POL3130 Parliamentary Studies Project Registration No.: 110176194Word Count: 6,985

How Can the Parliamentary

Outreach Service Work More Effectively?

Project Supervisor: Professor Andrew Hindmoor

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Contents:

Executive Summary p. 3.

Introduction p. 5.

Chapter One:

The Academic Tradition p. 7.

Chapter Two:

Participation Today p. 13.

Chapter Three:

What Can Outreach Do? p. 23.

Conclusion p. 28.

References p. 29.

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Executive Summary

The main findings of this report are that:

Levels of political participation in the United Kingdom (UK) are low and this

has been accompanied by falling levels of political trust

Both the academic community and research carried out by organisations

show that political engagement is moving from formal to less formal means

Younger people are far less likely to participate formally than older people but

do seem more likely to participate informally, especially through ethical

consumerism

Variables other than age which affect political participation are education and

income. But the most influential factor affecting formal participation is interest

in politics

Citizens DO feel strongly about certain issues but are yet to express their

views via political channels

Citizens DO have the potential for collective action, as illustrated when they

participate within their communities through organisations

There are existing initiatives to get more citizens participating and Outreach

should work with and learn from these

Where it can, Outreach should integrate itself with existing local activities,

trying to show citizens that much of what they already do has some political

basis

Social media is a useful tool for Outreach to engage younger people but this

is no substitute for face to face contact

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By far, what Outreach needs to focus most of its efforts on is increasing

political interest, not solely on improving electoral turnout

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Introduction

Political participation is in low supply in the UK. The reason that this is a problem is

because political participation is at the very core of democracy. Whether direct or

representative, democracies rely on people being involved, in some way or another,

in the process of making decisions that govern their lives. That low levels of electoral

turnout have stirred a huge amount of concern is therefore quite understandable.

Government is well aware of this situation and it could be one of the reasons why it

implemented the Localism Act in 2011. This aimed to give local people more power

over their own lives, letting them call a referendum on any local issue that may affect

them.1 But while citizens may now be more inclined to engage in the civic arena, this

has not translated to engagement within the political arena. To bridge this gap is

something that government alone cannot do, and so it needs the help of Parliament’s

Outreach Service.

This report shall outline to Parliamentary Outreach how it can work more

effectively to politically engage citizens and more specifically, those in the 18 to 40

age bracket. After all, it is a known fact (as shall be shown in this report) that

younger people participate significantly less than older people. Divided into three

chapters, the first chapter of this report is an overview of the existing academic

tradition on political participation. The purpose of such a chapter is to lay out what

are the important themes, for it is only the most significant and longstanding of these

which would warrant the attention of the academic community. Ascertaining such

themes shall then set the parameters for the rest of this paper’s discussion. It will

also show Outreach that falling participation is not specific to the UK alone.

Chapter Two takes on more of an empirical tone, sketching out the exact state

of political participation in the UK today. As a result, this report shall be able to map

out a profile of the Outreach’s target group that it can use for future reference. Such

a profile will convey their attitudes towards politics, examining rates of both formal

and less formal means of political participation. But this chapter also goes beyond

the merely political; believing that not to do so is probably what has tripped up

1 Simon Tiernan, ‘Power to the People’, in The Quarterly: The Localism Edition, (Portland, 2013).

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policymakers in the past. It shall tap into the everyday lives of Outreach’s target

group, from what constitutes their key issues of concern to how they get their news

and opinions, as well as how they participate within their communities. Providing a

broad profile in this way will better illustrate to Outreach who it is dealing with and

how it can tailor its service accordingly.

The final chapter of this report is dedicated to solutions. It will lay out some

existing initiatives that aim to improve political participation and afterwards give its

own solutions. The main message that this report aims to get across here is that

Outreach’s approach should be bold and willing to take risks. Furthermore, what this

report, in its entirety, deems to be most critical is that Outreach primarily dedicates

its energy to increasing interest in politics. Momentarily, at least, it should put formal

participation to one side.

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Chapter One: The Academic Tradition

In grappling with the state of political participation today, this report directs the

attention of Parliament’s Outreach Service firstly to the academic community. Much

has been said by scholars over political participation and its opposite number,

political disenchantment, and so to outline their findings will prove very fruitful,

especially for the final chapter of this report, concerning recommendations. In its

review of the existing literature, this chapter shall begin by discussing the point of

consensus between scholars, that we are witnessing declining levels of formal

participation. After positing the various explanations and factors accounting for this

decline, this chapter shall then discuss the rise in other, less formal forms of political

participation. It is intended that through this literature review, the key themes of

political participation will emerge and shall consequently lead the way for the

subsequent chapters of this report.

Formal Participation: Electoral Turnout

As mentioned above, a notion enjoying little dispute between members of the

academic community is that we are witnessing declining levels of formal political

participation.2 In particular, electoral turnout is low and the young are least likely to

vote. The work of Martin illustrates how this has materialised in Australia, where

older people are two times as likely as younger people to believe that voting in

elections is very important.3 But the real fear emerges from the findings of Hay and

Putnam, that each cohort of voters newly eligible to vote at elections are less likely to

cast their vote than the previous cohort. This means that turnout is set to continue to

decline because with each election, a younger cohort with a lower propensity to vote

replaces the most elderly cohort.4 In the UK, this has meant that whilst nine in ten

eligible to vote before 1964, casted their vote in the 1997 General Election, only six

in ten of those newly eligible did so.5

2 Colin Hay, Why We Hate Politics, (Cambridge, Polity Press, 2007); Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, (London, Touchstone, 2001); Gerry Stoker, Why Politics Matters: Making Democracy Work, (Basingstoke, Macmillan, 2006).3 Aaron Martin, ‘Political Participation among the Young in Australia: Testing Dalton’s Good Citizen Thesis’, Australian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 47, 2, (London, Routledge, 2012), p. 217.4 Hay, Hate Politics, p. 19; Putnam, Bowling Alone, p. 33.5 Hay, Hate Politics, p. 18.

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However, to analyse electoral turnout alone risks a conception of political

participation that is too narrow and restrictive. There are many other forms of

participation and, after all, elections only come around once every four or five years.

Nevertheless, it is also understandable why electoral turnout has garnered so much

scholarly attention, for elections are at the heart of liberal democracy’s conception of

politics.6 Furthermore, Putnam believes that those who vote are more likely to

cooperate with citizens on community affairs, suggesting a spill over effect from

electoral participation to broader societal participation.7 Therefore, much can be said

about the state of wider civic engagement in a community by looking at turnout

figures.

Party Membership

In any case, another form of formal participation prominent in the literature is

party membership. In OECD countries, Hay finds that levels of party membership are

in fact falling more rapidly than levels of electoral participation, citing the decline in

both to have originated in the 1960s.8 As with before, party membership is less likely

among young people, with Martin reporting that they are over three times less likely

to be a member of a political party than older people.9 The view taken by Hay is that

this failure of parties to mobilise has had the knock on effect of lower levels of

electoral turnout.10

On the other hand, Putnam finds that party organisations have become

bigger, richer and more professional in recent years. For example, 1996 saw

spending on election campaigns in the US rise to over $700 million from what was

originally $35 million in 1964.11 Yet while parties may be better financed than ever

before, Americans have only become further disengaged. As a result, Verba et al.

observe that party professionalization has changed the role of the citizen activist to

6 Ibid., p. 12.7 Putnam, Bowling Alone, p. 35.8 Hay, Hate Politics, p. 21.9 Martin, ‘Political Participation’, p. 217.10 Hay, Hate Politics, p. 22.11 Putnam, Bowling Alone, p. 39.

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merely a writer of checks and letters.12 That we may be witnessing the death of the

political party as an effective campaign mechanism is starting to become ever more

justified.13

Political Trust

This decline in levels of formal participation is also mirrored by a decline in

levels of political trust. Demonstrative of this, Hay cites that in 1996 88% of UK

respondents were unable to attribute to their elected representative a primary

interest in pursuing collective over sectional interests.14 Interestingly, the academic

community does bear some of the responsibility for this. After all, it was their

formulated public choice theory which permeated the media, and thereby the views

of citizens.15 In short, public choice theory holds that political actors and public

servants are motivated by narrow self-interest alone.16 The decisions that they make

prioritise their short term career benefits and not the long term considerations of

public. Such cynicism is now deeply shared by many, with the term politics becoming

synonymous with corruption, inefficiency and undue interference.17

Explanations: Political Interest

What the above has shown is just how pervasive notions of falling

participation and political trust are in the academic tradition. This chapter shall now

outline some of the explanations that scholars have proposed which may have led to

this state of political disenchantment. One of these holds that falling rates of

participation are due to low levels of political interest. Martin even considers political

interest to be more influential than age.18 This seems understandable, for if one has

enough interest in politics, one’s age would surely not matter.

12 Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Schlozman and Henry E. Brady, Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics, (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1995), p. 73.13 Hay, Hate Politics, p. 21.14 Ibid., p. 37.15 Ibid., p. 4.16 Colin Hay, Gerry Stoker and Andy Williamson, ‘Revitalising Politics: Have We Lost the Plot’, (Hansard Society, 2008), p. 8.17 Hay, Hate Politics, p. 4.18 Martin, ‘Political Participation’, p. 221.

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Education

Other explanations dig further, and analyse what has an effect on levels of

political interest. A crucial factor here would be education. For instance, the 2002

European Social Survey was cited as finding that those reaching the tertiary stage of

education have consistently higher levels of political engagement than those who do

not.19 Developing this somewhat, a study in the US examining the Social and

Economic Status factor found that those with high incomes and high status jobs, as

well as a higher education, are shown to be more active in politics.20 Contesting this

however, Hay points out that whilst we would expect to see higher levels of formal

participation due to the recent increase in quality of education in advanced liberal

democracies, the reality is that we are not.21 Education, therefore, is an area

attracting some degree of dispute within the academic tradition, and it alone is not

enough to explain the decline in political participation.

Informal Participation

In this report’s discussion of the existing academic tradition so far, it has

devoted all of its attention to traditional, formal means of political participation.

However, in reality there are other less formal means of participation and it is in

these where the engagement of young people seems more promising. One of these

means is ethical consumerism which the Economic and Social Research Council

(ESRC) finds to have been on the increase since the mid-1980s.22 Ethical

consumerism is the practice of consuming certain products over others to indicate

one’s political preferences. Pattie et al. find such strategies to be effective, for

example, in getting Nestle to modify their policy towards Ethiopian debt.23

As mentioned above, such activities have proved particularly popular among

the young. This lends support to Dalton’s ‘good citizen thesis’ which holds that while

young people in advanced democracies are less likely to participate in electoral 19 Stoker, Politics Matters, p. 93.20 Ibid., p. 93.21 Hay, Hate Politics, p. 20.22 Hay, Hate Politics, p. 24.23 Charles Pattie, Patrick Seyd and Paul Whiteley, ‘Civic Attitudes and Engagement in Modern Britain’, Parliamentary Affairs, 56, (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 622.

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forms of activity, they are nonetheless more likely to engage in non-electoral

alternatives.24 This feeds into another of Martin’s findings. Contrary to what he said

about electoral participation, as far as non-electoral alternatives are concerned, age,

is the most influential factor, not political interest.25 Closer analysis by McCaffrie and

Marsh shows that this is due to differing conceptions of citizenship. Whilst the

younger generation understand good citizenship in terms of engaging with society,

the older generation take it to mean duties, and compulsory voting (in Australia) is

one of these.26

Closing Thoughts

It is here, where this chapter on the academic tradition on political

participation shall close. What it has shown is that claims of falling formal

participation are not exaggerated, with electoral turnout and party membership on

the decline. There are a whole host of reasons as to why this may be and

consequently, there can be no single most important factor, although levels of

political interest do seem critical. However, this does not mean that political

participation, as a whole has no future. Less formal forms of participation show some

promise, particularly among the young, and it is these which Parliamentary Outreach

must take advantage of. However, only so much can be gauged from the academic

community. One of its members Colin Hay, has even said that their findings are

slightly skewed due to the similar level of political interest that they take for granted

on the part of their political subjects.27 Therefore, in order to more objectively grasp

the state of participation today, this report shall turn its attention to contemporary

research carried out by organisations. It is to this task that the next chapter shall

endeavour.

24 Russell Dalton, The Good Citizen: How a Younger Generation is Reshaping American Politics, (Washington, CQ Press, 2008).25 Martin, ‘Political Participation’, p. 221.26 Brendan McCaffrie and David Marsh, ‘Beyond Mainstream Approaches to Political Participation: A Response to Aaron Martin’, Australian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 48, 1, (London, Routledge, 2013), p. 113.27 Hay, Hate Politics, p. 3.

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Chapter Two: Participation Today

The previous chapter went some way to laying out the themes of political

participation from the point of view of the academic community. But despite being

successful in laying the groundwork for discussion, the views of academics are not

enough for Parliamentary Outreach to go by in order to better its services. It needs to

address the state of political participation today and thus see if academic theory still

holds up to reality. As such this chapter’s task is to give a participation profile of the

group that Outreach is mainly concerned with: 18 to 40 year olds and, where

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possible, with a regionally specific focus in the North East, and Yorkshire and the

Humber. This chapter shall firstly outline their attitudes towards politics, moving on to

what constitutes their key issues of concern. Following this, it shall then investigate

their levels of participation within society and outside of the political arena. Lastly,

this chapter shall address how they get their news and opinions, in the hope of giving

Outreach some inclination as to how they can communicate to their target group

most effectively. All throughout, this chapter shall consider the factors affecting this

group’s levels of participation, for it is these that Outreach exercises most control

over, as shall be further explored in the final chapter of this report.

Attitudes towards Politics: Electoral Turnout

This chapter shall begin in the same way as the last and focus on rates of

electoral turnout. It has been established that these are in decline, but what exactly

has this meant for the UK? Electoral turnout has never quite reached its peak of 82%

in 1950, but the real concern resides in the difference in turnout rates between the

younger and older members of the electorate. A recent British Social Attitudes (BSA)

survey indicates that while 45% of the former reported voting in the last General

Election, the proportion of those aged 65 and over who voted is almost double this

(88%).28 Moreover, this gap in turnout rates between 18 to 24 year olds and those

aged 65 and over is set to widen from what was 18% in 1970, to 32% in 2010.29

Prospects for the coming General Election in 2015 are even less optimistic, with only

12% of 18 to 25 year olds stating that they will definitely vote.30

The reason that voting has attracted so much attention is because there is a

clear correlation between turnout and resource allocation. For instance, an Institute

for Public Policy Research (IPPR) report finds that since the last General Election,

16 to 24 year olds have faced cuts worth 28% of their annual household income,

whereas for 55 to 74 year olds this figure amounts to only 10%.31 Thus, the

28 Lucy Lee and Penny Young, ‘Politics’, in British Social Attitudes: the 30th Report, ed. Alison Park, Caroline Bryson, Elizabeth Clery, John Curtice and Miranda Phillips (London, NatCen Social Research, 2013), p. 72.29 Sarah Birch, Glenn Gottfried and Guy Lodge, Divided Democracy: Political Inequality in the UK and Why It Matters, (London, Institute for Public Policy Research, 2013), p. 2.30 Matthew Flinders, ‘Election 2015: ‘Don’t Vote, It Just Encourages the B**stards’’, (Bernard Crick Centre, 2013) http://www.crickcentre.org/?p=284 (accessed 23 April 2014).31 Birch et al., Divided Democracy, p. 2.

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government has a policy bias in favour of older citizens for it is they who actually

bother to vote. It is important, therefore, that Outreach gets this across to young

people as one of the many reasons why they should participate in elections. Such

aged based variation is further reflected in the proportions of those thinking that it is

a duty to vote. Lee and Young find that the difference between the oldest and

youngest cohort who take this view has consistently been between 20% and 26% at

each time point.32 This chimes with Martin’s finding in the previous chapter, where in

Australia, older people are twice as likely as younger people to believe that voting in

elections is very important.33

Party Identification

With party identification, the story is no different. In 1983 only 48% reported

not being a strong supporter of a political party, but this has now increased to 69%.34

This fall in partisan identification is becoming particularly prominent among younger

populations, with 85% of 24 to 33 year olds stating that they had a party allegiance in

1983, but in 2012 only 66% of 23 to 32 year olds could say the same.35 Such low

partisan identification could signal the death of the party as an effective campaign

mechanism, as pointed out by Hay in the previous chapter.36 But more importantly

for this report, it means that citizens today are less inclined to make one single party

symbol decide all of their preferences on political issues. Instead, they are more

frequently required to make up their own mind but need political knowledge to do so.

How Outreach can facilitate this knowledge gap is an issue to be discussed in

Chapter Three.

Political Trust

Coinciding with this fall in levels of electoral turnout and partisan identification

is the simultaneous plummet in levels of political trust. Lee and Young observe that

in 2012 three times as many people said that they almost never trust government as 32 Lee and Young, ‘Politics’, p. 71.33 Martin, ‘Political Participation’, p. 217.34 Alison Park, Caroline Bryson, Elizabeth Clery, John Curtice and Miranda Phillips, British Social Attitudes: the 30th Report, (London, NatCen Social Research), p. viii.35 Lee and Young, ‘Politics’, p. 73.36 Hay, Hate Politics, p. 21.

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they did in 1986.37 As expected, this lack of trust is mainly found among the young,

with 52% of 18 to 34 year olds declaring their mistrust in politics, compared to only

16% of those aged over 55.38 Quite rightly then, the group that Outreach needs to

seriously engage is the one in question: 18 to 40 year olds.

Explanations: Education and Income

But age is not the only factor affecting people’s attitudes towards politics.

Education is also significant, for example, with 76% of those with a degree or above

reporting that they voted in the last General Election, compared to 63% of those with

O levels or equivalent.39 Birch et al. explain that this is because graduates are often

exposed to student political activism during their time at university.40 Other factors

affecting turnout include one’s income, which in turn may often be influenced by

one’s level of education. Illustrating this, the gap in turnout between the highest

income group and the lowest income group, jumped from a manageable 4% in 1987

to 23% in 2010.41 Epitomising this inequality of electoral participation based on both

age and income, IPPR find that the likelihood of an individual voting who is under the

age of 35 and earning less than £10,000 is just 34%. In contrast, the likelihood of an

individual voting who is over the age of 55, with an income of at least £40,000 is

79%.42

Political Interest

However, like Martin’s observations in the previous chapter, demographic

variables aside, political interest axiomatically has the most significant influence on

electoral participation. Demonstrative of this, the latest BSA survey found that 86%

of those with a great deal or quite a lot of interest in politics reported voting in 2010,

compared to 53% of those with not very much or no interest at all.43 Elaborating on

this, Birch et al. hold that attentiveness to politics is the mechanism through which 37 Lee and Young, ‘Politics’, p. 69.38 Veronique Jochum, Ellie Brodie, Neena Bhati and Karl Wilding, Participation: trends, facts and figures, (London, National Council for Voluntary Organisations, 2011), p. 34.39 Lee and Young, ‘Politics’, p. 76.40 Birch et al., Divided Democracy, p. 11.41 Ibid., p. 2.42 Ibid., p. 9.43 Lee and Young, ‘Politics’, p. 67.

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demographic variables, such as education and income, affect voting behaviour. 44 By

this it is meant that those who are more educated and have greater material

resources are also more likely to become interested in politics, and thus cast their

vote in the ballot box.

Like before, interest in politics is more pronounced among older people, with

39% of 73 to 82 year olds claiming some interest, compared to 23% of 23 to 32 year

olds.45 Given Birch et al.’s finding above, it also comes as no surprise that 52% of

those with a degree are interested in politics, compared to 24% of those with no

qualification.46 What the above suggests is that out of all the factors exerting some

effect on electoral participation, Outreach should focus most of its energy on political

interest. Demographic variables are, for the most part, quite static and an external

body such as Outreach can only do so much to affect them. On the other hand, there

are a whole host of actions that it can take to increase citizen interest in politics, of

which this report shall outline in its final chapter.

Informal Participation: Petitions

But the picture is not completely negative. A recent Office for National

Statistics (ONS) report recorded a drop in those saying that voting is the only way to

have a say in politics, from 73% in 1994 to 60% in 2013.47 This has manifested in

more people being likely to sign a petition (37%) in 2011 than they were in 1983

(29%).48 Exploring this further, this report shall now shift its attention to levels of less

formal political participation, where the picture is somewhat more optimistic. The

organisation ‘38 Degrees’ is one example. Currently amassing over 2.5 million

members, it brings people together to implement action on issues that matter to them

44 Birch et al., Divided Democracy, p. 12.45 Lee and Young, ‘Politics’, p. 75.46 Ibid., p. 62.47 Chris Randall, Measuring National Wellbeing – Governance, 2014, (Newport, Office for National Statistics, 2014), p. 7.48 Randall, National Wellbeing, p. 11; Lee and Young, ‘Politics’, p. 67.

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and subsequently effect real change.49 It aims to promote peace, preserve the planet

and deepen democracy.50 One of its most successful outcomes was getting the

government to abandon its plans to sell off public forests, soon after a petition it

devised reached half a million people.51

Ethical Consumerism

Another example of informal participation that has shown real growth in recent

years is ethical consumerism. As hinted to in the previous chapter, such action is

inherently political for ethical consumers are sending a wider message about what

kind of economy they want to live in, according to Lamb.52 Jochum et al. found that in

2009, the average spending per household on ethical products and services reached

£764, a threefold increase since 1999.53 However, it does also seem that the high

pricing of some ethical products is still a deterrent for potential customers. It has

been found that people with higher incomes, and so those belonging to the ABC1

social class, account for 67% of total sales.54 Irrespective, the point remains the

same, which, according to Matt Wood, is that people are increasingly doing politics

‘when they like, where they like and how they like’.55

Key Issues of Concern

Having gone to detail in outlining their attitudes to towards politics, this report

shall now shift its attention to the key issues of concern for Outreach’s target group.

In doing so it will demonstrate that whilst their attitudes towards politics are not

incredibly enthusiastic, they nonetheless do feel strongly about other issues. Such

issues are in fact also political, but it will be up to Outreach to make this explicit.

Immigration, without doubt, has come to be a huge issue of concern for the British

public, with one poll showing it to be neck and neck with the economy, as recently as

49 38 Degrees, About 38 Degrees, http://www.38degrees.org.uk/pages/about38degrees (accessed 1 May 2014).50 Ibid.51 Ibid.52 Jochum et al., Participation, p. 32.53 Ibid., p. 9.54 Ibid., p. 31.55 Matt Wood, ‘How to Solve the Paradoxes of Politics? A Response to David Blunkett’, (Bernard Crick Centre, 2014) http://www.crickcentre.org/?p=356 (accessed 24 April 2014).

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March 2014.56 Furthermore, it has been a particularly consistent issue with Britain

being the most concerned country every month since 2009.57

Interestingly, immigration seems to predominantly be a concern of older

people with lower incomes. With that in mind, 46% of those in the C2DE social class

aged over 55 cited it as their main issue of concern.58 On the other hand, the main

issue of concern for 35 to 54 year olds in the ABC1 social class is the economy, at

49%.59 Thus, the economy has also consistently been a major issue of concern, but

those taking this view did drop by 11% between 2012 and 2013.60 It is also worth

pointing out that unemployment is seen as the most important issue facing Britain for

33% of 18 to 34 year olds in the C2DE social class.61 This is important to note as it

constitutes a large portion of the age group that Outreach is concerned with.

Societal Participation

However the opinion poll that really got to grips with the general views of the

British public was one asking what factors are important to their identity. To this, a

plurality of 44% responded that leisure activities are the most important, and it is

these which this chapter shall now turn its attention to.62 In outlining their leisure

activities and membership of organisations, this report will be able to see if

Outreach’s target group has the potential for collective action, irrespective of whether

or not it has been put to political use. Research undertaken by the National Council

for Voluntary Organisations (NCVO) has been invaluable in this regard. The picture

here is more positive, with their finding that three quarters of adults in Britain are

56 Ipsos MORI, ‘Economist/Ipsos MORI March 2014 Issues Index’, (Ipsos MORI, 2014) http://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/3360/EconomistIpsos-MORI-March-2014-Issues-Index.aspx (accessed 20 April 2014).57 Ipsos MORI, ‘Britain is most concerned about immigration control’, (Ipsos MORI, 2013) http://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/3322/Britain-is-most-concerned-about-immigration-control.aspx (accessed 20 April 2014).58 Ipsos MORI, ‘March 2014 Issues Index’.59 Ibid.60 Ipsos MORI, ‘2013 Economist/Ipsos MORI Aggregate Issues Index data’, (Ipsos MORI, 2013), http://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/3317/2013-EconomistIpsos-MORI-Aggregate-Issues-Index-data.aspx?view=wide (accessed 19 April 2014).61 Ipsos MORI, ‘March 2014 Issues Index’.62 Ipsos MORI, ‘UK becoming ‘more local and global’’, (Ipsos MORI, 2014) http://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/3365/UK-becoming-more-local-and-global.aspx (accessed 21 April 2014).

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members of at least one organisation.63 Further to this, they failed to encounter

anyone who had never even once undertaken an act of participation in their

society.64 Illustrating this, the NCVO also found that since the 1960s, at least 2,500

new charities have been registered each year.65

On the other hand, like its political counterpart, societal participation has

shown some decline in recent years. Organisation membership as a whole has fallen

from 58% in 1997 to 53% in 2007.66 That said, membership of sports and

recreational organisations is at 29%, outdoing the international average of 18%.67 As

one would expect, however, certain groups participate more than others. Illustrating

this, the NCVO find that over half of those holding a degree or equivalent had

volunteered at least once in the last year, compared to less than a quarter of those

with no qualification.68 Once again, volunteering is more common among older

people, with nearly one third of 65 to 74 year olds volunteering formally at least once

a month, compared to 23% of 16 to 24 year olds.69 They also observe geographical

variation, with 70% of those in rural areas participating, compared to 60% of those in

urban areas.70

Civic Core

Overall, these findings culminate in what the NCVO term a ‘civic core’, relying

on 31% of the adult population to provide nearly 90% of volunteer hours and around

70% of civic participation.71 Jochum et al. add that the civic core is more likely to

have higher education qualifications, be middle-aged, be owner-occupiers and live in

the same neighbourhood for at least 10 years.72 It is the task of Outreach, therefore,

to stretch beyond this ‘civic core’. But what about the North East, and Yorkshire and

63 Jochum et al., Participation, p. 23.64 Ibid., p. 23.65 Ibid., p. 3.66 Ibid., p. 6.67 Ibid., p. 13.68 Ibid., p. 15.69 Ibid., p. 17.70 Ibid., p. 20.71 National Council for Voluntary Organisations, What the research tells us about participation, http://www.ncvo.org.uk/policy-and-research/particiaption/what-the-research-tells-us (accessed 29 April 2014).72 Jochum et al., Participation, p. 18.

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the Humber, where this particular Outreach office is regionally concerned? What

activities occur in these areas which locals participate in?

Local Activities

This report finds that under the operation of Sheffield City Council, activities

are varied from weekly health walks to ‘Live Life, Love Life’: a programme for women

wanting to be fit but without the intimidation of the gym and fitness clubs.73 There is

an emphasis on sports with Council organised Zumba, table tennis and jogging

among others.74 It adds that the benefits from these activities are not just physical

but social and psychological too, with people gaining better self-esteem as a result.75

Given that these benefits are what attract the participants, Outreach needs to show

that they can be gained from political participation also. A psychological one for

instance, is that people often come to gain confidence through finding their political

voice.

Existing activities are not only sporty. On the contrary, Sheffield’s ‘Art in the

Park’ places focus on people’s creative skills.76 It boasts a whole host of free events

and workshops including visual arts and creative writing, with people participating in

poetry, storytelling, and painting, to name a few.77 This report shall also make a

mention of Adult Learner’s Week (ALW). With events usually occurring in May, this

annual dedicated week is a celebration of lifelong learning, which ALW holds leads

to healthier, happier and more confident adults.78 Last year in the North East, this

included the Tyne Metropolitan College Learning Marathon. Consisting of continuous

15 minute micro teaching sessions, feedback for this activity praised it as fun,

unusual and informative.79 This suggests that not only is there a part on citizens to

73 Sheffield City Council, Activities for adults, https://www.sheffield.gov.uk/out--about/leisure/activities/adults.html (accessed 27 April 2014).74 Ibid.75 Sheffield City Council, Health benefits of activities and exercise, https://www.sheffield.gov.uk/out--about/leisure/activities/adults/health-benefits.html (accessed 27 April 2014).76 Art in the Park, Welcome to Art in the Park, http://www.artinthepark.org.uk/ (accessed 27 April 2014).77 Ibid.78 Adult Learner’s Week, Adult Learner’s Week, http://www.alw.org.uk/ (accessed 15 April 2014).79 Adult Learner’s Week, Highlights, http://www.alw.org.uk/about-alw/highlights (accessed 15 April 2014).

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participate but a willingness to be educated also, something Outreach can definitely

take advantage of.

Media Consumption

Before closing, this report shall say a final word on media consumption habits.

To do so will enable Outreach to have better insight into how it can communicate to

its users, going above and beyond face to face contact. A media consumer survey

conducted by Deloitte found that ownership of media devices is on the up,

particularly tablets.80 In response, at the end of 2012, all UK public service

broadcasters and major newspapers launched tablet optimised versions of their

traditional format.81 In turn, this has catapulted the importance of social media,

especially among younger people. For instance, in terms of what they view as the

most effective means of online advertising, under 24s are ‘social-first’, whereas over

25s are ‘search-first’.82 This has had far-reaching effects on the marketing world, with

Stelzner citing in 2013 that 86% of marketers find social media to be important for

their businesses, a 3% rise from 2012.83 Social media, therefore, is one avenue that

Outreach needs to seriously explore, in order to better appeal to younger

generations.

Closing Thoughts

To conclude, this chapter has shown that much of the views of the academic

community still hold true today. Levels of formal participation are disappointing but

there may be some hope still in less formal methods. Furthermore, there can be no

doubt that there are some issues which citizens feel very strongly about, but are yet

to express their views using the appropriate political channels. However, this report

has gone further and has found that, politics aside, citizens do participate in their

communities through activities and volunteering. Consequently, this report posits that

they do have the potential for collective action but it is up to Outreach to show them

80 Deloitte, Media Consumer Survey 2013: Love in a cold climate, (London, Deloitte, 2013), p. 2, 10, 11. 81 Ibid., p. 12.82 Ibid., p. 7.83 Michael A. Stelzner, 2013 Social Media Marketing Industry Report: How Marketers Are Using Social Media to Grow Their Businesses, (Social Media Examiner, 2013), p. 5.

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exactly what this potential can achieve in the political sphere. Exactly how Outreach

can go about doing this shall form the basis of the final chapter of this report, where

one solution among others includes making more use of social media, for this has

become fiercely popular, as shown above.

Chapter Three: What Can Outreach Do?

One proposal to combat political disengagement is compulsory voting. Lodge et al.

back compulsory voting for first time voters, because they believe that it would instil

them with a lifelong habit to continue to vote.84 However, other than the fact that such

a measure is undemocratic, this report does not believe in the efficacy of compulsory

voting. For instance, the ESRC cites that 58% of 18 year olds who are unlikely to

vote at the next election believed compulsory voting would make no difference or

even make them less likely to vote.85 As such, this report believes that where

84 Guy Lodge, Glenn Gottfried and Sarah Birch, ‘Ending the vicious cycle: compulsory turn-out for first time voters’, (Institute for Public Policy Research, 2014) http://www.ippr.org/articles/56/11920/ending-the-vicious-cycle-compulsory-turn-out-for-first-time-voters (accessed 1 May 2014).85 Economic and Social Research Council, ‘Compulsory voting won't fix young people's disenchantment with mainstream politics’, (Economic and Social Research Council, 2014) http://www.esrc.ac.uk/news-and-events/press-releases/30692/compulsory-voting-wont-fix-young-peoples-disenchantment-with-mainstream-politics.aspx (accessed 30 April 2014).

22

Outreach is concerned, effort should be made to increase political interest instead. It

believes that political interest is far more meaningful because, unlike electoral

participation, it is ongoing. In outlining how Outreach can increase citizen interest in

politics, this chapter shall first lay out the workings of existing initiatives. The second

part of this chapter shall then propose some of its own solutions. The main point that

this report wants to make is that Outreach’s approach should be bold and innovative,

unafraid to take risks and willing to practise trial and error.

Existing Initiatives: Electoral Registration

It is important to primarily note that Outreach is not alone in this battle.

Government itself has acknowledged this crisis of political participation and has

consequently announced that five organisations and every local authority are to

share £4.2 million to get more people engaged and on the electoral register.86 These

organisations include: the Royal Mencap Society, the Hansard Society, UK Youth,

the Scottish Youth Parliament and Gingerbread.87 This comes prior to the switch to

Individual Electoral Registration in June 2014, allowing people to register individually

and not as households.88 Being on the register is important because, as previously

hinted to, it significantly influences who politicians write their policies for. Party

neutral organisation Bite The Ballot find it to be so empowering that they even

dedicated 5 February 2014 to ‘National Voter Registration Day’, (NVRD) getting as

many people registered as possible.89

Politics and Art

Other initiatives have been less conventional. For instance, Matthew Flinders

has stated his intention to team up the Bernard Crick Centre with Sheffield’s ‘Art in

the Park’ scheme mentioned in the previous section.90 The aim of such an initiative is

86 Cabinet Office, ‘Funding for new ways to encourage voter registration’, (Cabinet Office, 2014) https://www.gov.uk/government/news/funding-for-new-ways-to-encourage-voter-registration (accessed 29 March 2014).87 Ibid.88 Ibid.89 Bite The Ballot, National Voter Registration Day 2014, http://bitetheballot.co.uk/nvrd/ (accessed 29 March 2014).90 Matthew Flinders, ‘Politics to Reconnect Communities’, (Bernard Crick Centre, 2014) http://www.crickcentre.org/?p=366 (accessed 1 May 2014).

23

to get young people in South Yorkshire exploring social and political issues through

expressive art forms.91 The point being made here is that there are no bounds on

what can be done to increase political interest and participation. It simply depends on

the way that politics is framed to citizens and, thus, there is no reason why it cannot

be presented as an art form. In fact, this report is aware that Outreach has previously

entertained this idea during its ‘Breaking Barriers: Looking at Women’s Suffrage in

Essex’ exhibition programme.92 Using artwork in this way has the advantage of

letting participants reflect and interpret in such a way that is often hard to come by

during a more traditional sit down discussion of politics and current affairs.

Furthermore, the sort of partnership that Flinders suggests goes at the core of what

makes Outreach’s approach to local engagement so effective, according to one

Hansard Society report.93

Recommendations for Outreach: Partnerships

So what can Outreach do? First and foremost, Outreach needs to align itself

with and support the actors and organisations which coordinate these existing

participation initiatives, if it is not doing so already. NVRD this year was successful in

getting 50,000 more people on the electoral register, but the fact remains that far

fewer younger people are registered than older people.94 Thus, the challenge is still

apparent but will be much easier overcome if Outreach teams up with organisations

such as Bite The Ballot, and further publicises the cause. After all, developing strong

sustainable relationships with national organisations is at the heart of how Outreach

has successfully conducted its services in the past.95

Integration with Activities

91 Ibid.92 Parliamentary Outreach, Parliamentary Outreach Annual Review 2009, (London, Parliamentary Outreach, 2009), p. 7.93 Andy Williamson, Matt Korris, Freddy Fallon and Beccy Allen, Connecting Citizens to Parliament, (London, Hansard Society, 2011), p. 56.94 Bite The Ballot, Why Register to Vote?, http://bitetheballot.co.uk/ (accessed 30 March 2014).95 Parliamentary Outreach, Annual Review, p. 1.

24

However, other solutions that this report recommends are less conventional.

Influenced by Flinders’ approach, this report believes Outreach should become more

involved in activities and recreational organisations in operation under Sheffield City

Council. Mentioned in the previous chapter was ‘Walking for All’. Whilst such an

activity is more likely to attract older people, and Outreach’s target is 18 to 40 year

olds, it would nonetheless be foolish to ignore this as an opportunity and a model for

others. Such group walks last between 30 minutes and an hour, with a chat and

refreshments afterwards.96 There is no reason why, facilitated by Outreach, politics,

and more specifically Parliament, cannot be integrated as a subject of discussion in

this process.

Furthermore, in such walks, participants encounter public spaces and areas of

wildlife which may in some instil a sense of care and ownership over the

environment. This presents another opportunity for Outreach to be involved, by

encouraging participants to take up their opinions on the environment and what they

see around them to Parliament. This would include contacting one’s MP but also

submitting evidence to Select Committees, with the latter already being a key part of

how Outreach operates. The key message here is that there are no strict limits on

what Outreach can do. If it studies these existing activities closely enough this report

is sure that Outreach will be able to tease out some opportunity for it to involve itself.

The important point is that it can justify its involvement and it does this by being able

to spell out the link between that activity participants are doing and its relevance to

politics.

If Outreach can pick out something which citizens care about, it will be that

much easier to get them politically engaged. In highlighting the relevance of

Parliament, the ‘unique selling point’ that Outreach has in this area is quite simply,

that Parliament is relevant. The decision making which governs much of our lives

occurs within it, so it should become rational for citizens to take an interest and

engage. Furthermore, an offshoot of this is that politics is a discussion point which

everyone has some level of latent opinion on (the topic of immigration, for example)

96 Sheffield City Council, Walking for All, https://www.sheffield.gov.uk/out--about/leisure/activities/adults/health-walks.html (accessed 30 April 2014).

25

but it is up to Outreach to give them the knowledge to correctly articulate their

opinion. Nevertheless, Outreach needs to strike the correct balance and heed the

warning of defender of politics himself, Bernard Crick, which was that once

everything becomes relevant to politics, politics itself becomes totalitarian.97 At the

same time though, it should listen to the advice of the NCVO which is that in

bolstering participation, most success comes from shaping the individual’s

opportunities, rather than their motivation and resources.98

Political Knowledge

Outreach also needs to seriously consider how it can increase political

knowledge. The most appropriate place to do this is in its tailored information

sessions which it currently delivers. But in terms of the content of such sessions, this

report believes that, prior to discussing the institutions of Parliament, Outreach

should firstly address the more fundamental questions of politics. It should ask its

participants what they expect to get out of political activity, because, according to

Hay et al., it is unrealistic expectations in this area that have partially led to our

disenchantment.99 It needs to educate its participants that politics entails the

collective imposition of decisions.100 This report also advises that such information

sessions be no longer than 45 minutes, remembering the positive feedback levelled

at the micro teaching sessions during last year’s ALW. If at all possible, such

sessions should try and involve participants to be on their feet, given Stoker’s advice

that ‘doing it is more important than talking about it’.101 The language used should be

simple, as the Hansard Society report recommends, but at the same time

stimulating, so as not to patronise the participants.102

Social Media

97 Bernard Crick, In Defence of Politics, 4th Edition, (Middlesex, Penguin, 1992), p. 151.98 Ellie Brodie, Tim Hughes, Veronique Jochum, Sarah Miller, Nick Ockenden and Diane Warburton, Pathways through participation: Summary report, (London, National Council for Voluntary Organisations, 2011), p. 10.99 Hay et al., ‘Revitalising Politics’, p. 16.100 Stoker, Politics Matters, p. 10.101 Ibid., p. 197.102 Williamson et al., Connecting Citizens, p. 46.

26

Before closing, this chapter shall recommend a final solution that makes use

of social media, for this was shown to be very important in the previous chapter.

Other than publicising itself on Facebook and YouTube more, this report believes

that Outreach should focus efforts on involving itself on local websites such as the

Sheffield Forum, which boasts over 110,000 registered users and over 4.4 million

posts.103 It is a forum allowing locals to discuss local news and sports among other

subjects.104 Outreach could use it as a platform to guide political discussion as well

as making locals aware of upcoming Outreach events. However, this Chapter does

also hold that there is no substitute for face to face contact. It is supported in this

view by a Sheffield based focus group that the Hansard Society approached who

entirely rejected the idea of online communication, arguing that face to face contact

is more personal and thereby effective.105 Furthermore, 18 to 24 year olds, who

Outreach is keen to appeal to, may most frequently access the internet but when

they do participate in political activities, they usually do so offline.106 What Outreach

needs to really take from this report shall form the subject of discussion in the

Conclusion, which follows.

Conclusion

In conclusion, this report has constructed a particular type of narrative of political

participation to Outreach. This narrative is conventional insofar as its findings

correspond with the views put forth by the academic community. In the main, these

are that levels of formal participation are in decline and have been for some time

now, but that informal participation shows more potential. However, where this

narrative departs from the norm is in its main recommendation to Outreach. This is

that local activities already in existence within communities are an untapped

resource which could be used to enhance political participation. Exactly what

activities Outreach should integrate itself with is a matter that can only be decided

through trial and error. Some may be more facilitating than others. In some cases,

participants of these activities may feel that Outreach is being intrusive and that it is

trying to ‘politicise’ what they do in their everyday lives. If this is the case, then

Outreach must respond accordingly. But whatever it does, it needs to be unafraid to 103 Mark Flanagan, ‘Social Media Makes a Local Impact’ in The Quarterly: The Localism Edition, (Portland, 2013).104 Ibid.105 Williamson et al., Connecting Citizens, p. 29.106 Jochum et al., Participation, p. 34.

27

take risks and try out different ideas that it would never have even considered

previously.

At the same time however, Outreach should continue and develop its existing

practices. A huge part of this is partnerships; working alongside and sharing

resources with other organisations that are also trying to encourage political

participation. It goes without saying that teamwork is a necessity in such a cause as

this. Improved political participation will not just happen overnight and so patience is

also vital, with progress more likely to occur in gradual, cumulative steps. However,

the central theme within this report from start to finish has been encouraging interest

in politics. It has already laid out how Outreach can do this. The main point is to

show citizens that it is rationally in their interest to be engaged in politics and that the

benefits of doing so far outweigh the costs. This report is certain that if Outreach can

master this, then encouraging them to go to the ballot box will be that much easier.

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