Journal of Marketing Management, 2006, 22, 979-1008

ISSN1472-1376/2006/9-10/00979 + 29 Westburn Publishers Ltd.

Andrew Lindridge1 and Margaret K. Hogg

Parental Gate-keeping in Diasporic Indian Families: Examining the Intersection of Culture, Gender and Consumption

OU Business School Lancaster University Management School

Stories of familial memories, histories and daily life, from sixteen daughters of diasporic Indian families living in Britain, are used to examine how culture, gender and consumption are negotiated within family settings. The differing gate-keeping roles played by parents, children and grandparents within families, in resisting or promoting the negotiation of cultural boundaries, have not been examined before. This provides a crucial opportunity to examine the changing pattern(s) of power, identity and gender roles in ethnic families; the gap in research on gender roles within the family; the family as part of a social system; the cultural embeddedness of family relationships; and the family at a more disaggregated level. These daughters stories identified the polarisation of parental positions over a number of key issues, notably language, media and consumption (e.g. food, alcohol, clothing); showed the importance of understanding gender as performance across the family/societal boundaries; and demonstrated the centrality of communities and networks in supporting and restraining different interpretations of culture, consumption and gender by mothers and fathers.

Keywords: family stories, gate-keeping, gender, consumption, culture, daughters, mothers and fathers 1 Correspondence: Andrew Lindridge, OU Business School, Michael Young Building, The Open University, Walton Hall, Milton Keynes, MK7 6AA, Tel: +44 (0)1908 655 888, Fax: +44 (0)1908 655 898, Email: a.m.lindridge@open.ac.uk

980 Andrew Lindridge and Margaret K. Hogg Introduction We examine the inter-relationships between culture, gender and consumption within the context of diasporic Indian families living in Britain. These families have become increasingly prominent because of films like Bend it like Beckham and Bhaji on the Beach and programmes like The Kumars; Goodness, Gracious Me; and Life Isnt All Ha Ha Hee Hee; but remain largely neglected within marketing and consumer research. In contrast to earlier work on British Indian families (Hastings 2000; Jamal and Chapman 2001; Lindridge and Dibb 2003; Lindridge, Hogg and Shah 2004; Lindridge 2005; Lindridge and Dhillon 2005; Sekhon and Szmigin 2005), we concentrate on how consumption is used within families to negotiate cultural boundaries. The differing gate-keeping roles played by parents, children and grandparents within families in resisting or promoting the negotiation of cultural boundaries have not been examined before. And yet this is important because it provides a crucial opportunity to understand the changing pattern(s) of power, identity and gender roles in ethnic families; to address the gap in research on gender roles within the family (Gentry, Commuri and Jun 2003); to examine the family as part of a social system (Commuri and Gentry 2000, p. 2); to examine the factors which make a familys interpersonal relations cultur[ally]-embedded (Commuri and Gentry 2000, p. 23); and to examine the family unit at a more disaggregate level (John 1999, p. 24) e.g. father-son, father-daughter or sibling relationships.

Our research draws on the family stories as told and experienced by daughters because firstly, they embody their familys cultural values for the current and next generations (e.g. as future mothers); and secondly, they often experience particularly keenly the different cultural and gendered pressures as they themselves represent sites of contestation or conflict. From their stories of family life we identify the changing nature of consumption, culture, gender roles and power within Indian families living in Britain, in response to the processes of negotiating cultural boundaries. We use Thompsons (1993) criteria of gender construction (i.e. socio-historical contexts, cultural and structural contexts, valued personal outcomes and daily interaction processes) to structure our review of family and gender issues, concluding with their relationship to consumption; before describing our ethno-consumerist methodology; discussing our findings from these stories of familial histories, memories and daily life; and briefly examining the implications for marketing theory and management. Socio-Historical Contexts

The 2001 census (HMSO 2006) indicated that over a million people of

Parental Gate-keeping in Diasporic Indian Families 981 Indian descent live in Britain, representing one of its largest diasporic groups. A diasporic group emerges when an ethnic group refuses to or is not allowed to homogenise into the dominant culture (Bhatia 2002; Bourhis 1997). This is true of the experience of many Indian families living in Britain (Hutnik 1991; Lindridge and Dhillon 2005). A consequence of diasporic communities is a constant renegotiating between past and present, modernity and traditions (Luke 1996), self and others (Bhatia 2002), and differing cultural values (Lindridge, Hogg and Shah 2004, Lindridge and Dhillon 2005). This process of renegotiation may be moderated through communities and networks (Appadurai 1990, p. 297). One of the best examples of where this renegotiation, moderation and contestation take place for ethnic minorities is within the family.

Family, Cultural and Structural Contexts

The family represents an important site where culture, consumption and gender intersect. In reviewing gendered behaviour within families, we follow the social constructionist approach where gender is understood as the product of social processes and as embodying cultural meanings of masculinity and femininity (Fox and Murry 2000, p. 1164). This means somebodys gender is not neatly equated with his or her sex. Rather men and women not only vary in their degree of masculinity and femininity but have to be constantly persuaded or reminded to be masculine or feminine. That is, men and women have to do gender rather than be a gender (Fox and Murry 2000, p. 1164), most significantly via social interactions e.g. voices, bodies (Martin 1998, cited in Fox and Murry 2000, p. 1164), dress and consumption (such as food and alcohol). Gendered associations and meanings (Kacen 2000) arise from a range of micro and macro settings, including individual, social, institutional and cultural contexts.

Culture represents an evolving and ongoing set of norms and values, where acculturation is characterised by conflict, creativity, democratisation, disagreement, innovation, internal or external industrialisation and modernisation (Oyserman 1993; Rohner 1984). Culture can be seen as three ideational themes: cognitive, structuralist and symbolic (Keesing 1974). We locate our understanding of the family within the structuralist theme, notably within social networks (Coleman 1988; Putnam 1998) where the community represents the societal structure which supports and maintains the family. The location of the family within a cultural system does not suggest a static or one-way relationship. Rather, we argue that diasporic families are dynamic, evolving and adapting to their surroundings over time. We view the family as a collection of interacting sub-systems (dyads, triads) that affect each other, whilst being influenced by world views such as culture (White 1999). We thus locate the family unit within a systems theory

982 Andrew Lindridge and Margaret K. Hogg perspective, recognising Woods (1995) argument that to understand the family requires recognition of the vibrant dialectic that gives rise to inequalities that are inherently political.

The family is paramount in Indian daily life. Children are socialized into collectivist cultural values of co-operation, duty, favouritism, interdependence, nurturing, obedience and reliability (Triandis et al. 1988). Loyalty to the family is regarded as dharma, i.e. sacred duty (Lindridge and Dhillon 2005) with the need to enhance family status representing one of the most important goals which [British] South Asian [incl. Indian] families set themselves (Ballard 1982, p. 184). The role of children is to be supportive of their parents. For Indian families living in Britain this can generate conflicts. Parents socialise their children into Indian gender specific aspects of inter-dependence (Stopes-Roe and Cochrane 1990). For daughters this means the allocation of household chores and possibly being discouraged from further education and employment (Bhopal 1997; Dosanjh and Ghuman 1997). However Gilroy (1987) counters that this is a false Western stereotype of Indian daughters as shy, passive and timid victims, based on the belief that daughters exist in an environment that heavily emphasises discipline and strictness (Parmar 1990). Instead there is some evidence to suggest that second generation Indian daughters, although socialised into obedience (Stopes-Roe and Cochrane 1990), demonstrated behaviours that challenged these values, such as visiting night clubs against their parents wishes (Lindridge, Hogg and Shah 2004). In contrast, sons in Indian families in Britain are given greater social and cultural independence in exploring their Indian masculine identities in British society (Dosanjh and Ghuman 1997; Lindridge, Hogg and Shah 2004).

Valued Personal Outcomes and Daily Interactions

British Indian families interact with differing cultures on a daily basis. These interactions provide many occasions when cultural understandings and gender roles are challenged, negotiated and restructured. Gender roles are experienced within a vibrant dialectic (Wood 1995) of political inequalities within family life. This can be seen in the cultural categorisation of gender roles within the daily lives of diasporic families. Mothering has to be understood within specific historical contexts framed by interlocking structures of race, class and gender (Collins 1994, p. 56). When we apply this description to a diasporic group, we can see that restricted access to resources limits the mothers range of options (Baca Zinn 1990, 1994). The family assumes increased importance as the arena for the enactment of identity, power and survival (Collins 1991). In this context, mothers roles as cultural gate-keepers assume even greater importance. Family gate-keeping is a collection of beliefs and behaviours that ultimately inhibit a collaborative

Parental Gate-keeping in Diasporic Indian Families 983 effort between men and women in family work by limiting mens opportunities for learning and growing through caring for home and children (Allen and Hawkins 1999, p. 200). However, gate-keeping should not necessarily be seen as an act of disempowerment. Rather, such roles may provide a significant sense of autonomy and power within the family (Hawkins and Roberts 1992; Lamb 1997). In an immigrant community women can embody the communal diasporic identity (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1989) and often take responsibility for transmitting culturally appropriate values to the family. This may be done through their central role in managing family life and controlling household activities, such as food purchasing, preparation and distribution, which are central to womens roles of household (De Vault 1991) and emotion (Hochschild 1975, 1979) management.

The role of fathering within the family is often more sensitive to contextual influences than that of the mothering role (Doherty et al. 1998). Fatherhood has become increasingly fragmented and politicised in terms of status and power (Marsiglio et al. 2000), suggesting that traditional paternal roles are under external cultural pressures to change, for instance from British white society. Consequently individual, interpersonal and social factors may make fathers in diasporic families more vulnerable to external cultural pressures and changing expectations of male roles (e.g. as bread winner). However there is evidence that husbands actively seek to maintain a status quo that favours them rather than bring about changes to the household that would be detrimental to themselves (Gentry, Commuri and Jun 2003). Therefore men as husbands and fathers also seem to operate gate-keeping mechanisms to protect their own roles and rights within the family unit (Allen and Hawkins 1999) and sustain masculine hegemony.

Consumption, Family and Gender

Consumption sits at the intersection of culture and gender in family life. The relationship between consumption and gender is strongly linked to cultural systems that perpetuate and support specific gender roles and associated behaviours: consumption has been genderedwomen have been seen as consumers and consumption as a feminine activity, while men have been seen as producers (Kacen 2000, p. 347). Female domination of consumption has been noted in numerous aspects of consumer research, including gender influence (see Qualls 1982) and power sharing (see Webster and Rice 1996).

Inter and intra-generational influences also have important implications within the intersection of culture, gender and consumption. A series of studies (Moore and Lutz 1988; Moore, Wilkie and Lutz 2002) found that mothers and daughters shared important information regarding purchasing of brands, whilst Cotte and Wood (2004) noted parental and sibling influence

984 Andrew Lindridge and Margaret K. Hogg operated bi-directionally. That parents influence their children and vice-versa is relatively well known, however sibling influence remains relatively under-explored. Siblings socialise each other in their consumer behaviours (Cotte and Wood 2004). This may be of specific significance for diasporic families where issues of generational difference may provide alternative and potentially conflicting perspectives regarding the consumption of culturally construed products. For example, Indian parents in Britain often allow their sons to consume products inherently identifiable with British white culture, such as alcohol and clothing, whilst at the same time preventing their daughters from having the same consumption choices (Lindridge, Hogg and Shah 2004). It is possible that siblings mutually support each other in challenging their parents influence and consume products that are outside of their parents influence, such as alcohol.

Consumption of culturally construed possessions (e.g. food, clothing) allows diasporic families to identify themselves with a desired set of cultural values. For example, Indian families in Britain consume possessions that reinforce their familys status in the community and their diasporic identities (Lindridge, Hogg and Shah 2004; Lindridge 2005). The meaning of possessions contribute to the construction of the culturally constituted world precisely because they are a vital, tangible record of cultural meaning that is otherwise intangible (McCracken 1986, p. 73). Research Objectives, Design and Methodology

Objectives

The objectives of this exploratory study were: firstly, to understand how consumption is used within diasporic families to negotiate cultural boundaries; secondly, to identify the differing roles of family members in resisting or promoting negotiation of cultural boundaries; thirdly, to show how these roles are gendered; and finally to examine the different gendered roles played by mothers and fathers as cultural gate-keepers within the family setting.

Research Design

We used Meamber and Venkateshs (2000) ethno-consumerist framework as the basis for our research design in order to ensure that the voices in these diasporic families were heard and interpreted within their own context, rather than within the researchers cultural context. This qualitative ethno-consumerist research framework recognises the inherent western ethnocentric biases in many earlier studies (Venkatesh 1995); and addresses Collins (1991) accusation that previous research suffers from academic colonialism. By explicitly recognising and understanding the potential

Parental Gate-keeping in Diasporic Indian Families 985 biases (in collection, interpretation and representation of the data) the researchers aim to transcend them and approach the stories from the participants cultural context. The ethno-consumerist framework is based on three assumptions: (1) that behaviour is grounded in culture; (2) that cultural categories are dependent upon both historical and socio-cultural forces as well as current practices; and (3) that culture is constantly changing and, therefore, so are categories of culture. This approach, therefore, helps the researchers to access the cultural and societal contexts experienced by diasporic families in 21st century Britain.

Implementing the ethno-consumerist framework consisted of two stages, undertaken largely in parallel. The first stage required the selection of participants that satisfied the cultural stance of this research, i.e. daughters from Indian families living in Britain. Complementing this was the second stage, which consisted of reviewing relevant published research. The second stage provided an understanding of the cultural context as experienced by diasporic families. The two stages were then combined and key themes were identified which allowed us to understand, from a non-Western centric perspective, the cultural and gendered contexts experienced by these young women.

Participants

Sixteen British born young adult Indian women were recruited using a mixture of personal contacts and acquaintances from a university in the north west of England. Our participants were drawn from different socio-economic backgrounds (ranging from average incomes to millionaire status families) and were all born in the North-West of England. We chose participants from the north west of England rather than London because diasporic families in the capital tend to be better off (HMSO 2006), and live in a more multi-cultural setting than those in the regions. We interviewed young women who self-identified themselves as daughters and the embodiment of their familys cultural values. Interviewing daughters allowed us to hear womens voices, and thus address the issue that Western culture defines men and masculine perspectives as normative, an androcentric point of view is often assumed and imposed, yet not acknowledged in either social life or research practice (Wood 1995, p. 112). We concentrated on a relatively small group of participants, in line with previous interpretivist studies (e.g. Fournier 1998; Fournier and Mick 1999; Holt and Thompson 2004; Thompson 2005; Tian and Belk 2005). Method

Participants were interviewed over a period of thirteen months on two separate occasions. Both interviews were informal using semi-structured

986 Andrew Lindridge and Margaret K. Hogg questioning, which ensured a considerable degree of participant autonomy, whilst remaining thematic and topic-centred. This approach aimed to understand the respondents own perspectives, explore the way they shared common understandings, and gain insights into particular experiences (Hannabuss 1996). The interviews lasted between 60 and 120 minutes, were taped, transcribed and analysed. The first interview concentrated on understanding the underlying issues of family life for Indian women living in Britain; the second set of interviews followed up the emergent themes from the data analysed after the first round, for example: issues of gender and power; community and gossip networks; and conflicting parental attitudes towards retention of Indian cultural values.

Data Analysis

Spiggles (1994, p. 491) seven analytical stages (cf. Meamber and Venkatesh 2000, p. 106) were followed in analysing all the transcripts. The transcripts were read and then re-read allowing for the identification of preliminary codes. The data was analysed and the coded data sheets were annotated and collated in order to identify comparisons, metaphors and tropes in the data (cf. Meamber and Venkatesh 2000, p. 106). Emerging themes were developed allowing for the integration of relationships between the constructs and the codes. This fits in with the interpretivist approach to research which underpins the ethno-consumerist framework (Meamber and Venkatesh 2000, p. 96). The literature was then revisited in order to inform the interpretation and to subject the findings to theoretical scrutiny (Miles and Huberman 1994). Findings and Discussion

These family stories illustrate the vibrant dialectic (Wood 1995) between culture, gender and consumption. This is briefly synthesised into a conceptual figure (Figure 1) which depicts the central role of parents as the primary gate-keepers in the processes of resisting or promoting negotiation of cultural boundaries. These family stories acknowledge the importance of both intergenerational (e.g. grandparents as well as parents) (Moore et al. 2002) and intragenerational (e.g. siblings) influences (Cotte and Wood 2004); as well as communities and networks (Appadurai 1990). Using the conceptual figure as an overarching framework, we present and interpret the findings under four main headings which illustrate how closely inter-related the themes of culture, gender and consumption are in these stories. We begin by examining the families social histories and memories (notably their tales of immigration); and then move on to their stories of everyday family life (including the family as the source of culture and gender, and the family and

Parental Gate-keeping in Diasporic Indian Families 987 future plans); we then discuss family experiences in relation to cultural practices, communities and networks; and conclude by examining family consumption stories. Culture

Figure 1. Family Stories of Gate-keeping Families Social Histories and Memories: Tales of Immigration

Our families social histories and memories provide important insights into the narratives used to promote or resist cultural change and construct gender hierarchies in the family unit. The dominant social history and memory for our participants were the immigration stories of their grandparents and parents. These differed across generations. The stories from their grandparents generation embodied Indian cultural values, including romance and mystification, which were themes missing from their

Parents as Gatekeepers

Internal influences:

Intergenerational and intragenerational influences

External influences:

Community and networks

Gender

Consumption

988 Andrew Lindridge and Margaret K. Hogg parents stories. For all these women their grandparents provided an opportunity to reflect upon their own cultural identity. Grandparents feared that their grandchildren might lose their Indian cultural values, and grandfathers were as important as grandmothers in promoting these:

my granddad definitelyI think a bit more than my grandmother may bebecause he was [the] head of the house and whatever he did we sort of followed. (M4)2

From their parents generation, it was their fathers immigration stories which were predominant. These stories focused on their fathers arrival in Britain without any money; how they had worked to educate themselves; and how they had reaped the rewards of their endeavours later in life. These stories were masculine stories of heroic journeys in which their fathers met and overcame important obstacles. Some fathers had successfully established businesses, whilst others had achieved positions of organisational responsibility. Yet these narratives often included stories of missed opportunities; of how cultural and physical differences had sometimes alienated them from the world of work, as well as from wider society. These stories about their fathers were often subtly mingled with stories of racism and difficulties, hinting at far deeper personal wounds:

My Dad says it was only your own kind that would employ you when he was working for Beechams, you know, it was like, you are not going to get that far being an Indian man, you are not going to get that far up the rungs (S3)

The fathers stories reflected the sense of fragmentation (Marsigilio et al. 2000) which derived from the need to change their sense of cultural identity to combat and overcome racism and the hardships of immigration. An outcome of their fathers immigration experiences was the need to instil into their children a desire to achieve in order to fulfil their fathers expectations. The daughters accounts captured the emotionally laden messages which carried encouragement (and sometimes coercion):

My dad has a saying, he says You have got to be that bit much better. I say What do you mean by that? And its just the fact that at the end of the day you are in a country and you are an Indian living [here]and you are different. The colour of your skin is something people see although you might not feel it yourself

2 Participants are coded on the basis of their religious status, thus: Hindu = H,

Muslim = M and Sikh = S, with the adjacent number identifying the participant number. Hence M4 represents our fourth Muslim participant.

Parental Gate-keeping in Diasporic Indian Families 989

sometimes but that is already a barrier against you so you have just got to [work harder]. (H2)

Here a father is inviting his daughter to emulate the masculine story of competition and achievement in the wider society in order to win recognition and success; rather than the more typical feminine route of domesticity, with a focus on family and home. This example of father-daughter exchange illustrates the importance of Johns (1999) argument about disaggregating families in order to understand the different processes of socialisation.

There were fewer accounts from mothers. Their immigration stories lacked the fathers themes of struggle and change. Instead their stories were more humorous reports of cultural differences (e.g. dress codes). The mother was located predominantly within the home, in an Indian cultural perspective. This important difference in story telling reflects wider issues of gender within the family structure. The dominant immigration stories, presented from a masculine perspective, illustrated the male experience of encountering the world outside the home as the wage earner. Their stories reiterated the fathers position as the head of his family, as the breadwinner battling with external and often hostile forces to provide for his family, and as protector of his family from a threatening environment characterised by racism. These narratives indicate that fathering is more contextually determined than mothering (Doherty et al. 1998). Their fathers told stories of conflict and creativity, as well as internal and external modernisation (Oyserman 1993), central to adjusting to the new cultural context and life in Britain; and to helping their sons and daughters to make similar adjustments. Stories of Daily Life: The Family as the Source of Culture and Gender

Stories of daily life included descriptions of a variety of struggles linked to cultural identity, power and gender. In their stories of everyday family life the daughters identified the polarisation of parental positions over a number of key issues, notably language, media and consumption. In contrast to their fathers, mothers appeared to take a stronger stance against cultural adaptation by taking responsibility for instilling Indian cultural values into their children. This was seen as one of the primary responsibilities of mothers; and reinforced an important power base for them within the home, derived from their status in transmitting cultural values. None of our participants mothers worked, regardless of social class or wealth status, in effect limiting their range of options and resources to within the family (Baca Zinn 1990, 1994) for sources of identity and power. Mothers exerted their authority in the family through control of cultural identifiers, i.e. language and media; as well as through consumption (e.g. control of the body via

990 Andrew Lindridge and Margaret K. Hogg clothing and food, see below). The emphasis which their mothers placed on promoting Indian cultural values to their children suggests their important role as cultural gate-keepers (Allen and Hawkins 1999). This act of gate-keeping, along with the need for identity, power and survival (Collins 1991) was apparent in the stories of their families daily lives. The process of socialisation was aimed at all the children, but was particularly focused on daughters and their eventual continuation, via marriage, of the cultural roles of being an Indian wife and mother:

Its very much like where the mother is the primary sort of education point for the children, very much so, culturally it is just like you have to do this, and it prepares you for marriage (M1)

Mothers instilled Indian cultural values into their children, and thus often promoted the maintenance of masculine hegemony within their traditional culture. The central role of women as the embodiment of a communal diasporic identity (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1989) was evident in the struggle for control of cultural identifiers, i.e. language and media usage.

Language usage has been identified by psychologists (for example Farb 1974) as critically important for culture and gender. Most of these women spoke English at home and rarely used their own ethnic language (e.g. Gujarati, Hindi, Punjabi or Tamil) suggesting adaptation to British white culture. This was an example of where grandparents influence had not managed to hold sway, though many women talked about using their ethnic languages when with aunties and grandparents. Although our participants could speak an ethnic language, in most cases their fathers had decided that the English language would be spoken in their home. However, this decision was not always mutual. Most participants spoke about how their mothers either deliberately or through embarrassment preferred to speak in their own native tongue, seeking to exert power via the cultural authority of language:

She [participants mother] use to write it [Punjabi] on [objects] and she used to put it in your room because thats how important it was to her and we used to get fined if we didnt speak [Punjabi]. If we said it in English we had to give her [participants mother] 5p like out of our money box . (S3)

Disagreements between mothers and fathers over language usage were also reflected in access to the media. Media represented important challenges to parental boundaries between adherence to British white and Indian cultural values. Where fathers predominantly encouraged watching English language media, mothers appeared to deliberately enforce using Indian language media, whether that was radio, television or the cinema:

Parental Gate-keeping in Diasporic Indian Families 991

I think my mum has that kind of [fear] she worries about us, that we are going to get too Western influencedso when I am at home if I have got the radio on shes always like [Are] You listening to an Asian radio station? Im like Its okay mum, calm down but shell slyly come into the kitchen and change the radio station [to a Punjabi language radio station]. (S4)

English language usage was associated with entry to the wider world, thus encouraging both sons and daughters to take part in the world of work outside the home, breaking down the gendered location for their parents generation of men working outside the home on behalf of the family, whilst women concentrated on family work (e.g. bringing up children) within the home. What emerged were the cultural differences between the fathers and mothers within our participants families. Whilst fathers appeared to encourage breaking down the boundaries between the two cultures, mothers tried to reinforce and perpetuate Indian cultural values within the family, and thus resisted the drive within the family towards acculturation, again highlighting themes of conflict, disagreement and modernisation (Oyserman 1993; Rohner 1984). Daughters saw their mothers as cultural gate-keepers, keeping the values of the dominant society at bay, whilst promoting the culture of origin.

Stories of Daily Life: the Family and Future Plans

The family represented an important context for debate about future work plans, and these resonated with cultural and gendered issues. Our participants (and their siblings) recognised the sacrifices which their fathers had made, and thus the sense of indebtedness to their fathers to recognise and reward their struggles through accepting familial-cultural obligations. However at the same time many of our participants sought to resist their fathers pressure either to continue the family businesses or enter the professions advocated by their fathers:

My dads business he built it up from scratch. He says I did it for my family and all this and now it has come to the stage when my dad wants to retire and he is looking here for one of his four kids to take it over. My sister has gone off to London my brother Zab, he doesnt want to take it over because he sees how stressed my dad gets and its a big thing to handle and Im not too sure I want to do it. You want to do something with your life for yourself and that really upsets my dad because he has worked so hard. I feel upset for him and to some degree I am thinking possibly I will go to work [for him]. (H2)

Yet, although our participants respected their fathers, their decisions did not necessarily follow their fathers wishes. This suggests increasing levels of

992 Andrew Lindridge and Margaret K. Hogg independence from the family; and challenging of some traditional areas of masculine hegemony in their culture. This finding differs from Stopes-Roe and Cochrane (1990) observation of Indian children in Britain being socialised into family inter-dependence. This increasing independence, ironically, came from our participants fathers encouraging all their children to obtain a university education. This not only provided them with greater opportunities but as our participants noted themselves, also the means to challenge their fathers opinions, so that daughters found themselves performing in ways not traditionally regarded as female: i.e. not acquiescent; not accepting of authority but challenging fathers (and brothers) rights to make decisions on their behalf.

Stories of Family Experiences: Cultural Practices, Communities and Networks

Communities and networks are central to the process of cultural (re)negotiation (Appadurai 1990) which confronts immigrant families. However, these communities and networks provide not only support, but also restraints. Maintaining the family reputation is central to the familys place in the community. A dominant motivator was the over-arching need of all family members to perpetuate a positive family image to both their community and wider society, confirming earlier observations (Ballard 1982). The issue of family reputation was important to all our families; but parents took different views on how to maintain and enhance it.

The majority of our participants noted that although their fathers were concerned about family reputation, this typically meant ensuring that their children had succeeded in life, and thus enhanced the family reputation. The need for fathers to compare their children to other families was a common theme, reflecting both a masculine need to compete and also a desire to demonstrate their own success through their children. This need for comparison chimed with fathers drive to maintain a favourable status quo (Gentry, Commuri and Jun 2003) by achieving recognition and approval from other fathers. Fathers attitudes to issues relating to individuality and cultural conformity were often in direct conflict with mothers views:

my dad is like You shouldnt give a shit, hes like you know Sod it. You be you! and hes really cool like that but my mum shes like Oh no you cant do that because what if someone sees you do that (S5)

In contrast mothers strong adherence to Indian cultural values concentrated on maintaining the family reputation by ensuring that the Indian community only spoke positively about their family. Regardless of our participants family wealth, all our participants mothers appeared to actively engage in

Parental Gate-keeping in Diasporic Indian Families 993 monitoring other families and their allegiance to Indian cultural values (e.g. respect, duty). Social gatherings provided an important resource for mothers to make tangible their identity and power (Collins 1991) through sharing stories of family achievements and cultural misdemeanours. These social networks helped control family life within the community (Coleman 1988; Putnam 1998):

you know when someone is gossiping. My mum meets up with a group of women its called a kitty, its like a gambling thing. But they do it every week and I know then a lot gets discussed then amongst all the wives. So it would be five weekly meetings. (H2)

The differing responses of our participants fathers and mothers regarding family status were made more complex by the role of male siblings. Whereas sisters were seen as sharing in the role of future bearers of Indian cultural values, this did not apply to the participants brothers. Sons in Indian culture are held symbolically in high value, being seen as carrying the family name and bloodline into the future. Sons were cherished and given a freedom which was not offered to daughters, reinforcing the divide of appropriate gendered behaviours outside the home:

Thats why it comes back to the point of sending your sons to university, wanting to provide thats when the parents were thinking OK so theyve [the son] achieved a decent life for us in retirement age, so you dont need to choose a [old persons] home for us. (M1)

Sons duties related to their responsibilities for caring for their parents in old age. The relative cultural freedom offered to participants brothers provided an important cultural intervention and illustrated the symbolic role played by brothers as change agents. This indicated more support for Cotte and Woods (2004) argument about the importance of understanding intra-generational influences in family life. Brothers often directly challenged parental decisions that affected their female siblings. In effect, brothers acted as cultural enablers, providing their sisters with freedom to express their identities, supporting earlier research (Dosanjh and Ghuman 1997; Lindridge, Hogg and Shah 2004). Brothers were important allies for their sisters, working in collaboration with their fathers to gain release from Indian cultural constraints typically imposed by their mothers:

I cant remember exactly what the issues would be over but my brother will have broken down the barrier of some sort and when it comes to me its like Oh no, no you are a girl, you cant. But then my brother turns around and says Thats stupid, what are you saying here? You want to do what you want, you are old

994 Andrew Lindridge and Margaret K. Hogg

enough, you are 18. You have got a good head on your shoulders you are not going to succeed like that. And my mum and dad do, sometimes do listen to him because he is a smart boy. (H2)

The familys relationships within their own cultural world highlighted the crucial role of inter-generational and intra-generational gate-keeping, and particularly the different stances of mothers and fathers towards the resistance or promotion, respectively, of cultural negotiation. Many aspects of our participants families indicated instances of acculturation stress, confirming previous research (for example, Lindridge and Dhillon 2005; Aronowitz 1992; Berry 1990, 1997; and Vega and Rumbaut 1991).

Family Stories of Consumption

Finally, we examine how consumption is used in negotiating cultural, gender and power structures amongst our diasporic families by discussing food, clothing, alcohol and conspicuous consumption.

Food. One of the central mechanisms which women use to create family life is the organising and provision of food (e.g. De Vault 1991). In these stories mothers power within families was often exercised through food, which is a significant carrier of cultural meaning, both in terms of what is consumed and how it is consumed. Food is an important cultural metaphor for any family unit, representing memories and providing meanings for family behaviours. During our interviews two themes emerged regarding mothers and food production: firstly, the need to use food as a wider means of engaging with the community:

I think there is a sense of pride my mum is always doing dinner parties, and she strives all out to make it the best dinner party every party she does. And that is what she takes pride in but I think that is just the kind of person she is. I guess that comes down to the gossip again doesnt it community. (H2)

Secondly food was used to maintain, perpetuate and reinforce family networks. The production of food and meals was central to the nurturing role of motherhood and family life (De Vault 1991). Mothers purchased, produced and provided the food, confirming that consumption is a feminine activity (Kacen 2000) but also a way of exerting gender influence (Qualls 1982), power sharing (Webster and Rice 1996) and cultural values. Such responsibilities are the source of autonomy and power within the family (Hawkins and Roberts 1992; Lamb 1997). This was reinforced through clearly demarcated roles and strictly enforced gate-keeping by the mothers (Allen and Hawkins 1999):

My mum takes the attitude I have brought you up, I still pay for your food any

Parental Gate-keeping in Diasporic Indian Families 995

way and thats what I am going to do and I will still cook for you as if you still live here and send them to you. (H5)

The production and consumption of food amongst our participants families also illustrated different gender and socialisation processes. The majority of our participants commented on how their mothers would deliberately cook specific favourite foods for their brothers when they returned home. This production act was rarely replicated for our female participants, suggesting reinforcement of Indian cultural values of prizing sons. However, this apparent favouritism towards sons did not produce feelings of rejection amongst daughters. Instead this favouritism was usually experienced as a humorous reflection of how Indian cultural values were upheld and promoted by their mothers; and reinforced male hegemony.

The ability of our participants to cook Indian foods produced the only notable behavioural differences in terms of religious categories. Hindu and Muslim participants readily acknowledged their ability to cook various Indian dishes, although they all admitted that they could not compete with their mothers in terms of quality and taste. However, our Sikh participants were embarrassed to admit that they struggled to cook Indian dishes. They felt that there had been less emphasis on developing cooking skills in their family homes. Their fathers had emphasised the importance of concentrating on other skills apart from homemaking.

Alcohol. Mothers cultural control over the family, via food, clothing and alcohol, did not go unchallenged within their families. Alcohol was a way that fathers sought to counter balance their wives cultural influence and power. Alcohol is an important metaphor in Indian culture, representing a challenge to religious dogma and the need to maintain family reputations but also recognised as symbolic of cultural adaptation to British white society. Half of our participants spoke about how their fathers encouraged their children in the moderate consumption of alcohol, as a direct challenge to their mothers Indian cultural authority in the home:

My dad always has been quite liberal with that. Hell have a bottle of wine with dinner and hell ask me and my sisters if we want a glass. My mum doesnt really like it though. (S4)

Fathers encouragement of alcohol consumption directly challenged Indian cultural values and indirectly matriarchical power within the family.

Clothing. Clothing often proved to be another contentious issue between parents, and between mothers and daughters. Clothing expressed cultural identities and, indirectly, parental allegiances. All our participants readily wore Western style clothing outside the home. This decision was largely

996 Andrew Lindridge and Margaret K. Hogg determined by the type of cultural interaction (e.g. work place). During Indian social events Indian clothing was deemed appropriate. There were gender differences here. Men could wear Western clothing for all social occasions (including weddings and religious events). Women, on the other hand, were required to wear culturally appropriate clothing, i.e. Indian. This supports previous findings (Lindridge, Hogg and Shah 2004; Anwar 1998) which were linked to reinforcing and perpetuating a positive family image. When this gender difference was explored further, participants spoke about the need for women to be seen to be the epitome of Indian cultural values, i.e. chaste, modest and respectful to elders. The motivation behind this behaviour lay in the need to avoid malicious gossip from the Indian community that might damage the familys reputation; an issue that was of utmost concern for our participants mothers. Clothing then became an important criterion to use in judging a familys cultural and moral values; and also for enacting gender (Fox and Murry 2000), notably by controlling the body (Martin 1998). Mothers were central in influencing their daughters views of what might be deemed to be suitable clothing:

The first job I had, I had to wear a skirt. My mum didnt like that that much and it was a case of I would wear sort of like tights with it just so that she felt comfortable. Because when people see me, they see sort of Oh she has got her legs bare and it will get back to my parents. (S4)

Daughters often resisted their mothers attempt to control their clothing. However they enjoyed shopping together for clothes. Mothers used these clothing purchases as a means of engaging with their daughters and sharing intimate moments, whilst reaffirming and asserting the mothers cultural agenda. Clothes purchased also reflected our participants fashion tastes, representing collusion between mother and daughter reminiscent of Moore et als (2002) observation of mothers and daughters purchasing and sharing brand information.

Conspicuous Consumption. In terms of high involvement or conspicuously consumed products (Mason 1981, 1998) our participants and their siblings acknowledged their direct involvement, for instance when buying capital intensive products, such as electrical goods or cars, where brand imagery is important. Fathers regularly made the final purchase decision, but their daughters narratives showed the central role of mothers in the decision-making process:

If someone like had seven holidays that year and bought a new car my mum would be like Why arent we doing that? to my dad. They are rich, lets do

Parental Gate-keeping in Diasporic Indian Families 997

something. We would always have a holiday every year. We always had a new car every three years. (H1)

The need for conspicuous consumption was related to family status (Ballard 1982) and social networks (Coleman 1988; Putnam 1998) which were often dominated by women who assessed cultural worth through consumption acts. Branded goods were an opportunity to demonstrate status and success in social and cultural settings:

For example, if we are going to a wedding and all you need is [a car for] just our relatives and my dad will get in his car whatever it is at the moment or something and mum will go No we are not taking that! We are taking the Rolls [Rolls Royce]. And she [the mother] goes You know you need to arrive in something nice. (H2)

This materialistic discussion of conspicuous consumption i.e. showing off by taking the Rolls, echoes many of the themes in recent media portrayals of British Indian subculture.

Discussion Including Consumer Behaviour and Marketing Management Implications

The differing gate-keeping roles played by parents, children and grandparents within families in resisting or promoting the processes of adaptation have not been examined before. And yet this is important because this study of diasporic families provides a crucial opportunity to understand the changing pattern(s) of power, identity and gender roles in ethnic families; to address the gap in research on gender roles within the family (Gentry, Commuri and Jun 2003); to examine the family as part of a social system (Commuri and Gentry 2000, p. 2); to examine the factors which make a familys interpersonal relations cultur[ally]-embedded (Commuri and Gentry 2000, p. 23); and to examine the family unit at a more disaggregate level (John 1999, p. 24) e.g. father-son, father-daughter or sibling relationships.

First of all, the dynamic nature of the inter-relationships between power, identity and gender roles was demonstrated via a variety of gate-keeping experiences. Parents adopted often contrasting roles in the process of negotiating cultural boundaries, identifiable with Ward and Kennedys (1993) socio-cultural acculturation outcomes. Family narratives of fathers stories emphasised masculine qualities of duty, self-respect and hard work combined with the need to adapt to British white society (Hastings 2000; Lindridge and Dhillon 2005) for both sons and daughters. In contrast,

998 Andrew Lindridge and Margaret K. Hogg mothers stories emphasised their central role in transmitting culturally appropriate values to the family. There were regular power struggles (e.g. language; media; consumption) in the family between mothers and fathers; and between parents and children.

Secondly, our study starts to address the gap in research on gender roles within the family (Gentry, Commuri and Jun 2003). Gender roles were often associated with different aspects of gate-keeping in negotiating boundaries, reflecting issues of cultural conflict, creativity, democratisation, disagreement, innovation, internal or external industrialisation and modernisation (Oyserman 1993; Rohner 1984). Our participants noted how their fathers, and more often their brothers, deliberately challenged their families cultural norms on their daughters behalf. These families witnessed a continuous process of negotiation around culturally determined roles, with the mother playing a central role as the locus ofmeaning and relationships (Stacey 1998, p. 6) within the family.

There was evidence that sex and gender should not be automatically assumed to map neatly on to each other (Fischer and Arnold 1994) in terms of masculine and feminine behaviours. The stories showed how actively fathers encouraged their daughters to embrace the opportunities offered by their new societal setting, most noticeably in terms of entering higher education and the world of professional work. Fathers were thus important influences in widening their daughters horizons beyond the traditional domestic world. Marketing managers need to recognise that males and females cannot be neatly equated to masculine and feminine sets of behaviours respectively; and that therefore males and females are not neat homogeneous groups in terms of masculinity and femininity. This would influence, for instance, the types of marketing messages to be directed at these groups across a range of products and services.

Thirdly, diasporic families proved to be particularly valuable sites for examining the family as part of a social system (Commuri and Gentry 2000, p. 2) because the importance of the community and social networks emerged clearly in these families stories. Marketing managers have always understood the important role of social influences in consumer decision-making, and particularly the impact of reference groups on consumer choice. This study showed how the social influence of larger and more disparate groups (e.g. communities and networks) exerted significant influence on consumption choices in cultural contexts. Managers developing marketing positioning strategies based on symbolic consumption should be able to leverage some of these wider social influences in building marketing messages around their products and services.

Fourthly, diasporic family stories contributed to our understanding of the factors which make a familys interpersonal relations cultur[ally]-

Parental Gate-keeping in Diasporic Indian Families 999 embedded (Commuri and Gentry 2000, p. 23). This links partly with the point above about the key role of communities and social networks as factors in supporting or restraining responses to cultural change. In addition, family histories, memories and experiences are central factors in the cultural embedding of families interpersonal relationships, for instance fathers heroic stories of struggle and survival, leading to lessons about the importance of adjusting to the new society. Mothers were embedded in Indian collectivist cultural values, and exerted their influence to pass on Indian cultural values to their daughters, who in time would be mothers of their own families. For marketing managers messages about their products and services could usefully draw on the fathers heroic tales e.g. products and services which promote enhanced access to wider opportunities. In contrast, mothers stories as protectors of cultural values could be linked to campaigns around key aspects of cultural consumption such as food and clothing, drawing on reinforcing links to past experiences and important cultural values (e.g. promoting family life via preparation of meals). Although our findings are limited to Indian families living in Britain, we would expect that similar findings would also be relevant to other minority families in different societies.

Finally using daughters stories allowed us some insights into the family unit at a more disaggregate level (John 1999, p. 24). There were reports of father-daughter, mother-daughter, father-son and sibling interchanges across a range of contexts which impact on families lived experiences of gender and culture. Earlier research (Cotte and Wood 2004) has indicated the potentially important role played by siblings in innovative consumer behaviour. Our study showed the important role of sons as bridges for their sisters into the some of the consumption activities of the wider society (e.g. staying out later; drinking; going out socialising). We also saw the important collaborative role played by fathers and sons in challenging and breaking down some of the culturally-embedded rules of gender-appropriate behaviour for their daughters.

This provides important evidence for problematising many of the taken-for-granted assumptions which managers make when marketing to families. Consumption within families represents an important site for enacting a range of consumer roles (e.g. information seeker; decision-maker; product champion; product or market maven) and these vary by consumption context so that the younger generation represents the experts in some areas (e.g. consumption of higher education) and thus we see the role of reverse socialisation (Ekstrom 1995) as young adults educate their parents and grandparents generations about products and services. At the same time, we saw important, if fleeting, insights into the role of sibling cooperation and collaboration in relation to consumption behaviours. Little work has been

1000 Andrew Lindridge and Margaret K. Hogg undertaken on interactions between siblings (e.g. Cotte and Wood 2004), and our study indicates that this is an important source of influence which marketing managers could usefully access in accessing different parts of the family decision-making unit.

Limitations

It is important to acknowledge the limitations of our study. First of all, although our participants were drawn from a variety of socio-economic backgrounds and social classes, they were all university students. This means that our findings relate to just one subgroup of Indian daughters, those whose families were prepared to support their aspirations to higher education. All our participants families shared a belief in the importance of education for their daughters. Our participants families, therefore, represented a section of the Indian community in Britain where varying levels of assimilation appeared to be actively encouraged. However, drawing informants exclusively from university students ultimately limits our results to similar Indian families living in Britain, who are prepared to support female higher education. The importance of extending research more widely to other groups of young adult Indian women who are not in higher education is supported by earlier studies. Bhopal (1997) found, for instance, significant cultural differences between South Asian womens behaviours in Britain when the level of academic attainment is taken into account. In particular she found that those women with a university degree were more likely to demonstrate cultural behaviours aligned with wider British society; whilst non graduates tended to be less assimilated.

Secondly, we only talked to a small group of respondents. There is considerable scope for widening the range of participants in terms of social class, socio-economic standing, level of education, ethnicity, geographical origin within the Indian subcontinent and religion; and in particular to examine the potential impact of the intersection of social class and religion on daughters stories. Religious identity could be a particularly rich source of insights into different types of gate-keeping in relation to gender and consumption. As we only talked to a small group of young women it was difficult to draw verifiable distinctions amongst the different religious groups (Hindu, Sikh and Muslim). Our participants families largely reflected similar attitudes to religion in terms of level of religiosity level. However subtle differences were observable across the religious categories, but it is difficult to make too much of these because of the limited sample size. Our research, for example, indicated differences regarding socialisation and food production. The intersection between religion, social class and socio-economic status is a largely untapped research area, and could provide

Parental Gate-keeping in Diasporic Indian Families 1001 valuable and much more nuanced insights into the role of parental gate-keeping across a range of different family settings (e.g. intra- and inter-group comparison of Indian working-class and middle class daughters experiences from a range of ethnic and religious backgrounds).

Thirdly, we also only talked to daughters and did not capture the independent voices of all the family members (though we heard many voices via the daughters stories). Talking to other family members would provide an opportunity to gain more detailed and richer pictures of the families experiences from a variety of gendered and generational perspectives.

Finally, family lives are not static and continue to adapt, grow and change over time. We have only been able to capture a few scenes from the family histories and stories of everyday life. A longitudinal approach would allow access to the evolution of family influence processes and gendered behaviours. Conclusion

Indians living in Britain are an example of a diasporic group which is involved in the constant process of renegotiating between past and present, modernity and traditions (Luke 1996). Our participants families reflected Pellows (1996) earlier description of a unit that allows its members to negotiate wider society and our study extends our knowledge of how diasporic families undertake this process across the intersections of culture, gender and consumption. In their stories of everyday family life the daughters identified the polarisation of parental positions over a number of key issues, notably language, media and consumption. By identifying the different cultural and gendered gate-keeping roles undertaken by Indian parents, we located mothers as the embodiment and holder of Indian cultural values, whilst viewing fathers as acculturation or change agents. We used the site of diasporic families to examine issues which confront all families which move away from their familiar environments in an increasingly globalised world: i.e. understanding and (re)negotiating assumptions about gender, culture and consumption in different and unfamiliar societal settings. Acknowledgement Our sincere thanks to the two reviewers and the editors for their very helpful and insightful comments on earlier drafts of this paper.

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About the Authors Dr Andrew M. Lindridge is Senior Lecturer in Marketing in the Department of Marketing at the Open University Business School. He is a graduate of Sheffield Hallam University where he completed his Bachelors degree and Sunderland University where he achieved his teaching status qualifications. His doctoral research at Warwick Business School reviewed the relationship between culture and the buying process from an acculturation perspective. His research interests represent a continuation of his examination of the tensions which arise from amongst acculturation, culture and consumption; and have recently broadened to include research on black identity amongst Afro-Caribbean youths living in Britain; wedding dowries in India as a medium for culturally-laden conspicuous consumption; plastic surgery and consumption of the body as a metaphor for modernisation in China; and the role of consumption in culturally marginalised South Asian Muslim and Sikh communities in the U.K. His work has appeared in refereed journals including Consumption, Markets and Culture, Journal of Consumer Marketing and Journal of Product and Brand Management. He has presented papers at a number of international conferences including the Association for Consumer Research (e.g. Advances in Consumer Research) and the European Marketing Academy (EMAC). He is also a founding member of Culture Doctors (www.culturedoctors), an organisational consultancy specialising in culture and organisations. Professor Margaret K. Hogg holds the Chair of Consumer Behaviour and Marketing in the Department of Marketing at Lancaster University Management School. Before joining LUMS in May 2004, she was Reader in Consumer Behaviour at Manchester School of Management, UMIST. She read Politics and Modern History at Edinburgh University, followed by postgraduate studies in history at the Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam and then by an MA in Business Analysis at Lancaster University. She spent six years working in Marketing with K Shoes, Kendal. She completed her part-time PhD. at Manchester Business School in Consumer Behaviour and Retailing, whilst lecturing at University College Salford. She was the joint winner of the 1999/2000 UMIST Millenium Prize for Teaching Excellence; and joint winner of an UMIST/University of Manchester award for Innovation in the

1008 Andrew Lindridge and Margaret K. Hogg Curriculum in 2002. Her research interests are around the issues of identity, self and consumption within consumer behaviour. Her work has appeared in refereed journals including the Consumption, Markets and Culture, Journal of Marketing Management; the European Journal of Marketing and the International Journal of Advertising. She edited six volumes of papers on Consumer Behaviour in the Sage Major Works series (2005 & 2006); and along with Michael Solomon, Gary Bamossy and Soren Askegaard she is one of the co-authors of the 3rd European Edition of Consumer Behaviour (2006). She has presented papers at a number of international conferences including European Marketing Academy (EMAC) and U.S. meetings of the Association for Consumer Research (e.g. Advances in Consumer Research); the Society for Consumer Psychology; and AMA Marketing and Public Policy.