it must be killed, must be put into the fire and bumt '"because ifyou don't, it gets into other people" (SP. 46-yeaJ'-0Id woman KP, 2001)
Figure 2: Bodily representation and tacho location in the abdominal cavity ©Anahí Sy
PARASITESAMONGTHEMBYA 107
Figure 3: Children modeling a human figure in c1ay © Anahí Sy
Morphological criteria are central to the identification and c1assificationof worms found in fecal matter. Using their own taxonomic system, theMbya distinguish five types of tacho classified according to color and size,with each type being associated with different pathogenic causes and levelsof morbidity. Tacho ovy and tacho pyti'i are the most common pathogenicparasites found in human feces, and are either yellowish-white (tachomoratO or yellowish-orange (tacho ju) and very small, not often reachingtwo centimeters. These parasites are called "tacho i" because of their smallsize. Initially, a correspondence could be established between Enterobiusvermicularis (oxiuros) and tacho pirirí or itachí, and the two sexual forms ofAscaris lumbricoides as well as tacho pyti'i (male) and tachó ovy (female).All of these forms are macroscopic and easily observable by the Mbya.Along with these smaller worms, the Mbya have also identified a wormknown as the tacho guachu, or "the solitary one," whose special features areits length and its flat shape. The tacho guachu is known in scientific circ1esas the Taenia saginata, and is more commonly known as the beef tapeworm.For the Mbya, each worm, small or large, must be treated with different
108 CRIVOS, ET AL.
therapeutic means according to its nature, size, and origino According to Ourrespondents:
" ... there are several kinds of parasites. There is a remedy for each of them. One,the smallest one, is cured with cangorosa22 The biggest one- the one that clings tothe gut- is cured with ka'are23
, which is stronger. There is also another tachó. There
are three all together: the smallest is called itachí, the other one -that is bigger- iscalled tachó sebo'i pyta, it is reddish, the itachí is white. There is another tachó,tachó morotí, of a brown color, and it is cured with parí paroba." 24 (eR, 65-year-old
man, opygua, YP, 2000)
" ....worms, right? There are longer ones and thinner ones. There are sorne... greenones ... ovy, that is green, and there are sorne that are redder... red is pyta. The onethat stung him more is red and it is the most serious. There are green ones, there arebigger ones, smaller ones, thinner ones, there is a little bit of everything. There areonly three. Because we have three kinds, the other is kind of Ql'ange, but much,much bigger. The ones that are bad are red, the one that is green, is not. The redones are more dangerous". (MG, 30 -year-old man, YF, 2000).
[And the bug that falls, what is it like?] "I1's like this." (She shows us the bug's sizewith her fingers, approximately 5-6 cm.) [And what color is it?] "Sorne have a realyellow color, and the other one is orange, yes, two kinds there are, see ... they aredifferent, one is big like this, and it faJls." [And that one, the bigger one, which oneis it?) "It's the Ql'ange one.) [What is that called?] "Tacho, tacho ju, yellow, pyta isthis one, pyta ... tacho pyta and tacho ju." [And tlley are together, both of them?]
"Yes, two, or three, the bigger ones like this or the small ones like this." [And howmany fall?] "Well,just one." (S.P, 46-year-old woman, Ka'aguy Poty, 2000)
"Well, yes, it had more or less two parts, yes." (He cuts a branch and shows me)and a little more, like this ... yes, but when it was inside your belly it curled like this,like a ... like mboi, a snake" (RR., 27-year-old man, Yvy Pyta, 2003).
Figure 4, tacho '¡ © Anahí Sy
.01: Ul U\ t.: 'H, 'J' ". •
Inn!nnlnnll!lIllll!hl!lll!l!lhllll!lIlll11hn:hl.lliJ!.!L" ,'" l'
PARASITES AMONGTHE MBYA 109
Figure 5. Tacho guachu or "solitary " © Anahí Sy
Being Ill: Main Symptoms ofthe Pathogenic Action ofParasites
Symptoms characteristic of parasitic infection are vomiting, green diarrhea(okaa ovy), stomach ache (tyerasy) pallor, loss of appetite, an increase inabdominal size, dryness of the eyeball, irritability, and disruption of sleeppatterns. Diagnosis is made through observation of the individual'sbehavior, identification of physical symptoms, and examination of the fecesfor abnormal color and consistency and for the presence of macroscopicorganisms. According to the Mbya, the symptom most frequently cited incases of parasitic infection-that of intense abdominal pain-is producedbecause the parasites "bite the guts" and "cling to the guts with their teeth"or they thrash about the digestive tracto According to one respondent, ''Yourbelly hurts, because the parasite bites from inside [and the child] wants toeat candy, because the parasite likes sweet ... they are heard inside the belly,it [the parasite] clings and it doesn 't ¡et you eat" (E.V, 49-year-old man,Ka'aguy Poty, 1998).
110 CRIVOS, ET AL.
From this we see that, in traditional Mbya culture, narratives have beencreated to explain the symptoms of parasitic infection and the behavior,including dietary cravings, of intestinal parasites. Children, for example, canbe seen eating soil or sweet things because the parasite within it "asks lorthat". That is, parasites are assigned human appetites and desires; theyexpress their cravings or preferences for celiain kinds of foods and theirdispleasure of other types of food-especially those that are consideredtaboo in Mbya culture. Because the worms "are hungry, " they will fightwith each other "inside the gut" to eat up the food that the human ingests.One subject tells us that an infected child "starts to eat things that are notnormally eaten ... many times he/she eats earth too ... any kind 01earth (s)hegets hold of, so mud, dust ... that's because they say that's what the bodyneeds ... eh ... vitamins or iron ... but it affects their body too ... the parasitestake all that again, that is, it's the parasites that askfor that, (s)hefeels likeeating earth, and (s)he starts to eat earth, and drinks water, it likes sugar alot ... fruit, corn, everything that is sweet, and meat, it must be meat, ifit isn 'tmeat (s)he doesn 't eat, ... if you prepare something like corn meal (s)hewon 't eat ... doesn 't eat anything, starts to eat earth" (F.R, 30-year-old man,Yvy Pyta, 2003). Another man says of the worms, " They are calm insidethe gut, but if the person does not eat, it is hungry, the tachó is also hungry,the tachó shouts inside the belly, it can be heard, it bites. That is why it is notgood to be hungry. The tachó likes lood-it likes meat, it likes "asado"(barbecued meat) even more.." (MG, 30-year-old man, YP, 2000).Moreover, when a person, whether an adult or a child, "has too manyparasites, " the opposite happens, that is, the desire to eat is replaced by aloss of appetite. The Mbya say that this person hacho rema ndo kanl che("He doesn 't want to eat any more. ") and, therefore, he loses weight and getsweaker: the person that "... has a lot ofparasite, doesn 't want to eat ... that '.swhy he is skinny" (E.V., 49 year-old man, Ka'aguy Poty, 1998)
Etiology and Prevention of Parasite Illness: "Tradition" and Changes inMbyaReko.
As mentioned aboye in our discussion of the various origins of parasite:according to the Mbya, sorne of worms are present in the human from thtmoment of birth and are necessary for human survival. Others, however
PARASITES AMONG THE MEYA 111
"are bred" when the individual transgresses certain food prescriptions.Dietary transgressions can be intentional or accidental; this is especiallyevident in one Mbya man's ideas about dietary restrictions and infants:
" ... they (infants) may eat pig meat 15 days after birth, and they say they (the
infants) get dizzy, or have a fit, because of parasites, that's why it is forbidden ...
the father can't (eat pork) either;, that is, the baby can be attacked if the father eats
and sometimes, well, gets diarrhea but there are things that only the opygua know
what it is, that only they can save the children ... "
" ... my dad says it comes from the mother's way of eating .. , when my dad asked
what 1 had eaten excessively, we became aware it was pig's meat .oo when she (my
mother) was pregnant we used to eat the meat a lot oo. and no, that meat mustn't be
eatenoo. the baby already had it, was born with it oo. when you are pregnant, any food
you can't eat oo. it makes it (the parasite) breed (inside the body ofthe fetus) oo."
"Yes, it breathes, like this, inside, then the parasite is produced... Ifyou cook coati,
you hunt the coatí, and this little baby doesn 't eat yet, then it comes in with the
wind, and it gets in, and there the parasite produces... (it breeds because of) the
smell of the foods, that's the way it gets into the little ones, it comes to them, with
the wind, and he breathes, the coatí's smell, you make the barbecue and it comes
with the wind, it's a smoke, let's say, then you swallow it and it is produced.. ,"
(MGo, 30.year-old man, Yvy Pyta, 1999).
As evident from the statements aboye, the parasitoses in toddlers underthe age of one can be attributed to three main causes: the consumption of themeat of "forest animals" by women during pregnancy; the exposure ofchildren (who haven't been "baptized,,25 yet and as such are uninitiated) tothe smell given off by the cooking of "woodland animals" or the mixing foodthat should be eaten separately, both of which constitute "bad eating." Theprobability for a little child to get parasites is closely related to tabootransgression during pregnancy and the first months of the child's life, whenthe baby is considered to be "new" (mita pyta). During gestation, bothparents must closely adhere to a set of restrictions centered on the food theyconsume. In this regard, forest animals, especially the coatí and kure (wildpig) are considered to be the most dangerous of foods for the infant. Oneinformant told us about two of his children who have had parasites since theywere born; according to him, they are infected because his wife ate kurewhile she was pregnant and, although she was not affected, this type of"meat makes the worm breed, .oomakes it grow inside the littte one".
112 CRIVOS, ET AL.
Although the children were currently being breastfed, "s)he (one infant) wasskinny, because (s)he also vomited and threw up the milk, (s)he was pale"(F.R, 30-year-old man, Yvy Pyta, 2003).
Just as infants are not to consume the flesh of wild animals before theyare baptized, so too are they not to inhale the aroma of wild meat as it isbeing grilled. Thus the second cause of parasitic infection in toddlers, likethe first cause, is related to the transgression of dietary and cultural taboos.Although the wind is described as the agent enabling the "activation" andgrowth of parasites that exist "naturally" within the infant's body from itsformation in utero, it is nevertheless the parents' responsibility to protect thechi1d from exposure to the smell of grilling meat and the possible parasiticinfection that may result. The role of the parent in protecting the chi1d is a1soevident in the third cause of infection: inappropriate food choices andregimen. Feeding a child forbidden food that is too "heavy"26for his/her age,as well as stopping breastfeeding and simultaneously giving different typesand flavors of foods potentially "activates" latent parasites within the humanbody and triggers symptoms of parasitic illness. The Mbya generally arguethat "tachó is easily solved;" however, if a child has a great number ofparasites or if the parasitic infection is allowed to proliferate over a longperiod of time, the child's condition may worsen. In these cases, chi1drenbecome "weak", "not lively," "don 't want to grow, " and "they get ji/s,dizziness; they may faint, they fallo " That is, these children becol11evulnerable to other illnesses and suffer from weight 10ss and delay in theirgrowth.
To sum up, there exist certain food taboos, established by "the ancients .,(the Mbya ancestors), that regulate the consumption of sorne kinds of foodconsidered to be harmful; the disregard of these taboos produces parasitesthat can damage health and cause death. The pathogenic action of the tachóis stimulated not only by the breaking of taboos, however, but a1so by theconsumption of industrially processed sweets:
[You had also told me that your daughter had tachó?] "Yes, tachó, parasite, thatwas last week, she had, parasites." [And how did you notice that she was ill?]
"Because she cried, she almost didn't stop ... we immediately knew it was that.[And why does that get to children?] "Well, 1 myself don't know how this parasitecomes, how it does to come, because 1 sometimes bring a little sweet cake and wegive her, that's how it comes". [And the parasite is already in the body, 01' does itcome in?] "No, it's inside. When we are born, when one is born, it's aiready
there ... " (B.D, 28-year-old man, Ka'aguy Poty, 2003)
PARASITES AMONG THE MBYA 113
Beyond the breaking of dietary taboos established through Mbya reko andthe consumption of processed sweets, different types of parasites may alsoenter into the human body from the environment, particularly the water andthe soil. The Mbya are aware of these problems as well.
[Do children and adults have it as well?] "Yes, they do, evelybody ... when they
start to walk they already have ... and children too ... they stand up, like this, theywalk and drink water." [And befare they walk, they don't drink water?] "No, water
is not drunk yet, we don't give them, they have milk, they drink milk, ... milk; whenthey drink milk they don't have tachó... because they have water, with the water
only it comes, sometimes they take it raw, like this, 01' first ... that kind, runoffwater, as it is from a stream it shouldn't be drunk, but we sometimes drink it, just
like that, runoff, from the streanl, ... an there they are, already." (S.P, 46-year-old
woman, Ka' aguy Poty, 2000)
"... there, in the (water) well is where they get evelything, the children get in, thatwell is too dirty ... " (A.R, 28-year-old woman, Yvy Pyta, 2003).
The problem of parasitic infection through water arises mainly inchildren who are weaned from breast milk; they start to walk and drink water(from the stream or runoff). The Mbya are advised to boil water before it isused, and are warned not to drink it "raw". Parasites that enter the bodythrough drinking water are considered to be pathogenic, unlike those which"are born" with the individual.
From the results of our research, the main approaches to the prevention ofparasitoses in the Mbya communities include:
1. Keeping infants on breast milk for as long as possible2. Observing Mbya dietary restrictions that date back to the times of the
"ancients."3. Avoiding "heavy" foods, primarily of industrial origin, like sweets.4. Boiling runoff or stream water before use or consumption.
The theory that parasite infection can be caused by contaminated waterreflects the influence of modern biomedicine on traditional Mbya culture.Accounts provided by the Mbya show a correlation between this shift inMbyan perceptions of the causes of parasites and the information coming
114 CRIVOS, ET AL.
from health programs and from the actlvltIes of sanitary agents, who aretrained in the scientific method, and who assert that the causes of intestinalparasitoses are contaminated soil, water, and food-al1 of which are externalto the human body and odds with the traditional tachó of Mbyan culture.27 Inthis sense, sanitary agents, who are a nexus between traditional andbiomedical cultures, have a central role as intermediaries in the population'sgradual access to scientific knowledge and practices. As an example, let usexamine the fol1owing statement:
" ... because 1 think that's true, ... because there is my little daughter, who hasparasites, and my wife said that is because 1 ate coati's and pig's meat too soon, andthat's really true, because it has been proved, you see. Por me it is, and 1 knowsomething about cleanliness too." (AD, 34-year-old man, Aboriginal SanitaryAgent, 1999)
This informant acknowledges the need for parents to respect food relatedtaboos that have to be observed while the child is "new" (mita pyta), ane!reinforces their validity ("that has been proved") while at the same timeincorporates another factor-lack of hygiene-which is prioritized by thebiomedical sector as the main cause of enteroparasitosis.
FinalConsiderations
We have so far developed the most outstanding aspects of Mbya practicesand representations about parasites and parasitoses, mainly stressing nativeconsiderations about the causes of the pathogenic activity of "won11S,"mainly food taboo transgression. We also stated that this kind of explanationis strongly anchored in ancient, ancestor-transmitted "tradition," whichfocuses on harmonic relationships between human beings and otherorganisms in their environment. 28 Our research has also revealed the recentincorporation of modern biomedical explanations for parasitoses and thehealth risks they entail into traditional Mbya culture, a phenomenon that canbe attributed to ever-increasing interactions between public health agents ane!physicians-as wel1 as the modern health systems they represent-and theMbya people themselves.
Analysis of Mbya conceptions about the relationship of tabooinfringement and sickness highlights the value ascribed by Mbya reko to the
PARASITES AMONG THEMBYA 115
harmonic relationships between human beings and the environment-as wellas the continuity of ancestral practices as a guarantee of balance. Theinfringement of the various taboos that regulate the interactions betweenentities, such as worms and their hosts, appear as one of the main causes forthe illness. Representations of parasitic illness and its consequences reflectan ecological approach to viewing human health-an approach that dependson maintaining a balance between different types of organisms. In thissense, the conceptualization of illness as a "time dis-adjustment to theenvironment" proposed by Jacques Mal9 corresponds to the Mbyaperspective about the appearance of the parasitical illness. From thisrelational perspective, the appearance of illness serves as a signal to animbalance in the environment that is reflected in the body-one that can alertresearchers and public health officials to what has to be done to repair theimbalance.3o As Young (1976) points out, medical beliefs and practices havenot only a practical or instrumental value but also a symbolic one that cancommunicate and reinforce concepts about the human body and the greatermacrocosm of which it is a part.3l Mbya representations of parasitoses,therefore, provide us a path into traditional conceptions about the individualperson, his or her social relationships, and the various interactions betweenthe human and non-human entities in the primary Mbya environment: theParanense Forest.
Dis-adjustments between the Mbya and their environment can beattributed to sedentary modalities in intensely exploited spaces, a decrease intraditional horticultural practices, the scarcity of wild animal resources, andthe replacement of traditional food sources with those of industrial originoAll of these are contributing factors to the increased vulnerability of theMbya population to intestinal parasitoses. Mbyan perceptions of biologicaland ecological changes agree with the findings of scientific research.Modern scientific studies have shown that in numerous South Americanindigenous communities, changes in the ecosystem, in traditional subsistencestrategies and in dietary regimen are the main factors for the virulence andchronicity of intestinal parasitoses-particularly when combined withnutritional deficiency, an endemic problem in many of these traditionalcultural groups. Numerous studies that focus on the co-evolution ofparasitesand their hosts point out that South American aboriginal populations showunique physical health and illness patterns, suggesting a high degree ofhuman adaptation to parasitoses.32 This research indicates the presence of
116 CRIVOS, ET AL.
high antibody levels in these populations, due to their exposure to num-er~s
infectious agents, including intestinal parasitoses, protozoa, and bacteria.J3
Nevertheless, gradual changes in the traditional indigenous culture can havea negative inf1uence on parasite-host relationships, increasingly making thepresence of parasites dangerous to the body.34 On the basis of these results,our researchers are now focusing on the impact of cultural change amongindigenous populations with the intent of evaluating the re1ationshipsbetween rates and type of parasitic infection and shifts in settlement patterns,changes in diet, stress levels, and increased contact with modem cultures.We are also considering the inf1uence of modem biomedicine, the extensiveuse of antihelmintics, as well as environmental modifications whichsupposedly inf1uence parasite-host relationships, causmg a highersusceptibility to infection.35
The Mbya perspective on parasitoses has some points in contact with theperspective proposed by population ecology, which argues for a complex andmulti-valent consideration of the conditions that make parasitoses possible.The Mbya ultimately rely on their belief systems to interpret and manageintestinal parasitoses. These views contrast sharply with those from classicalepidemiological studies, which focus on broad identification of the issuesand an "a priori" definition of over-generalized "risk factors" withoutconsidering the historical depth of the relationships existing betweenindigenous populations and their complex ecological environments or theunique experiences and factors relevant to each individual's daily life.36
Such broad-based approaches as those espoused by classical epidemiologydo not allow for hypotheses that consider the interaction of cultural andenvironmental factors in illness distribution in different groups within thesame population.37 We argue that the relationships between ecological,genetic, cultural, sanitary and economic factors that affect a particularpopulations' health should be considered in greater depth, an approach that isby its very nature interdisciplinary and systemic.
Finally, some considerations about our interdisciplinary work experiencewith the Mbya population. Working with parasitologists and biologicalanthropologists allowed us to identify both shared and exclusive aspects inscientific vs. local explanations about the identification and categorization ofparasites and the environmental conditions which make parasite developmentpossible. The way parasitoses are perceived was explored in workshopswhere members of the indigenous population, scientists and sanitary staff
PARASITES AMONG THE MBYA 117
participated. Discussions about varying perspectives allowed for theidentification of different recognition thresholds of the impact of parasitoseson human health. Moreover, the contributions of ethnobotanists regardingaltemative treatments and prevention strategies led to a positive appraisal oftraditional knowledge and handling of natural resources. Interculturalexchanges favored by the ethnographic approach opened a pathway for thepositive exchange of ideas between biomedicine and traditional groups.From the first perspective, parasitologists and health staff acknowledge theMbya community's limited knowledge of parasites and their environmentalcauses-an information gap that has allowed environmental "risk factors" toproliferate. As a prevention strategy, modern scientists argue that theenvironment must be regulated and that the Mbya must change manY of theirtraditional habits in order to avoid parasitic transmission and infection. The¡\;[bya people, on the other hand, claim that parasitic infection has nothing todo with these issues, but instead with the breaking of dietary taboos. In thissense, they emphasize the need for respecting traditional guidelines which,ultimately, wiU prevent parasites from becoming pathogenic. Consequently,both sectors diverge on their opinions about prevention. Native sanitaryagents, as members of both the biomedical and traditional Mbya worlds,integrate both explanations into their view of parasitic infection andprevention.
Most workshop participants, including local people and sanitary-medicalstaff, at first believed that parasites were not an issue of great concern, thatworms were not only tolerated, but a normal part of the human life-cycle.Through the workshops hosted by our group, the Mbya population waseclucated about the biological aspects of parasitic infection and reproductionand their consequences for the human host. From this point forward, whilewe were performing fieldwork we began to notice a greater concern on thepart ofthe Mbya population about lack ofhygiene and parasitic illness. Localsanitary medical staff, in turn, became more receptive to Mbyan perspectiveson parasites, allowing them to find medical approaches to parasitic controlthat would mesh more closely with Mbya reko. Taking into account theimpact of parasitic pathologies on the overall health of the region, it seemsrelevant to us that the workshops, through dialogue, allowed for discoursebetween two divergent communities and widened the each sector'sknowledge about parasites and associated illnesses.
PARASITES AMONG THE MBYA 11.9
7. C. Remorini, "Caminar a través del monte. Una aproximación a la movilidadMbya en el pasado yen el presente," in Publicación Especial de las 11 Jornadassobre Poblamiento, Colonización e Inmigración en Misiones, 309-326.
8. Crivos, Marta, M. Rosa Martínez, Graciela Navone, M. Lelia Pochettino,Patricia. M. Arenas, Celina Digiani, Laura Teves, Carolina Remorini, Anahí Sy,Carolina Illkow y Nicolás. Delorenzi. "Ethnobiology of the parasitoses: the case of twoMbyá-Guaraní communities (Province of Misiones, Argentina)," in Ethnobiology andBiocultural Diversity, eds. John R. Stepp, Felice Swyndham and Rebecca K. Zarger,
(Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2002), 258-269.
9. Carolina Remorini & Anahí Sy, "El valor del monte en el proceso de endoculturaciónMbya. Una aproximación etnográfica," Actas del XXIII Congreso de GeohistoriaRegional, Oberá, Misiones: Facultad de Artes. Universidad Nacional de Misiones (2003),115-127.
10. María L. Pocbettino, María R. Martinez, Patricia M. Arenas, Marta Crivos, GracielaNavone, Celina Digiani, Laura Teves, Carolina Remorini, Anahí Sy , Carolina Illkow y
Nicolás Delorenzi. "Fitoterapia Mbya: análisis y evaluación del tratamiento de lasparasitosis," DELPINOA, Journal ofEthnobotany 46 (2003), 301-310.
11. M. R. Martínez, M. Crivos & C. Remorini, "Etnografía de la vejez en comunidadesMbyá-Guaraní, provincia de Misiones, Argentina," in Il Vecchio alto Specchio. Vivere ecurare la vecchiaia nel mondo, Vol. 4, eds. Guerci y Consigliere, (Geneve: ErgaEdizione, 2002).
12. C. Remorini, "Las relaciones intergeneracionales en la vida cotidiana. Sobre el rol de losabuelos en las actividades de cuidado infantil en comunidades Mbya (Misiones,Argentina)," Actas del VIII Congreso de Antropología Social, Simposio 14 (2006):Cultura y envejecimiento. Abordajes multi e interdisciplinarios. Universidad Nacional deSalta, CD-ROM. Salta: EDUNSa.
13. A. Sy & C. Remorini "Hacia un abordaje integral e intercultural de la salud de los niñosMbya. Contribuciones de la investigación etnográfica y desafíos para la gestión pública,"in Noceti M.B (Comp.) Oportunidades. Caminos hacia la protección integral de losDerechos del niño, (Bahia Blanca: Libros en Colectivo, 2009).
14. We inc1uded in this category those illnesses that were recognized and diagnosed by tbelocal population whose symptoms correspond to the pathologies c1assified bybiomedicine under tbis name.
15. Anahí Sy, Estrategias frente a la enfermedad en dos comunidades Mbya Guaraní(Ka 'aguy Poty e Yvy pyta, Provincia de Misiones). Aporte del estudio de casos a lainvestigación Etnográfica de los procesos de Salud-enfermedad. (Tesis de Doctorado).Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo. Universidad Nacional de La Plata, 25 de abrilde 2008.
16. Crivos et al., "Ethnobiology of the parasitoses," 2002; Crivos, Marta, M. Rosa Martínez,
Graciela Navone, M. Lelia Pochettino, Patricia. M. Arenas, Carolina Remorini, Anahí
Sy, Laura Teves, M.Inés Gamboa y Lorena Zonta, "Puesta en común de saberes yprácticas sobre las enteroparasitosis (Valle del Cuña Piw, Misiones)," Equipo de
120 CRIVOS, ET AL.
Etnobiología, Museo de Antropología, Facultad de Humanidades, Universidad de
Córdoba. Edición en CD (2006); Pochettino et al, "Fitoterapia Mbya," 2003.
17. Crivos et al., 2005.
18. León Cadogan, 1992 Diccionario Mbyá-Guaraní-Castellano. Biblioteca
Paraguaya de Antropología. Vol. XVII. Fundación "León Cadogan", Asunción,
183.19. !bid.20. This expression's meaning comes from mba'e (thing, entity; what causes pain)
and achy (imperfect, pain) (Cadogan, 1992: 103).
21. Informants' names are only given by theír initials to preserve their anonymity.
22. Maytenus ilicifolia Mart. ex Reissek (Celastraceae)
23. Chenopodium ambrosioides 1. (Chenopodiaceae)
24. Piper mikanianum (Kunth,.) Steud (Piperaceae)
25. By baptism we mean the ceremony of giving the child a sacred name (Ñemongarai). It is
made once the child acquires two skílls: talking and walking straight. For the Mbya, the
soul is identified by the name, and the ability to speak constitutes the subject's vital
principIe and it will accompany him to his/her death. The importance of tbis ceremony in
relation with the vital cycle is shown in the fact that onlñy afier it is the child recognized
as a fuI! member of the teko'a (the community). See Remorini Aporte a lacaracterización etnográfica de los procesos de salud-enfermedad en las primeras etapasdel ciclo vital, en comunidades mbya-guaraní de Misiones, República Argentina. -la ed.- (Tesis de Doctorado). 11 de abril de 200S. La Plata: Universidad Nacional de La Plala.
Available in: www.unlp.edu.ar/editorial..
26. Based on their effect on the body, food is classified as "heavy" or "light". This is nol a
fixed classification, since there are some kinds of food that are considered to be "heal')'"
only if they are consumed when the body is vulnerable, for example during the transition
between diffeent stages of the tife cycle (baptism, first menstruation, puerperium) 01'
when the individual is ilI. For example, while children over one year of age who have
been baptized are allowed to eat meat, mix sorne kinds of food andlor eat "heavy" foocl
on some occasions, the Mbya perception of vulnerability of children who have not gone
through this ritual justifies their stressing on unweaned babies protection against lhe
multiple risks related with feeding. "Light" food is generally vegetable in origin, while
"heavy" food is that of animal origin and /01' coming from the "jurua" (white people).Among the later are those kinds of food belonging to the Mbya, when they are consllll1cd
in wrong instances, and also industrialized food (Remorini, 2009).27. Crivos, et. al., "Ethnobiology ofthe parasitoses," 2002; Sy, Estrategias ,200S.2S. Mbya reko is characterized by the harmonic relationship between the natural ancl
supernatural orders. This is based in the observance ofthe principIes stated by Ñamandu
Ru Ete (Our Father, the Sun) at the beginning of times. In contemporary Mbya's spccch
there is always a reference to ideal rules of life, established in times of "the ancicnls",
which is idealized in their accounts as those times when there were not so many illnesses,
when one could "live peacefully" as there were better lands for cultivating, which macle
reciprocity possible as production could be shared. Imbalance is expressed in their
PARASITES AMONG THEMBYA 121
present accounts by making reference to several factors like having lost the forest, thescarcity of land, social tension and conflicts, worsening and/or appearance of newillnesses, among others of which they blame on the contact with the white people.Therefore, the changes in the way of living of "the new ones" (younger generations) as
opposed to "the ancient ones" (elderly people, their ancestors) would account for the
higher prevalence of illnesses in these communities.29. Jacques M. May, "Ecología de las enfermedades humanas," in Estudios sobre Ecología
Humana. Estudios Monográficos 111, (Washington, Unión Panamericana, 1958),91-112.30. Sy, Estrategias, 2008.31. Allan Young, "Sorne Implications of Medical Beliefs and Practices for Social
Anthropology, "American Anthropologist, 78 (1976), 5-24.32. Salzano, Francisco M. y S. M. Callegari-Jacques, South America lndians. A case study in
evolution. Research Monographs on Human Population Biology. (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1988).33. lbid.34. lbid.; Confalonieri, et al. 199135. Sy, Estrategias, 2008.36. Smith, H.M., R.G. de Kaminsky, S Niwas, RJ. Soto y P.E. Jolly. "Prevalence
and Intensity of infections of Ascaris lumbricoides and Trichuris Trichiura and associatedSocio-demographic Variables in four Rural Honduran Communities," Mem lnst.Oswaldo Cruz, 96:3 (2001), 303-314; A. Fontbonne, Freese-de-Carvalho E., AcioliM.D., Sa G.A y Cesse, E.A.P., "Factores de risco para poliparasitismo intestinal em urnacomunidade indígena de Pernambuco, Brasil," Cad. Salude Pública, 17: 2, (2001), 367373; N. Labiano-Abello, "Epidemiology of Hookworm Infection in Itagua, Paraguay: across sectional study," Mem. lnst. Oswaldo Cruz, 94:5, (1999), 583-586. R. A.
Miranda., et al., "Prevalencia de Parasitismo intestinal nas aldeias indígenas da triboTembé, Amazonia Oriental Brasileira," Rev da sociedade Brasileira de MedicinaTropical 32:4 (1998), 389-393; R. A. Miranda, Xavier, F.B y Menezes R.C.,"Parasitis~o intestinal em urna aldeia indígena Parakanli , sudeste do estado de Pará,Brasil," Cad. Salude Pública, 14:3 (1999), 507-511; Anderson, et al., 1993.
37. Remorini, Aporte, 2009.
