Pastoral Women as Peacemakers

April 2003

Community Based Animal Health and Participatory Epidemiology (CAPE) Unit African Union/Interafrican Bureau for Animal Resources (AU/IBAR)

PO Box 30786, Nairobi, Kenya cape@oau-ibar.org

Tel: + 254 (0)20 211 751 Fax: + 254 (0)20 212 289

Web: http//:www.cape-ibar.org

Contents

Overview 1 Section One: Consultancy Report Introduction 3 1.1 The Causes Of Pastoral Conflict 7 1.2 Changes In Pastoral Conflict 8 1.3 Conflict Mitigation Initiatives And Pastoral Women 11 2. The Impact Of Conflict On Women 15 2.1 Women's Gains From Conflict 15 2.2 The Negative Impact Of Conflict On Women 15 3. Women's Role In Pastoral Conflict 18 4. Women's Role In Peacebuilding 21 5.1 Towards A Typology Of Pastoral Women's Influence 25 5.2 Linking Pastoral Women's Influence to Peacebuilding 27 5.3 Strategies to Support Women Peacemakers 30 Section Two: Seminar Report Foreword 1 1. Analytical Summary 2 2. Presentations 6 3. Working Group Findings 29 4. Action, Investigation and Tension Points 34 Section Three: Annexes Annex 1: List of Participants in Seminar 37 Annex 2: Consultancy Terms Of Reference 38 Annex 3: List of Documents Consulted for Consultancy 40 Annex 4: Summary of Interviews and Itinerary 43

This report and seminar were funded by the Office of US Foreign Disaster Assistance of the US Agency for International Development under grant number AOT-G-00-98-180-00 awarded to AU/IBAR’s PARC-VAC

Project. The CAPE Unit is supported by DFID and USAID REDSO.

The views expressed in this document are not necessarily those of USAID, DFID or AU/IBAR.

P-2003-80

The consultancy report was produced by Cathy Watson and edited by Richard Grahn. Seminar proceedings by Richard Grahn and Nicole Bores.

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Overview

This report presents the findings of a research project of the Community-Based Animal Health and Participatory Epidemiology (CAPE) Unit of the African Union’s Interafrican Bureau for Animal Resources (AU/IBAR) undertaken during the first half of 2003. The goals of this research project were to gain an improved understanding of the traditional roles of pastoral women in peace and conflict, develop understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of different methodologies for working with pastoral women on conflict issues, and to use this to improve the CAPE Unit’s practice and approaches in the field. It also presented the CAPE Unit with an opportunity to document both the methodology and the impact of the alokita—Women’s Peace Crusade—method that has been used by the CAPE Unit since 2001.

The first section presents the findings of field research on the role of pastoral women as peacemakers, carried out by a consultant on behalf of the CAPE Unit. The second section presents the proceedings of a workshop on the same theme, organised by the CAPE Unit to review and test the preliminary findings and compare similar experiences in other parts of the Greater Horn of Africa. Nearly 30 participants came together from Uganda, Sudan and Kenya to share their experiences working with women in peacebuilding. The seminar provided an opportunity for participants to discuss women’s traditional roles, both in supporting conflict as well as peacemaking, and how they, as individuals and members of organizations have built on these roles in their work. The study and seminar confirmed the importance of working with pastoral women in matters of peace and conflict. Women do play important roles, both positive and negative, with regard to raiding and other forms of conflict. In order to focus on the positive roles women play in peacebuilding, however, it is important to understand why it is that women support raiding. According to the research carried out, their main motivation is linked to the acute economic hardship within the Karamojong Cluster, thereby indicating that conflict must be tackled by improving the economic well being and opportunities open to pastoralists. The CAPE Unit has also produced a policy briefing developing this same argument.

Another of the main conclusions is that the informal power held by women within the household is a crucial aspect for peacebuilding organizations to build on. Through this informal power, women are already able to make a significant impact, both positive and negative on the behaviour of husbands and sons, and organizations should encourage those positive impacts that they are able to make. This informal power complements the increasing participation of women in ‘formal structures’ such as District Peace and Development Committees, or Rapid Response Teams. Participation in such public institutions has been encouraged by many groups and will continue to be encouraged. However, it may be the case that committees operating at these levels have a tendency to include urban women who, due to the nature of their education and employment, may be rather distant from the day to day life and concerns of pastoral communities themselves. Additionally, the inclusion of women in formal structures alongside men is a break from their traditional roles, and hence may be difficult for many men to accept. Notwithstanding these reservations concerning specific methodologies, we believe that this research provides a compelling case for the efficacy and urgency of involving pastoral women in peacebuilding. It is our hope that partners will find both sections of this report equally useful, and indeed will follow up with the CAPE Unit to develop these methods and ideas further.

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Section 1: Consultancy Report

Produced by Cathy Watson for AU/IBAR

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Introduction The CAPE Unit (Community Based Animal Health and Participatory Epidemiology Unit) of AU/IBAR (African Union/Interafrican Bureau for Animal Resources) has been developing community-based animal health delivery systems for over 10 years. During this time many lessons have been learnt and information on best practice disseminated. In the past 5 years the CAPE Unit has broadened its scope of work in pastoral areas to strengthen what it sees as the four cornerstones to sustainability: pastoral conflict resolution and management; relief interventions that are pro-development; improved livestock marketing and trade; and pro-pastoral policy development. The CAPE Unit has been working on conflict resolution and management in the Karamojong Cluster of Northwest Kenya (Turkana and West Pokot Districts), Eastern Uganda (Moroto, Nakapiripirit and Kotido Districts), Southern Sudan (Eastern Equatoria Region) and Southwestern Ethiopia. This research focused on Turkana District only to provide a detailed understanding of the role of women based on field experience in this one area. One aspect of the CAPE Unit's work that it is trying to improve is the understanding of the role of pastoral women in conflict management. Despite the realisation that women are key to successful development there is the felt need that the CAPE Unit could do more, hence this study. This concern is echoed by other analyses of gender and conflict, which note the need to recognise women's roles in conflict and peace and to build on the latter in peace work. The topic has drawn increasing attention since the identification of 'women and armed conflict' as one of the critical areas of concern at the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, and the subsequent adoption of Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security, by the UN Security Council in 2000 (BRIDGE 1996; Stickley and Duvvury 2003). In order to address this concern, the CAPE Unit commissioned a consultancy to explore the issues and provide guidance on its future policy, activities and the activities of its partners. The aims of the consultancy were therefore as follows: • to improve the CAPE Unit's understanding of how pastoralist women see their role in

peacemaking • to increase the CAPE Unit's ability to train partners in a gendered approach to conflict

management and the role of women in peacemaking, building on the 'alokita' methodology

The full Terms of Reference are attached as Annex 1. The methodology of the consultancy was based on the following: • a review of relevant documentation, including CAPE Unit reports and other available

literature on gender and pastoral conflict (see Annex 3 for a list of documents consulted)

• 10 days fieldwork in Turkana interviewing a range of stakeholders, in particular pastoral women (see Annex 4 for the list of interviews and itinerary)1

• a one-day seminar in Nairobi organised by the CAPE Unit and attended by representatives from government and non-governmental organisations working on conflict in pastoral areas (see Annex 1 for the list of seminar participants)

1 Fieldwork data is referenced in the text by the location of the interview, followed by W for women, E for elders and Y for youth (e.g. Lokiriama W, Nanam E).

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This report presents the findings of the consultancy, which incorporate the results of the fieldwork and review of documentation, together with key outputs from the seminar. The first Section presents some observations on the causes of pastoral conflict and how these may be changing in Turkana, followed by a brief discussion of the role of women in peace initiatives in the region. Section 2 outlines the impact - both positive and negative - of raiding on women. Section 3 describes women's traditional roles in support of conflict and Section 4 their roles in peace building. Section 5 discusses a typology of pastoral women's influence, and analyses how this can be used for peacebuilding by pastoral women themselves and how external agencies can support them. Recommendations for the CAPE Unit's future work with pastoral women in the Karamojong Cluster are presented in a separate Addendum.

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Map 1: Karamojong Cluster Administrative Districts and Major Towns2

2 Taken from ‘Assessement and Programmatic Recommendations: Addressing Pastoralist Conflict in the Karamoja Cluster of Kenya, Uganda and Sudan’ Halderman, M., Jenner, H., Karuru, N., Ong'ayo, M., Smith, S., Smith, Z., Carter, L. USAID Washington DC 2002

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Map 2: Karamojong Cluster

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1. Conflict and peace building in Turkana The focus of this study is on the actual and potential role of Turkana women in peacemaking and as such does not consider the causes and nature of pastoral conflict in detail. Nevertheless, some observations - particularly relating to the locations where fieldwork was carried out - may provide a context for the findings and analysis in this report, and are presented here together with a brief discussion of women's roles in conflict mitigation initiatives currently being undertaken in the region.

1.1 The causes of pastoral conflict The main motivation for raids according to the fieldwork informants is the desire to acquire more livestock - for restocking after a raid, to reduce poverty and hunger, and for bridewealth.3 The number of animals required for full payment of bridewealth in Turkana is high and young men are unwilling to wait until natural herd regeneration has provided them with sufficient animals to marry. The opposition of interests between fathers and sons in Karamojong Cluster society (embodied in the age system whereby young men must wait for the elders to hand over power so that they may become elders themselves) is also reflected in the way that some fathers insist on using the family herds to marry additional wives themselves before releasing livestock so that their son can marry his first wife (Gomes and Mkutu 2003; CAPE 2003c). In addition the desire for the social status accorded to fighters and those who raid successfully is undoubtedly a motivating factor for young men who are involved in violent conflict. The availability of cheap alcohol (for example sorghum beer in Karamoja) is also considered a factor in pastoral conflict within the Karamojong Cluster. In spite of the growing concern about the negative effects of pastoral conflict, raiding based on the acquisition of livestock has historically been sanctioned by Turkana society and to a certain extent continues to be so. The CAPE Unit has developed a summary of the root causes of pastoral conflict in the Karamojong Cluster, most of which reflect this fundamental, culturally sanctioned drive to acquire more livestock and/or protect existing livestock holdings:4

3 Bridewealth is a key motivation for raiding according to the young men interviewed (and supported by a development agent and an anthropologist working in the area), however the women interviewed did not mention bridewealth as a motivating factor, but referred instead to poverty/hunger and ongoing enmity. In north-eastern Kenya, in contrast, bridewealth is not a causal factor for raiding according to participants at the Pastoral Women as Peacemakers Seminar (CAPE 2003b). 4 Grahn 2003

Structural causes: 'Background factors that enhance the likelihood of armed conflict' • colonial history • location of borders • cultural traditions (bridewealth, raiding,

initiation rites) • economic context (poverty, livestock

dependence, limited national integration) • long term environmental factors (rangeland

degradation) • erosion of traditional systems of conflict

management and intra-community discipline

Proximate causes: 'Factors that, when combined with root causes, can lead to armed conflict' • poor governance • limited police capacity to respond to

violence • availability of automatic weapons • commercial cattle raiding • environmental 'shocks' such as poor rainfall,

animal diseases

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1.2 Changes in pastoral conflict 1.2.1 Increased violence There is a general perception that pastoral conflict has become more violent in the last few decades, particularly with regard to the killing of women and children, attributed largely to the introduction of automatic weapons. However, Kratli and Swift question this in their literature review on pastoral conflict, citing a number of early ethnographical studies in the region which describe large-scale violent conflicts in which women and children were also killed, and state that there is no conclusive evidence to support this position (Kratli and Swift 2002:21). During fieldwork, a number of Turkana informants also claimed that pastoral conflict was 'worsening', blaming automatic weapons for increased killing and greater numbers of raids. However, two groups pointed out that whilst automatic weapons increase the ease and therefore the number of raids, guns allow those not immediately within range to escape at the sound of gunfire, while in the days of spears, a homestead would be completely surrounded by enemies before they attacked, leaving no means of escape for those inside. 1.2.2 Size of raids The informants all agreed that the size of raids is decreasing, from large scale raids (arem) to small groups of 5 to 15 young men (akoko - stealing), as raiders fear the response of the government or their enemies if they hear of plans for a large raid. These smaller raids are also facilitated by the availability of automatic weapons - such a small group would probably have been insufficient to confront the enemy when armed only with spears. In the Lokiriama and Lorengkippi area in the west of Turkana, raiding follows this pattern of akoko with regard to the Ngikamatak Turkana's relationship with the Matheniko, Tepeth, Jie and Dodoth (all of Uganda), involving small groups of young men stealing relatively small numbers of animals. The results of the fieldwork suggest that these raids are relatively responsive to the authority of the elders and of older women - at the very least to the extent that stolen livestock may be returned and the existing peace agreements are not broken by such infringements. This is confirmed by other research, for example Gomes and Mkutu (2003:19) who conclude that 'traditional governance institutions do not seem eroded in Karamoja… senior elders seem to retain considerable powers in enforcement of discipline/justice and peace making'. Kratli and Swift similarly conclude that the commonly held belief that the authority of the elders has been weakened is not supported by fact, evidenced by the involvement of the elders in both war and peace in several pastoral areas of Kenya including Turkana (op.cit:32).5 The Ngikamatak Turkana made a peace agreement with the Matheniko in 1973, which has been maintained more or less ever since and stands as a testament to what can be achieved by the people themselves given the motivation and conducive circumstances. One reason given for the success of this agreement is the commitment of two key elders - Apaloris from Matheniko, who was succeeded after his execution by the Ugandan authorities by Lowakabong; and Ekyeno from Turkana, now succeeded by his son. A second reason is the practical need for grazing in the borderlands - the Ngikamatak pointed out that moving to the interior during the dry season would mean the death of many of the 5 This position, that the authority of the elders in the Karamojong Cluster has not been significantly eroded, is also confirmed by unpublished research carried out by the author among Matheniko elders during 1999/2000.

During the distribution of relief food in the Lorengkippi/Lokiriama area last year, a senior Tepeth elder called Giran led some of his people across the border to register. Giran is held responsible for the relative peace between the Turkana and the Tepeth, with only small thefts of 2 or 3 animals at a time taking place. When this occurs, Giran arranges for the return of the animals (Kokooketh W).

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livestock. Whilst a number of akoko (thefts) take place between the two groups, these are considered 'normal' ('in the same way that there will always be a few pickpockets in the town') and are dealt with by the elders and where possible the livestock returned. There appears to be a considerable belief in the binding nature of the peace agreement and the calamity that will be visited on those who transgress it, for example if the Turkana kill any Matheniko beyond the foot of Mount Moroto. 1.2.3 Types of raids In their discussion on pastoral conflict, Kratli and Swift suggest a typology, based on three points of a triangle - 'traditional', political and commercial: commercial political 'traditional' According to Kratli and Swift, traditional' raids are considered to be under the approval of the elders, although it is noted that there were often small groups of young men who went to raid alone without the elders' sanction, even the in the past. Traditional raids are motivated by the desire of young men to 'start their own homestead, increase their prestige and respect within the community, attract girls and be able to afford marriage' (ibid.:1). 'Commercial' raids are defined as 'an aspect of the wider integration of pastoralists within a market economy', and as such include both raids in which the promoters are not pastoralists themselves, but also those involving pastoralists or ex-pastoralists who raid then sell the stolen livestock immediately afterwards. 'Political' raids, on the other hand, are defined as those promoted for political reasons or involving the use of political power: to enhance a politician's or leader's reputation, to chase away voters of the opposing group just before elections, to generate funds for an electoral campaign, or to gain popularity (ibid.). Kratli and Swift note that in reality most violent pastoral conflicts may involve two or all three of the points, rather than being mutually exclusive, but that gaining an understanding of the different types of conflict, and therefore their differing causes, may assist in identifying appropriate responses (bid). Using this typology, much pastoral conflict in Turkana would fall mainly under the 'traditional' definition, but it is clear that other influences are increasing, in particular the increase of 'commercial' raiding, including cases of 'sponsored' raiding where guns are provided to young men by wealthy people who wish to acquire livestock for sale. The akoko small raids described above, for example, may fall under either 'traditional' or 'commercial', depending on the use to which the stolen livestock were put (i.e. added to the family herds or sold). The last decade has also seen the growth of armed attacks on vehicles on the roads, a phenomenon which it could be argued is not pastoral conflict at all, although it may be carried out by pastoralists, since the end object may simply be commercial gain rather than the acquisition of livestock as in 'traditional' raiding. The extent to which the perpetrators are sanctioned by their communities is not clear. This typology is reflected in the different types of raiding discussed during the fieldwork. Conflict between the Ngikamatak Turkana and their Ugandan pastoral neighbours as

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described above may be classified as mostly 'traditionally' based, while the Ngikamatak relationship with the Pokot is very different, involving bigger raids and what appears to be more solid enmity between the two groups. The Turkana informants interviewed suggested that this relationship has a political dimension, in that the Pokot's ethnic links to the former president were held to be responsible for the impunity with which the Pokot were allowed to raid into Turkana, and for the failure by local authorities and politicians to follow up stock thefts and killings. The relationship between the Pokot and the Turkana around Kainuk (where the main road crosses the border) has degenerated to the extent that killings are frequently reported, and recent deaths include an Administrative Policeman and a local councillor. Vehicles are escorted by the police along the road passing the few miles north and south of the settlement in case of road attacks, and during the period of fieldwork Kainuk trading centre was closed for part of the day when the local residents went on strike to complain about the lack of protection afforded them by the security services. The motivation for this conflict appears to be partly commercial and partly an ethnic/politically motivated feud, moving away from the 'traditional' raiding of livestock to simply killing and theft. In the north-west of Turkana, around Lokichoggio, the pattern is different again. There, raids appear to be more commercially motivated, linked to a desire to emulate the lifestyle of sedentary people in Lokichoggio, as represented by the cash economy and particularly bought alcohol. The international response to the civil war in Southern Sudan means that Lokichoggio contains a very large number of development agencies, vehicles, expatriates, food aid, and aeroplanes, unlike anywhere else in the District. Around Lokichoggio there are more examples of very small raids, involving 2 to 5 young men, who steal livestock from the Toposa (or attack vehicles on the roads to the north and south of the town), sell them directly rather than taking them home, and may often drink the proceeds. In these cases, the authority of the elders and women and their ability to restrain the youth is considered to be weakened, compared to other parts of the district.6 Four separate groups of informants also suggested that there was political motivation for some of the raiding in the Lokichoggio area, particularly that it was in the interests of the local authorities to disrupt direct trade between the Toposa and the Turkana, so that individual officials could make profit themselves by acting as middlemen (Lopiding W, Napopong W, Acoriakoomwa W, Lokichoggio W). As one woman from Lopiding put it: 'there is something in between that is benefiting from the conflict'.

6 Lopiding W; Napopong W; Nanam W and E; Acoriakoomwa W and Y.

Two people riding on a bicycle were killed near Kainuk on April 8th, while 14 people were killed and 10 seriously injured the previous weekend; and six in the previous week (Daily Nation, Wednesday April 9th).

'The Pokot and the Turkana are like a baboon and a shamba (field) - if the baboon tastes how good the crop is, he will wait until the owner isn't looking and take some more.' (Kakingol E)

During the fieldwork, a Ngikamatak Turkana man was looking for his lost camels in the Kangole area (on the Pokot/Turkana border) and was killed by 5 Pokot men who came across him (Kakingol W and E; Lokiriama E)

'The Turkana and the Pokot are like two brothers, the Turkana is the elder and the Pokot the younger. When the Pokot beat the Turkana and the latter want to respond, they are told to leave the small boy alone. We are like a cow and the government has got hold of our horns. The Pokot milk us but when we try to kick, our legs are also held by the government' (Kakingol E).

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1.3 Conflict mitigation initiatives and pastoral women Peace building has been defined as 'any activity undertaken with the purpose of preventing, alleviating, or resolving conflict' (Kathina 2000). Similarly, CAPE describes its conflict work as 'conflict prevention, management and reduction'. Successful conflict work - in pastoral areas at least - is not necessarily demonstrated by the absence of violent conflict, but more significantly how violent conflict is dealt with by the local community (and where relevant the local authorities) when it does occur. 1.3.1 The CAPE Unit's Women's Peace Crusades The CAPE Unit's Pastoral Conflict Initiative focused initially on working with elders through formal and informal peace meetings, based on the assumption that the elders were the main power-brokers. These elders suggested that the young men who are actually involved in carrying out the raids should also be involved in the process, so a number of youth meetings were subsequently held. During one of these, the young men highlighted the role that the women play in promoting conflict (through abuse, ridicule and demands for high bridewealth) and suggested that women should also be involved (Akabwai pers.com; Grahn 2003). Accordingly, a Women's Border Harmonisation Meeting was held in Lokichoggio in April 2001, attended by 60 women. During this meeting, the idea was raised of using the alokita a ngaberu - a traditional mechanism for a group of women to present a problem to the elders (either individually or collectively) through speech, dance and song - as a means of promoting peace in the Karamojong Cluster. CAPE was asked to facilitate a visit by a group of Turkana women to the Toposa-Nyangatom grazing grounds - the first Women's Peace Crusade (Akabwai pers.com; Bores 2002). As the report of the Turkana-Pokot crusade describes, the Women's Peace Crusade differs from other peace activities facilitated by the CAPE Unit, which discuss specific conflicts between particular communities and attempt to reach concrete solutions to resolve them. In contrast, the Women’s Peace Crusade 'includes the communities along an entire border and serves to initiate a dialogue. This dialogue is then followed up with further meetings between the particular communities involved. The approach also differs in that it focuses on the women who have suffered from cattle raids, rather than solely involving the men. These women are used as ambassadors of peace, conveying their experiences and expressing messages of peace through songs, poems, dances, and speeches' (Bores 2002:2). The objectives of the peace crusades include: • to enable the women (and others) from the different communities to meet their

counterparts in their grazing grounds • to provide a venue for women, elders and youth to speak openly about raiding and its

consequences • to move the peace process from formal meetings in the trading centres into the grazing

areas • to create a peaceful environment to enable veterinary staff to treat livestock and thus

improve the productivity and size of herds (Akabwai 2001a; Akabwai 2001b; Bores 2002)

The majority of the participants are women, but elders and young men also travel with the peace crusades and take part in the meetings and public addresses. The husbands of the women involved in the crusades appear to have been supportive of the process and raised no objections to their wives participation. It is estimated that about half of the women

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participating in the crusades to date are from the towns and settlements, although they may well be ex-pastoral women. To date, four peace crusades have taken place facilitated by CAPE: 1. Turkana-Toposa-Nyangatom-Didinga: June/July 2001 2. Lukumong-Ngimonia-Woyakwara-Ngikamatak: August 2001 3. Turkana-Toposa: February 2002 4. Turkana-Pokot: November 2002 (Grahn 2003) The crusades have been very successful in raising awareness about peace issues among the communities through which they have travelled. All the fieldwork informants, as well as representatives of other organisations working in Turkana on conflict, spoke positively of the crusades and their success at raising the issues at the grassroots. The Commissioner for Kapoeta County in Southern Sudan described how he saw young men crying when listening to the women of their own and opposing communities calling for peace. The impact of women speaking out against raiding in these public forums is clearly considerable. However, a number of suggestions were made for strengthening or improving the crusades. These included: • the need to operate further from the towns and settlements • the importance of spending longer periods of time together • the need to reach more people • the need to focus on the kraals and the kraal people, in particular the youth7 These points are addressed in the recommendations to CAPE in the separate Addendum.

7 Comments by Mary Lokaale; the Commissioner of Kapoeta County; Nanam elders; Namorupus women)

'Travelling with vehicles means brief contact. People can agree but then tomorrow move on, they don't stay and work through the process until its exhausted. The rope [link] is there, but we need to tighten it through the women and their families spending time together' (Nanam E) 'Peace needs continuous monitoring. We can bring people together, they can agree, laugh together, but to sustain it takes time…We need time for women to convince the others… Lots of areas are not covered. People need to see, hear for themselves face to face, not just through others.' Commissioner, Kapoeta County) 'We need to have a concerted effort from the women and elders to go to Pokot, not just for a day or so. We need to be there for several days, to sleep there and get to know people, not to be just like a passing wind'. (Namorupus Y)

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1.3.2 Other organisations working in Turkana There are a number of NGOs and CBOs working on conflict in Turkana. Of those interviewed (VSF-Belgium, ITDG, Oxfam, SNV and Turkana Pastoralists Development Organisation) none are currently involved in activities focusing specifically on women and conflict, although some have collaborated or participated in the women's peace crusades. ITDG has plans to involve women more in their programme of exchange visits in the future (the last visit, to Wajir, Marsabit and Samburu included 2 women and 9 elders). Most of these organisations will be involved in the development of the proposed Village/Adakar Peace Committees, discussed later in this report, and intend to include women's representatives on the committees. These committees will link to the District level Peace and Development Committee, which should ideally co-ordinate conflict mitigation work in Turkana district, but is currently rather weak.8 1.3.3 Peace initiatives in other parts of Kenya Oxfam is currently working in 12 pastoral districts in Kenya, including Turkana, supporting District Peace Secretariats and District Peace and Development Committees in most of these places. Much of their work is based on experiences in Wajir, where a group of women initiated peace activities that have become the model for pastoral conflict work throughout the country. The main cause of conflict in Wajir appears to have been inter-clan conflict within the Somali, which may take the form of livestock theft but which is not primarily motivated by a historically sanctioned desire to increase livestock holdings. The origins of the Wajir initiative were in the urban centre, where ethnic tensions had spread to the local market, rather than among the pastoralists, although conflict was clearly present there also.

8 Of relevance to the future development of the CAPE Unit's conflict work in the Karamojong Cluster, but beyond the remit of this study, is the fact that co-ordination in general between organisations working on conflict in Turkana (NGOs, IOs and CBOs) is very poor, and specifically that the CAPE Unit does not have a strong reputation in communicating and collaborating with others within the District.

The Wajir Peace Initiative The Wajir Women's Association for Peace grew out of the general insecurity in 1992-1993, when 5 women government employees teamed up with an elderly woman leader and 9 others to try to address the violent outbreaks occurring in the market between women from warring clans. The group of volunteers maintained a neutral stance in spite of considerable pressure and eventually prevailed on the elders to become involved, who then formed the Council of Elders for Peace. They targeted the youth, who formed their own group, and also the ex-militia, gangsters and warlords, in particular through targeting their wives. By 1995 these groups consolidated into the Wajir Peace and Development Committee (WPDC), under the District Development Committee, and including MPs, NGO representatives, religious leaders, businessmen, civil servants, members of the District Security Committee, and women's, elders' and youth representatives. They convened an annual Peace Festival, with prizes for the chiefs whose areas had been most peaceful during the year. The WPDC then created an infrastructure of committees at division and village level, to sustain peace throughout the district. Four sub-committees work under the WPDC: the Council of Elders, Women for Peace, Youth for Peace, and religious leaders. There is also a Rapid Response Team, consisting of women, youth, elders and members of the District Security Committee. Several factors are deemed to have contributed to the success of the Wajir Initiative: first, it came at the right moment, when levels of violence were so high that people were desperate and willing to listen to the women (which they may not have done at other times); second, it was a 'home-grown' initiative, with community support (including funding from local businesses and individuals); and finally, government involvement was facilitated by the high quality of civil servants and their willingness to support the initiative.

(Kathina 2000:10ff)

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The positive experiences in Wajir have been replicated in a number of districts in Eastern and North-Eastern Provinces, in particular in Mandera, Garissa and Marsabit Districts, with the support of Oxfam and other organisations. In some districts, for example Mandera and Wajir, women are members of district level peace committees, either as women's representatives or in their own capacity (for example as civil servants), and in Garissa, the committee is led by a woman (Halakhe Waqo, pers.com). Oxfam has recently carried out a study of their peace building activities in pastoral areas in order to document the lessons and challenges learned. The draft report notes, inter alia, the importance of involving women and youth (and educated professionals) in resolving ethnic conflict; the significance of 'internally generated processes' initiated by local people; and the need for the administration to recognise customary approaches and mechanisms for conflict resolution (Walker 2003:57). Given the differences in the causes and nature of conflict in these areas compared to Turkana, not all these lessons may apply. The following Sections of this report, in which the findings of the fieldwork are presented, show however that some of them - notably that women can take the lead in raising the issue of peace and motivate the elders and youth to become involved; and the importance of locally rooted initiatives which are linked to the local administration - may indeed be as applicable in Turkana as in Wajir and may help to guide the future direction of peace initiatives in the Karamojong Cluster.

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2. The impact of conflict on women It is increasingly recognised that violent conflict affects women and men differently: 'conflict has a wide range of economically, socially and psychologically damaging effects which differ by gender' (Byrne 1996:20). However, it is also recognised that women are not solely victims of conflict, but also at times gain from it (BRIDGE 1996). This section considers the impact of pastoral conflict on women, beginning with the positive impact, in other words the benefits to pastoral women from raiding.

2.1 Women's gains from conflict Whilst women suffer enormously - as does the whole community - from violent conflict, they also gain in two key areas from pastoral conflict, specifically from raiding: + Livestock: Livestock gains represent a contribution both to the food supply and to

longer-term assets. As women are responsible for the food supply of the household, any increase in the overall livestock holdings, particularly in the number of milking stock, reduces the burden on them to provide food for the family. In addition, when a woman's son returns from a successful raid, his mother will receive at least one milking cow for herself. The mother of the raider is also involved in the intra-household distribution of the raided stock (her husband controls the overall distribution), including suggesting which animals should be allocated to which of her son's wives. However, the livestock captured in raids motivated by commercial rather than traditional reasons are not likely to end up in the family herds, and thus may not benefit women in the same way as traditionally motivated raids.

+ Prestige: A woman gains prestige and status from being the mother of a brave fighter

and is revered by the young women who wish to marry her son. Whilst informants claimed that this prestige is not actively sought, it is clearly a factor in the social acceptability of raiding, whether for traditional, commercial or political reasons.

2.2 The negative impact of conflict on women Whilst the whole community suffers from conflict, it is suggested by a number of sources (e.g. Osamba 2001) and confirmed during CAPE peace meetings (Akabwai 2002a) and the fieldwork, that conflict has its greatest impact on women. This takes a number of forms and is generally common to all types of raids, whatever their cause: - Economic impact: The loss of livestock to raids has a significant economic impact on

pastoral households. The loss of milking stock affects the milk supply which women control while livestock disease is often spread more rapidly when stolen stock are

'We women live with permanent worry. We don't know if we will live to see the next day. We can't gather wild fruits - before you can even hit the tree to knock them down, you fear someone will hear you. If we are captured we are harassed or attacked. We lose our children - even if we survive ourselves, we are never the same. When a child dies, part of your self has gone. We may die ourselves in raids. We lose livestock, our means of survival, so poverty kills us slowly.' (Lokiriama W)

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mixed with local herds, causing depletion of stock holdings (Bores 2002). Fear of raids also restricts pastoral movements, often to the less fertile areas, which has a negative impact on stock productivity. The insecurity associated with frequent raiding limits development efforts and the provision of basic services (human and animal health, water resources development, schools etc), with a negative impact on the whole community. As women are responsible for the health of their children, and for providing food (largely milk) for them, these effects have a significant impact on them.

- Death and injury: Whilst women are not directly involved in raiding, they are not armed

and therefore cannot defend themselves when attacked. They suffer death and injury as do other community members when raiders attack their homes.

- Death of family members: Women lose their husbands and sons (and at times other

family members) as a result of raiding. The loss of a husband usually means that the woman either has to leave the pastoral sector, or is inherited by her husband's relative. Inherited wives are often of significantly lower status than full wives, and their children in particular can suffer - through the loss of their livestock inheritance or being treated as a source of unpaid labour.

- Abduction, rape and theft: Women are

vulnerable to abduction and rape by attackers. One group of informants suggested that abduction of women was decreasing: in the past women would be abducted, taken to the 'other side' and become wives. Nowadays they are more likely to be killed, although other groups claimed that abduction of young girls still takes place (Acoriakoomwa W; Lokiriama W). Even if women are not abducted or attacked, they may be robbed.

- Limitations on movement: As a result of

insecurity, women's movements are severely restricted. Without a gun to defend themselves, they are not able to travel far from their homesteads, even in small groups, without armed male protection. This has both economic and social consequences for them. As women's movements are increasingly restricted, those who do risk travelling alone are even more vulnerable to attack as they are all the more noticeable.

- Loss of wild fruits: One of the most

significant economic consequences of women's restricted movement is the loss of access to wild fruits. Wild fruits play an important role in the pastoral diet, in particular at the end of the dry season when the milk supply is low or non-existent. In areas of insecurity women cannot go out to search for wild fruits for fear of being attacked. This issue was raised by all the women interviewed as one of the main impacts of conflict on their lives.

- Restrictions on charcoal making: For those women living near the settlements or

towns, charcoal making forms a useful income supplement, particularly in the dry

On 5th April, three Turkana women were making charcoal at Lotumomong, 5km miles from Lokichoggio when five Toposa men came across them. At first they threatened to kill the women, but after stealing their cloths, pangas and beads, they eventually let them go (Lokichoggio W)

A Turkana woman from the Lorengkippi area described how she was looking for ngakalalio fruits in Kangole on the border with Pokot, when she saw four Pokot men in the distance. She ran away, hearing a gunshot in the distance, and later was told about the Turkana man searching for his camels who was killed in that area the same day. She assumes that was the gunshot she heard (Kakingol W).

In 1998, a woman was coming to Lokiriama from Namorupus with her child when she was captured and taken to the foot of the mountain. She was raped and her beads were stolen. She and the child were stoned and left for dead, but they survived and managed to make their way home (Lokiriama W).

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season. Fear of being attacked means that women are unable to move far from the settlements to make charcoal in safety, as the example of the Turkana women who met the five Toposa men near Lokichoggio shows.

- Loss of trading opportunities: The Turkana are less involved in agriculture than

almost all of their neighbours. Consequently they trade livestock for cereals with the Dassenetch, Toposa, Matheniko and others - trade largely carried out by women (although they are usually escorted by their menfolk). When there is no peace with these neighbours, the women's opportunities for this trade are limited and a source of vital dry season cereals is closed to them.

- Limited social relationships: Women's restricted movement because of insecurity

limits their ability to maintain social relationships, not only with other members of their wider community, but across borders. Many women form friendships when trading with other ethnic groups and some have relatives living in these communities. Insecurity means that they cannot visit these friends and relations.

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3. Women's role in pastoral conflict Historically, women's role in promoting conflict has been overlooked. As Byrne describes in her overview of Gender, Conflict and Development, 'men's dominance of technology, including the technology of warfare, is [often] contrasted with women's affinity or closeness to nature… The belief in women's peaceful and inherently nurturing nature leads to a desire for the preservation and creation of a female counter-culture which values feminine qualities and will lead to peace and security.' Byrne goes on to point out that 'the image of conflict as intrinsically male masks the ways in which women are affected by, and involved in, conflict' (1996:10-11). It is now increasingly recognised that even if women are not directly involved in pastoral raids, their role is significant: 'every man who carries a gun has women in his life' (Abdullahi 2003). Women are not only victims of conflict but actors in their own right, who can influence their menfolk and act as catalysts of conflict. All the women interviewed claimed that Turkana women do not actively promote raiding and that any encouragement is unconscious, although they accused the women of other ethnic groups (such as the Pokot and Toposa) of provoking raids. The involvement of women was confirmed during the women's peace crusades: a young man from Toposa accused the women of provoking the youth to go raiding (Akabwai 2002a) while a Pokot woman admitted that women incite raiding (Bores 2002). Similarly in Karamoja, women are accused of fuelling conflict (Gomes and Mkutu 2003:8). The promotion of conflict by women does not necessarily mean whole-hearted support for raiding. Many of the women interviewed discussed the pain of losing a husband or son and the fear they experience when they know their sons are away on a raid. In spite of this, however, there are a number of ways in which Turkana women - either consciously or sub-consciously - promote raiding, in particular raiding for 'traditional' reasons, summarised in the following diagram: Diagram 1: Women's roles in promoting conflict During a raid General blessing beforehand cultural values food preparation nagging welcome on return ridicule and abuse share of the loot encouraging revenge bridewealth security influence over husbands ambivalence towards peace

Pastoral women

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Blessings before a raid: Older women used to perform blessings alongside the elders in the traditional ceremony before a raid, angaar ajore. This ceremony is less common now, as raids are much smaller in size and organised less formally. However, blessing of the young men by their mothers still takes place, although some women were reluctant to admit this. In some cases the son may simply say he is going on a journey and ask for a blessing, although his mother may guess he is going on a raid. She may slaughter a small goat or ram and smear the contents of the stomach on his legs and chest (to help him to run faster than his enemies). Alternatively she may wash her breasts with water, mingling it with her sweat, then bless her son with the water. In other cases, the young men do not tell anyone that they are going on a raid, and their parents only learn of it after they have gone. A mother's blessing before a raid is closely linked to keeping her son safe, and hence some rituals may be performed after the young men have left, even if the mother did not have the chance to bless him directly. She may take an ornament of his and put it under her sleeping hide, to keep him close to her. A wife may sleep on her husband's sleeping hide, and put water in his akurum (milk gourd) to keep it cool until he comes back.

Food preparation before a raid: Sometimes men do not ask their wives to prepare

food for them to take on a raid in case they warn their parents who might try to prevent them. They may however go to a girlfriend on the way and get food from her. 'Some woman somewhere prepares the food for a raid' (Lopiding W).

Blessing and welcome on return from a raid: When the men return from a

successful raid, they are welcomed by the rest of the community, in particular by their mothers, with songs, dances and blessings. A ritual of pouring water may be performed, and one of the captured bulls is slaughtered for a feast. Songs are sung in praise of the fighters, in particular by the young women. A specific piece of meat from the animal slaughtered in this celebration is put aside for the mother of the fighter.

Receiving a share of the stolen animals: The allocation of the captured livestock is

the responsibility of the male elder of the household (usually the young man's father, or uncle), who decides which friends and relatives will receive which animals, with advice from the mother about the intra-household allocation of milking stock. The mother of a raider receives at least one milk cow from among the captured stock.

Cultural values: In addition to activities specifically associated with a particular raid,

there are implicit cultural values that support raiding, which are endorsed by women of all ages. As discussed above, there is considerable status and prestige accorded to renowned fighters. This is reinforced by songs sung by women, in particular the young women, praising the bravery of the young men who go on raids. One example was given of a song sung by a young woman about to be married to an old man, who asks 'why can't you marry me to a young man who can go and raid, and protect me?' Young girls play a particular role in reinforcing the status of raiders, through their respect for renowned fighters, their dismissal of those who do not raid, and their teasing. Finally, wealth in animals is a major status factor reinforced by women of all ages, which provides an incentive for young men to raid to increase their livestock holdings.

Nagging: Certain complaints about the small number of milking stock by younger

married women are generally considered to be an encouragement to raid. Several

If a young man finds his grandmother lying down sleeping because she is hungry, and hears of a group of young men going to raid, he may say to his grandmother: 'I want to go and get you something'. So she has to bless him. She coils herself round his belongings and tells him to jump across three times. She then sleeps with these belongings, to show that she is holding him tightly and safely. (Nanam E)

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informants gave the example of a woman, when told by her husband to go and milk the animals, asked why he was disturbing her for just one cow. Similarly, a young married woman telling a hungry child to go and ask his/her father for milk is understood to be an encouragement to raid.

Ridicule and abuse: The informants gave

several examples of women ridiculing and abusing their husbands and sons, comparing them unfavourably to other men who have raided livestock successfully and thus provided for their families. This may take the form of direct complaints, particularly when other fighters return from a raid, or the form of songs taunting those who do not fight. One group of young men described the ways in which women praise the fighters and ridicule the poor men, sometimes turning abusive when they have been drinking (Namorupus Y). This is also the case in other pastoral areas: 'in many pastoral societies women sing war songs. These songs normally taunt the men and incite them towards more fighting.' (Kratli and Swift 2002:6).

Encouraging revenge: A group of young men also described how their mothers may

encourage revenge against an ethnic group in conflict with their own community, either immediately following a raid, or more generally: 'my son, when you grow up, make sure you kill an enemy, for they killed your father' (Namorupus Y).

Bridewealth: As outlined in Section 1, bridewealth is a key incentive for young men to

raid livestock in Turkana, and indeed throughout the Karamojong Cluster. Women have influence over the amount of bridewealth demanded for their daughters, and may also abuse a suitor who is poor.

Security: Women may encourage the ownership of guns in order that their husbands

and sons can protect them and their children (CAPE 2003b:32)

Influence over husbands: Turkana women have considerable influence over their husbands and sons (although this is generally in the private or domestic sphere) which they can exert to encourage raiding, for the reasons given above. The topic of women's influence and power is explored further below.

Ambivalence about peace: In spite of the public support for peace expressed at the

peace meetings organised by CAPE and other agencies, there appears to be an ambivalence towards peace on the part of some of the elders and women. This was described by a group of young men in Namorupus, some of whom had been involved in the women's peace crusade. They explained that sometimes the women may discourage the young men from raiding, but it is clear that they and the elders like to receive the livestock from raids. Those who report back to the community from peace meetings may say 'it has been said that we will make peace, then so be it', rather than stating clearly and firmly that they themselves are committed to peace and will enforce it. This lack of conviction is picked up by the young men, who realise that the elders and women may not be convinced (Namorupus Y).9

9 At the same time there is clearly a considerable number of women (and others) involved in peace work with the CAPE Unit and other agencies whose suffering from the losses of raiding, in particular the death of their husbands and sons, has convinced them that peace is the only way forward and who are genuinely committed to working to this end.

A woman may say to her son: 'I have exhausted myself giving birth to you and bringing you up, thinking you will take care of me, but now, you have to be fed at home like a girl and you can't go far away to find cows for me'. (Namorupus W)

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4. Women's role in peacebuilding At the same time as they encourage raiding, women also have a role in building peace, which is often similarly unrecognised: 'women individually and collectively contribute to peacebuilding in many ways. Yet their contributions are often overlooked because they take unconventional forms, occur outside formal peace processes, or are considered extensions of women's existing gender roles.' (Stickley and Duvvury 2003). This is also the case in the Karamojong Cluster, where the CAPE Unit has tapped into the potential for women to act as peacemakers through the alokita women's peace crusades. Women in Turkana play a role in peacebuilding in pastoral society in a number of ways, summarised in Diagram 2 below. As most of these are based on cultural norms and gender roles, in general they relate to conflict motivated by 'traditional' reasons, rather than commercial or politically motivated raiding. Diagram 2: Women's roles in peacebuilding symbols of peace friendship and trade ceremonial roles marriage ties curses/withholding passing on traditional blessings agreements songs women's informal power

• Symbols of peace: The elders, who see themselves as central to peace making, conduct formal peace negotiations. However, peace between the Turkana and neighbouring pastoral groups is not considered to be complete until the women join the process. The initial negotiations are conducted by groups of men, who meet to discuss the details of the settlement/grazing agreement over a period of time. When the discussions are over, the communities from both sides come together to celebrate. The women cook food and serve the men of both sides, and are witnesses to the ceremonies - the ritual slaughter of animals, the burial of the tools of war etc. (Napopong W; Nanam W; Lokichoggio W; Lokiriama E). The presence of the women symbolises that the conflict is really over. After the ceremony the two communities graze together and the women play an important role in developing and maintaining friendships, as discussed further below.

The elders in Kakingol, near Lorengkippi, described the role of women at the burial of the hatchet ceremony with the Matheniko in 1973: 'to maximise the celebration, women must be there to share the happiness. They are the ones who get peace. At first, a messenger was sent to Namorupus. Second, Apaloris [a senior Matheniko elder] came with four other men to Turkana at the foot of the mountain to discuss with us. He returned some days later with 10 men to discuss the details and plan the ceremony. Finally, at the big ceremony, women were involved. They were singing and dancing. The tools of war were buried (gun, shield, bullet, arrow, broken spear and knife). The women sang praise songs for those who took the initiative to make peace. Gifts were exchanged between the senior elders on both sides.' (Lokiriama E)

Pastoral women

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• Ceremonial roles: women can also

play ceremonial roles in peace making, for example in performing the ritual antidote to prevent a raid, although this appears to be less common.

• Curses/withholding blessings: Women

have the power to withhold their blessing from a raid, or to prevent their sons reaching the conflict (through sickness, a scorpion bite etc.) by performing a ritual. This may involve tying a branch of edome in a circle and placing it under her sleeping hide before going to bed, as if tying the young man's legs so he cannot get away. A step further than this is for women actually to curse their sons and wish them failure on the raid (although not of course serious injury or death). These curses and negative blessings are still considered by the young men, the elders and the women themselves to be powerful (with the exception of the Lokichoggio area, where it was felt they were less effective) and the high death toll from recent conflicts was cited as evidence that some women's refusal to endorse the raids was taking effect (Acoriakoomwa W).

In 1981 the Turkana were angered by frequent Pokot raids and organised a large counter-attack, capturing a large number of animals and killing many people. A second raid was planned when a delegation of Pokot men came to appeal for peace, placing a group of women in front of them, to show that they had come in peace. The peace agreement was accordingly reached, although it was broken some time afterwards (Kakingol E).

An emuron (seer) may foretell that a raid is going to take place via a certain mountain pass. He specifies a small group of people (for example 2 men and 2 women) who should go to the pass and build a fire there using the traditional method. If the sparks from the fire go to the west, they should dig the fire over and begin again, until the sparks go east, then throw bitter herbs into the fire. This will diffuse the conflict. When they return home, a ceremony is held in which a goat is slaughtered and the hind leg (amuro) given to the firemakers, while the rest of the meat is shared among the community. The women involved should be old, past child bearing age so they cannot give birth to violent men. (Nanam W).

Some Toposa women and elders heard of a raid that the young men were planning to make into Turkana and cursed them: they faced away from the young men, throwing soil back towards them and saying "if you go you will die". The young men went ahead with the raid, but found themselves surrounded by the Turkana, fought the whole day and night, and many were killed. This example was cited as proof that the women's curses are still effective, especially when combined with those of the elders. (Nanam W) One young man interviewed described how he was going to Loole to raid when he fell sick on the way. When he turned towards home, he felt better, but when he turned back to continue on his way to the raid, he felt sick again. Another time, he was going to Nakepian when he dislocated his ankle. He set off slowly home but by the time he got there he was better. In both these cases his parents had advised him strongly that the next time he went raiding he would not survive, and he saw these injuries as the direct result of their warnings. (Acoriakoomwa Y)

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• Songs: Songs are a legitimate way for women

to express their views in public - either their approbation or their disapproval. Women's songs in praise of brave fighters have been referred to in the previous section. However, women also have songs in praise of peace and peacemakers, as for example were sung at the peace ceremony with the Matheniko in 1973 (see box below). The alokita peace crusades have built on this important vehicle for women's communication.

•

• Friendship and trade: As discussed earlier,

during times of peace Turkana women engage in trade with women across the borders, in particular trading livestock for cereals, but also other commodities (such as beads with the Toposa, who cannot buy them easily in their own land). They also develop friendships with women across the borders, with whom they exchange gifts. For example, women in Kokooketh, near Lorengkippi, said that some of their children are named after their Matheniko friends. These trade and social links are generally initiated by the women (who manage the household food supply and therefore know when grain supplies are needed), asking their husbands to escort them and their donkeys across the border. In this way women not only take advantage of peace, but in fact help to 'cement' the peace between the two communities. They then take responsibility for protecting their friends from the other side if hostilities break out between their two communities. This role of women in

A Turkana woman from Acoriakoomwa (east of Lokichoggio) described how she was visiting her friend in Toposaland with her husband, when the Turkana attacked. Her friend and her family looked after her and then escorted her safely back home at night.

Last year, a Toposa man was visiting his Turkana father-in-law in Lopiding when the Toposa raided the Turkana north of Songot mountain. A group of men from Lopiding knew of the Toposa man's presence in the settlement and decided to shoot him. His mother-in-law (an old woman) refused, protecting him by lying on top of him so they could not shoot him without hurting her. She resisted their subsequent attempts to stab him with their knives and continued to protect him until they went away (Lokichoggio W).

The women interviewed in Lokiriama sang a the following song as an example of the peace songs sung at the peace ceremony with the Matheniko in 1973: Etige taita ekisil, taapa ekisil, ekisilia ngesi kisaki Ekisil a ngalupa, ekisil, kileleb ngauyei nakosi Tarau ejemu a loperiet Why you, mothers, peace, fathers, peace, peace is what we want Peace on the earth, peace fill our houses We all sit on the cow hide [from the white cow slaughtered in the ceremony] (Lokiriama W)

When asked for examples of peace songs, the women in Kakingol, near Lorengkippi, gave two examples of songs they sing to the Pokot. The first expresses scepticism about the genuineness of the Pokot's intentions when they come to discuss peace, while the second describes the impact of conflict with the Pokot on their community: Iyo Lokotir/Aramitori/Lokomol nyikitebel nyaosou ka ekon kisil Kinyaka/tobuana nakwap kon (x2) Tokon ikoni ne eya ngikan namoni You Lokotir/Aramitori/Lokomol [Pokot names] don’t tie us with your cleverness, with your peace Return to your country (x2) As we are talking now, there are 5 [of your men] in the bush Irikari/Kirikari/Koroto kirika nyamakada Eruye nyetingiling You have finished us completely, AK47s have

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rebuilding economic and social networks is often overlooked in peace processes (Kathina 2000).

• Marriage ties: In the same way, women who marry (even as a result of abduction) across ethnic borders provide linkages between communities who may be in conflict (Kratli and Swift 2002).

• Passing on traditional agreements: Where traditional peace and grazing agreements

exist (for example between the Turkana and Matheniko, and between the Pokot and Samburu), women play an important role in passing on the significance of these agreements to their children, in particular to their sons (CAPE 2003b:34).

• Women's informal power: Pastoral women

have significant power and influence, but this is generally 'informal' - not in the public arena but through their male relatives in the domestic sphere. They can exert this influence for peace as well as for conflict. This informal role is often unrecognised - in general as well as in peace building in particular (Kathina 2000) - but is an important factor in understanding gender roles in peacemaking and the potential to build on them (Kratli and Swift 2002). This influence was acknowledged by the Turkana women interviewed, although more reluctantly by the men (e.g. Kaloyeramuge W). Whilst young married women have less social standing in general than their older counterparts, a new wife may well be in a position to exert more influence over her husband than her older co-wife, by virtue of her youth and attractiveness.

Turkana women traditionally are not allowed to speak at the ekitoi a ngikasakou (tree of men), but are permitted to sit within hearing distance and listen to the discussions. In the evenings they then discuss with their husbands (or sometimes simply in their husbands' hearing) their own point of view on the matters in question. Some informants believe that older women have more influence over their sons than their fathers or the elders do. In particular a mother's tears are very influential and most young men will avoid making their mothers cry if at all possible.

An example of women's influence over their husbands was given by Dr. Darlington Akabwai of CAPE, who described the discussions he held during a vaccination campaign when a large group of elders agreed to bring their cattle the next day for vaccination. There appeared to be no dissent within the group, so Darlington was very surprised the next day to find a very small number of cattle present. He discovered that a number of 'counter meetings' had taken place during the previous evening (at home, between a woman and her husband), in which the women had expressed their concern that vaccinating the cattle would reduce the milk yield, and had successfully persuaded their husbands not to take them for vaccination. (Akabwai pers.com)

Participants at the Pastoral Women as Peacemakers Seminar described the way in which men suggest in a public forum that an important decision be postponed until the following day, in order that they can 'sleep on it', which means in fact that they wish to discuss the issue with their wives, but are reluctant to admit it. (CAPE 2003b)

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5. Discussion This section begins with a typology of pastoral women's influence, classifying it in terms of 'informal' and 'formal' power. This is followed by a discussion on how these two types of power can be linked to women's peacebuilding in the different types of conflict described in Section 1 (traditional, commercial and political). Finally, some possible strategies are outlined that external agencies could use to build on women's peacemaking roles, using this formal and informal power.

5.1 Towards a typology of pastoral women's influence 5.1.1 Women's informal power Pastoral women have considerable 'informal power': 'despite their lack of structural power, married Turkana women can have considerable influence over their husbands and sons. Within the homestead the male head takes the major decisions regarding movement and stock management, but a respected or favourite wife may well be consulted, and may influence her husband in virtually all the decisions he is called upon to make…Each woman has, moreover, control over her house, which forms a significant economic unit within the homestead… and controls the distribution of food to the family' (Watson 1989:50). This power has been attributed by some to women's involvement in pastoral production and their vital contribution to the functioning of the homestead as a unit (Dahl 1987); others suggest that it springs from the institution of marriage, through which women are the 'hinge-pin of the vital affinal relationship, as well as being a source of bridewealth for their fathers and brothers' (Watson op.cit:51). Historically Turkana woman have derived their status from their position as married women, for whom bridewealth (at whatever level) guarantees their security. This informal power or influence is not solely confined to married women, but does vary with age and marital/motherhood status. In this respect, pastoral Turkana women may be loosely grouped into four age-related categories according to their relationships: older women past childbearing age whose husbands are elders and whose children are grown up; married women with children still at home; young married women; and young women/girls. These women and girls all exercise a degree of influence over each other and over the men (husbands/sons/boyfriends) in their lives:

'Traditionally women have no say, and cannot decide things. But we can have influence over our husbands and sons'. (Kaloyeramuge W) 'Women have a say in the elders' decisions. A woman is her husband's chief advisor' (Namorupus Y)

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Diagram 3: Pastoral women's influence in their community raiders Key to relationships: Husband: Co-wife: Son: Daughter-in-law: Girlfriend/friend/suitor: Daughter: Beyond their immediate family, however, two women within the same age category may have different levels of influence, depending on their social status. A pastoral woman's social status is dependent on a number of factors, primarily the status of her husband (and sons). Wives of influential men such as adakar leaders, wealthy men, or ngimurok (seers) wield considerable influence derived from the power of their husbands. In addition, some women gain power by virtue of their own abilities - some are female seers, prophetesses or dreamers, or are recognised for their skills in a particular area. Most pastoral women have relationships (friendships, kinship and affinal relationships and trading links) beyond their immediate community and even across ethnic boundaries. The extent to which a woman may exert influence through these relationships will however depend on her social status as described above. Turkana women outside the pastoral sector have in general less informal power. In particular, women of women-headed households (which are much more common in the towns and settlements than in the pastoral areas) have little opportunity to exercise informal power in the way that their pastoral counterparts do: 'most town women are involved in decision-making beyond the home only through their male partners. Their influence in this regard can be considerable, as described for pastoral women, but is limited to those who are living with a partner. Those women living alone are obviously denied access to this means of involvement in decision-making' (Watson 1989:125). Without the security of formal marriage ties, town women's influence over their partners is also reduced: 'the insecurity of many of the town partnerships means that not only does a woman have less influence over her partner, but she has no support in the relationship

young girls

young married women

married women

older

women

elders

young men

married men

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from the group of affines and kin who would, in a traditional marriage, have an interest in keeping the couple together and in the woman's well-being. Furthermore, for such town relationships, bridewealth, which some pastoral women feel is a guarantee of their status and security, is not transferred. They are thus devalued as well as despised.' (ibid:130). Education and employment however present a means for women to gain alternative status in the towns and settlements, which they may wield informally within the community, or though formal means as discussed in the following section. During the fieldwork, all the informants agreed that pastoral women still exercise considerable power, with the exception of those in the Lokichoggio area (and other major centres) where it was implied that traditional authority structures are being eroded and women's influence over their sons is lessened.10 This is doubtless a reflection of the different status of women (and indeed elders) in the towns, as described above. 5.1.2 Women's formal power In the pastoral sector, women's formal power is traditionally very limited, as most of the formal decision-making structures centre on men, in particular the elders, although individual women may hold formally recognised positions such as amuron (seer) or akarujan (dreamer). In the towns and settlements, however, women may take up formal positions, such as committee membership, political office and so on. As mentioned above, a woman's ability to do this is based on completely different factors from those defining status in the pastoral sector. Whilst the status of a woman's husband or male partner may help a woman gain formal office, her ability to do so depends more on her education and personal abilities and skills (e.g. public speaking, business skills) and may be completely unconnected with her age, marital status or number and status of her children.

5.2 Linking pastoral women's influence to peacebuilding The typology of pastoral conflict presented in Section 1 outlined three types of conflict - traditional, commercial and political - and noted that whilst historically much of the raiding in Turkana has been traditionally based, commercial and political conflict appear to be increasing. This section explores the extent to which women can bring their influence - both informal and formal - to bear on these different types of conflict to promote peace. To set the scene, some key quotations from the fieldwork are presented in the box below, showing how the women themselves see their potential role in peacebuilding:

10 Napopong W; Kaloyeramuge W; Acoriakoomwa W, Dawit Abebe pers.com

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5.2.1 Peacemaking and women's informal power With regard to conflict that is largely traditionally based, i.e. livestock-based raiding, pastoral women have a number of opportunities to use their informal power, as the box above indicates. For example, within the home, older and married women may exert their influence over their husbands and sons in the following areas: • loot: refusing to receive stolen animals • bridewealth: influencing their husbands to keep their daughter's bridewealth low11 • complaints: not complaining about the number of milking animals • abuse and ridicule: refraining from abuse and ridicule of those who do not raid • explicit peace conversations: encouraging their husbands in peace and grazing

negotiations, the return of stolen animals etc • curses: withholding their blessing or cursing a raid • challenging the social acceptability of raiding12 During the Pastoral Women as Peacemakers Seminar, some participants challenged the legitimacy of outsiders - whether local peace workers, NGOs or government - encouraging women to take action in this private domestic sphere.13 The conclusions of this study are that recognition of this area of influence is vital for a thorough understanding of women's 11 Bridewealth presents a particular challenge for peacemaking. As noted above, it is a key factor in pastoral women's status as married women, yet it is a major driving force for raiding. One participant at the Pastoral Women as Peacemakers Seminar noted the importance of helping pastoral women to derive their self-actualisation from sources other than the number of animals paid in their bridewealth (Wasye Musyoni). Even if such efforts were to succeed, it would however remain important that a symbolic amount of bridewealth continues to be paid in cattle, in order to maintain the cultural basis of pastoral marriage. 12 One of the groups at the Pastoral Women as Peacemakers Seminar also noted the denial of sexual relations as one of the ways in which women can and do exert influence over their husbands (CAPE 2003b:Group 2 output). 13 CAPE 2003b

How Turkana women see their role in peacemaking 'We have a strong message. We want to tell of our feelings' (Napopong W) 'The words of these older women are very strong' (Lokiriama W) 'Women should have the role of advocating to the youth, not just in meetings but going to them in the kraals' (Lopiding W) 'We should target the youth - on both sides' (Napopong W) 'Women can withhold their blessing from the youth' (Nanam W) 'Women should intervene personally to change the hearts of their husbands and sons' (Kaloyeramuge W) 'Women could spearhead the peace process behind the scenes, discussing with husbands and fathers, encouraging peace negotiations' (Lokichoggio W) 'The best thing that women can do to promote peace is to withhold their blessings, discourage their sons, and look into ways of not promoting raids either consciously or unconsciously. Stand firm' (Namorupus W) ''Women can do a lot for peace. We can go to meet our fellow women along the border if the authorities would allow' (Lokichoggio W)

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roles and opportunities, and that external actors should be able to highlight the opportunity for women to use their informal power and influence over their husbands, without promoting any particular course of action. It would be inappropriate for an external agent to suggest how women should put pressure on their husbands within the domestic sphere, but their ability to do so can be acknowledged in discussions with the women. The women can thus be encouraged to use the power that they have towards peace (it is however considered inappropriate that women's informal power should form the basis of discussions with the elders, as while they may all admit privately that they are influenced by their wives, they are unlikely to acknowledge it in public). It should be possible to canvas certain topics, such as the levels of bridewealth and accepting stolen animals into the herd, if sensitively done. As noted above, young girls have considerably less informal power than married and older women, but nonetheless can still exert some influence, in particular in their relationships with young men. This influence has the potential to promote peacemaking, for example through challenging the acceptability of raiding and the status accorded to raiders, turning their praise songs of raiders into peace songs, and so on. Older women are also in a position to use their influence over younger women, for example among their daughters, daughters in law and co-wives, to promote peace (see Diagram 3 above). Women can also play a role in peacemaking beyond the immediate domestic sphere using their influence in the wider community. Within their own communities, women share relationships with other women in neighbouring homesteads and with friends and kin in other areas. There is also, most significantly, an opportunity to build on women's existing role in maintaining trade and friendship links across borders and ethnic boundaries. With regard to politically or commercially motivated conflict, there are fewer opportunities for pastoral women to wield their informal power. Women who are mothers or wives of the perpetrators may be able to exert some influence over their husbands and sons, although if the latter are part of the town culture rather than completely pastorally-based, they appear less likely to be influenced by their mothers (or fathers). More detailed research on the perpetrators of these types of conflict and their role in pastoral society may help to identify strategies for mitigating it and ways in which women could contribute. 5.2.2 Peacemaking and women's formal power Based on their existing roles in peacemaking, there appear to be few opportunities for pastoral women to exercise formal roles in the mitigation of traditionally based conflict through existing customary structures. Historically, women's role in this regard has been largely symbolic - but still of significance - for example through their presence at peace negotiations demonstrating the validity of the agreement. There are opportunities to build on this symbolic role through the creation of new structures, such as the alokita peace crusades, peace committees and so on. When women speak out as the mothers of young men who have died, they have a powerful voice and can form a bridge to the mothers on the other side, who have suffered in the same way. The peace initiatives in Wajir and other districts in North-Eastern and Eastern Provinces described in Section 1 involve the women initiators in new formal structures to address conflict, such as the peace committees and Rapid Response Teams, in which woman take formal positions and leadership roles. The extent to which these positions are taken up by 'ordinary' pastoral women, as opposed to town based, educated women, is not known. This highlights one of the challenges associated with promoting women's role in formal peace processes. The women who are willing and confident enough to join peace committees (particularly at district level but even at village level) are more likely to be educated and/or employed, whereas the women mostly nearly connected to pastoral conflict are in many cases uneducated and do not speak Swahili. The former are also more

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likely to be younger, which goes against the cultural norm that accords a woman more respect and authority as she gets older. Particular efforts (for example training and support) may need to be made therefore to ensure that women's participation in these formal structures does in fact represent the concerns of the pastoral women most affected by conflict. With regard to women's formal roles in influencing commercial and politically motivated conflict, there are similarly few opportunities for pastoral women. However, town-based women may have greater opportunities through formal structures in which they play a role. These could include local councils, locational, divisional and district development committees, as well as those structures focusing on peace building such as the peace committees. The town-based women who have become involved in the peace crusades and similar work (for example Mary Lokaale from Toposa Development Association) fall into this category. There may be opportunities to explore possible linkages between these town-based women who can access formal decision-making structures, and pastoral women whose main influence is exerted through exercising informal power in their relationships, in order to promote peace. This topic is explored further below.

5.3 Strategies to support women peacemakers This section explores possible strategies that could be employed by external organisations wishing to support and develop women's roles as peacemakers, considering first their informal and secondly their formal role. 5.3.1 Supporting women's informal influence for peace The tendency for most peace (and development) work is to focus on settlements and the more 'accessible' sections of the community. Where work with women is concerned, this often translates into working with women who have received some education, speak Swahili and are based in or around the settlements and towns. Strategies involved often include the creation of formal structures such as committees. However, in order to build on the opportunity provided by pastoral women's existing roles in peacemaking, emphasis needs to be laid on working with women who are still part of the pastoral sector, through their informal power. Whilst informal networks are less tangible than the formal structures outlined below, the findings of this study suggest that they provide a valuable opportunity for pastoral women to influence for peace, in particular with regard to 'traditionally' motivated conflict. External agencies can begin by recognising the informal power that pastoral women have and the networks that they are part of, and exploring opportunities to use these (see for example the topics outlined in Section 5.2.1 above). This can be fostered by working with and supporting small groups of pastoral women, for example teenage girls, married women, and older women, discussing ways in which they can use this influence to promote peace and reducing their ambivalence towards raiding. Particularly influential women (based on the status criteria outlined above) may be targeted in order to encourage them to use their power in the cause of peace. Experiences from other parts of Kenya and elsewhere suggest that women's peace initiatives - and indeed any form of locally oriented peace initiatives - are likely to have the greatest impact when they are locally rooted and ideally locally generated: 'according to a report by an expert group convened by the UN Division for the Advancement of Women, peace-building would be more effective if indigenous initiatives and processes - especially those initiated by women - were supported and integrated into the peace process'

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(Ogunsanya and Mgnqibisa 2000; see also Walker et al 2003; Kathina 2000). This presents a challenge for external actors such as NGOs and CBOs to foster rather than create initiatives, and encourages them to focus on a facilitative role, sharing ideas and training but leaving the design and development of initiatives to the local community. In this respect external actors can play a significant role in encouraging communities to build on, develop and adapt traditional mechanisms for peace (Management Systems International 2001:8). There are a number of opportunities for pastoral women to build on their existing informal networks to promote peace in this way. Pastoral women's friendship and trade links, particularly across ethnic borders, provide a particularly valuable opportunity. For example, small-scale informal gatherings of women from both sides, based on meetings between friends and trading acquaintances, can be promoted as a low-key, less structured version of the alokita peace crusades. External actors can support initiatives that foster trade such as the opening of the Lokiriama-Moroto road and the protection of trading routes, which promote cross-border trade and social contact. Similarly the provision of relief food at border points accessible from both sides helps to bring the women together, and consequently the young men, who will come to visit their mothers if they stay there for any period of time. Livestock markets and other services based along the borders would serve a similar function. Working with pastoral women through these informal mechanisms can provide a second 'pillar' for peace, focusing on 'traditional' conflict and complementing the formal structures and mechanisms (the first 'pillar') in which urban women can participate more easily and which may help to address commercial and politically motivated conflict.14 5.3.2 Supporting women's formal roles in peacemaking Women's involvement in formal peacebuilding structures tends to focus, as discussed above, on educated, urban-based women, and be limited to activities in the settlements or at least to locations accessible by roads (even the alokita peace crusades, considered to be a grassroots activity, are currently limited to places where the vehicles can reach). Formal activities such as peace committees and Rapid Response Teams have an important role to play in promoting peace, particularly in relation to commercially or politically motivated conflict, and women's participation and leadership in these structures should be encouraged. However, in order for pastoral (as well as urban) women to participate in these formal structures, training, for example in leadership skills, and other support may be necessary. 15 Pastoral women need a form of 'positive discrimination', including particular support and training, to enable them to participate with confidence especially in more formal structures. Exposure visits to other areas where women are involved in peacemaking can also play a key role in encouraging women.16 At the same time, those visiting other areas should be encouraged to analyse the differences as well as the similarities with their own situations and to adapt what they have seen elsewhere to their own local context. The point made above about the importance of locally-rooted initiatives also applies to formal opportunities for women. Women are most likely to be able to participate fully in these structures if they take into account women's existing gender roles and build on them (whilst not necessarily being confined by them). For example, pastoral women can be encouraged to participate in formal peace meetings, in which the elders might take the lead 14 This proposal echoes the suggestion of informal 'networks' of elders and women working with counterparts in other communities for peace, made at the Pastoral Women as Peacemakers Seminar (CAPE 2003b). 15 Training in leadership skills and confidence building are common strategies for overcoming the limitations of gender-prescribed roles for women. 16 A number of agencies working in Turkana have organised exposure visits to Wajir and other parts of north-eastern Kenya, although it is understood that most of the participants thus far have been men rather than women.

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as in tradition, while a parallel women's meeting is held which feeds into the elders' discussions. In the urban centres, where a woman's status is dependent more on her education and personal skills and attributes, women may be more free to take up leadership roles (as well as more confident) and to spearhead peace activities themselves. External agencies may explore ways in which these women can link with pastoral women working through their informal networks for peace, without dominating or needing to formalise informal systems that are working effectively. Finally, as all those involved in peace work will recognise, peacebuilding is a slow process, and this applies to working with women as peacemakers no less than with other members of the community. As the Ghanaian proverb notes, 'you must eat an elephant one bite at a time' (Ayindo et al 2001:77). A long-term commitment is needed on the part of those supporting them, in order for pastoral women to develop fully their roles as peacemakers.

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Section 2: Seminar Proceedings

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This seminar was funded by the Office of US Foreign Disaster Assistance of the US Agency for International Development under grant number

AOT-G-00-98-180-00 awarded to AU/IBAR’s PARC-VAC Project.

The views expressed are not necessarily those of OFDA or AU/IBAR.

P2003-73

1

AU/IBAR Gender and Conflict Seminar

Pastoral Women as Peacemakers Landmark Hotel, Nairobi

16 April 2003 Foreword

Dr. Rene Bessin, Ag. Director, AU/IBAR While IBAR is an animal health research and policy organization, we have made it a priority to look at our role from a broader perspective, and to see how we can work to improve and create sustainable livelihoods where people are dependent on animal resources. For this reason, when working to improve pastoral livelihoods, one must deal with the insecurity of the region, and work to tackle pastoral conflict. Over the past four years, IBAR has been working directly with pastoral people in conflict transformation activities. While we have, in the past, been focused on implementing various conflict prevention, management, and reduction activities in the Karamojong Cluster, our overall goal is to take lessons learned from our experiences in the field, as well as those of other organizations working in the same field, and share these lessons across the region and work to influence policy makers. IBAR’s Pastoral Conflict Initiative has itself taken a variety of approaches over the years and has always learned by doing. Initially, the focus was on community elders, working with them to broker peace agreements between communities in conflict. As IBAR has gained further experience with pastoral conflict, however, we have begun to recognize the important roles that other stakeholders play, both in initiating, as well as resolving, conflict. Women, often the most quickly overlooked, were seen to be key stakeholders in conflict and peacebuilding. IBAR has worked with women in peacebuilding mainly through the alokita, a traditional mechanism in which women are able to raise issues of concern to their communities. Through the alokitas we have carried out, women from many areas of the Karamojong Cluster have travelled to one another’s communities to discuss ways of bringing peace, using songs, dances, and speeches to share their ideas. While this method has proven extremely useful, and we have seen great progress between these communities, we are still learning. We, as an organization, are still seeking to better understand the importance and role of women both in causing and responding to conflict. For this reason, we have brought together various actors from the area to discuss this role. If we are working to improve pastoral livelihoods, we need to combine the lessons we have learned from our collective work in order to best take advantage of our experiences. Rather than each organization implementing and learning on its own, by sharing experiences through various means we will be able to learn collectively and make greater progress. The issues surrounding pastoral conflict, and the role of women, are many and extremely complex, far too complex to tackle with any degree of completion in a single day. For this reason, I hope that this seminar serves as a catalyst for further dialogue and collaboration. Based on the variety of actors participating in this seminar, I can see that we all have unique and significant understandings of pastoral conflict, as well as distinct means of addressing it. Because of this considerable knowledge, I am confident that through this seminar, we will make headway in combining our lessons to be able to better address pastoral conflict through women.

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Analytical Summary Pastoral Women as Peacemakers, an AU/IBAR Gender and Conflict Seminar held in Nairobi, brought together thirty participants from throughout the region, including representatives from Uganda, Sudan, and Kenya. This seminar provided space for participants to discuss the traditional roles that pastoral women play in peacemaking, as well as how they as individuals and as members of organisations have built on these roles to make progress in dealing with pastoral conflict. Several participants shared the experiences of their organisations in working with pastoral women and discussed the traditional roles that these women hold. These presentations are reproduced in these proceedings and summarised briefly here. Richard Grahn set out the main themes for the day from the perspective of the CAPE Unit. These include the need to better understand the role of pastoral women in peace and conflict; understanding the strengths and weaknesses of different methodologies for working with pastoral women on conflict issues and finally, how the CAPE Unit might improve its practice and approaches in the field. This presentation also described the origins and rationale behind the conflict transformation work of the CAPE Unit and gave a full account of the evolution of the methods used by the Unit to tackle pastoral conflict. The presentation gave particular weight to describing the method of the alokita or women’s peace crusade that has been developed by the CAPE Unit. Discussion focussed on the extent to which alokita could raise the status of pastoral women outside of the specific crusade, and how lamentations by women may have more impact through this method. Dr Nathalie Gomes of IFRA made a presentation based on her experience in Karamoja and Wajir. Women do play important roles, both positive and negative, with regard to raiding. It is important though to look at the reasons for why women might support or condone raiding. According to Dr Gomes, these are liking to include a pressing need for milk or cash to pay for healthcares costs. A second major reason is the need for cattle for bridewealth. Because so often fathers lack the animals to pay the bridewealth for their sons, the son has little alternative but to engage in raiding. These causes are not often directly addressed by outside actors. This presentation also stressed the importance of using the peace meeting format carefully. In part, this is because outside organisations do not invest time in understanding who are the important elders to invite to the meeting, and in part, because elders may find it challenging to sit in meetings where women are allowed to speak freely. While alokita is a useful concept, there are other emerging approaches including animal recovery and cooling the family, cattle camp monitoring systems and cattle camp security groups. The discussion raised the issues of who where the appropriate actors to undertake immediate response to raids and how and when peace meetings could be best made use of. Nuria Abdullahim from the Wajir Peace and Development Committee presented the background to the Committee and why it was that women were so vital in this process. She also outlined the activities that the Wajir women undertook at the time of the crisis. Participants took the opportunity to discuss the wider role of political change in transforming conflict and the role of the government in animal recovery. Roselyn Mwatha Mungai of Oxfam-GB outlined the work of Oxfam in establishing the National Steering Committee for Kenya, as well as describing the linkages to policy from the district and community level. This presentation stressed the positive contribution women can play, for

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example Mandera Women for Peace are co-ordinating all of the peace-building efforts in Mandera. The discussion considered whether networks or more formal structures were appropriate at the grassroots levels. This is both from the perspective of representing and being accessible to both women and to youths. Dekha Ibhahim Abdi of the Coalition for Peace in Africa set out a number of ways that her experience has shown women can lead in peacemaking. Women use a softer approach which therefore leads to more durable results. Women are happy to work behind the scenes as well as centre stage to negotiate. They are also particularly well suited to acting as catalysts of peace to show other people what they themselves are capable of. On the other hand, women also have a lot to lose as peacemakers ranging from unemployment and divorce to death. The discussion focused on whether there was an exclusive women-specific way of working and how conflict can alter gender roles under certain circumstances. Cathy Watson’s presentation gave the context for her own research and presented some of her ideas on the impact of conflict on women and giving more detail on the specific roles of women in both peace-building and in encouraging conflict. Songs and blessing, cajoling, privately influencing their husbands and acting of symbols of peace are all import contributions to peace or conflict. The main opportunities identified for peace-building include: using the symbolic role of women in peace; using women’s informal power in the household; opening formal opportunities for women to speak; boosting influential women and supporting intercommunity trade and friendship links. Participants agreed and described the significant role that women play in building peace within their own community. They also clarified their roles as mediators with other communities due to their ability to travel and the perception that they are less threatening than men. Women’s informal power, the ability to influence decision makers outside of structures such as committees or traditional councils, was highlighted as one of the most significant aspects of women’s role in peace building. Many examples were given where women had acted collectively or individually in this sphere to persuade men to renounce violence through acts such as refusing to cook for men. However, while such actions demonstrate considerable impacts, there may be questions as to the extent to which it is legitimate for external actors such as CBOs and NGOs to deliberately seek to encourage women to take action in the most privates of spheres. Informal power may be contrasted with the participation of women in public traditional or modern structures such as ‘councils of men’ or District Peace and Development Committees. Participation in such public fora has been encouraged by many groups and will continue to be encouraged. Nevertheless, two concerns emerged during the seminar. Firstly, it may be the case that committees that operate at the district level or above have a tendency to include women who due to the nature of their education and employment may be rather distant from the day to day life and concerns of pastoral communities themselves. Secondly, as District Peace and Development Committees have been established in most of the Arid and Semi-Arid areas of Kenya, there is now a focus on locational and ‘village level’ structures. Participants were unable to come to a view as to whether it is desirable to reproduce the kinds of committee structures that have proven successful at district level at the lower levels. Closer to the grassroots, this kind of committee could prove more unwieldy and bureaucratic than, for example, relying on ‘networks’ of elders and women to work with counterparts in other communities. An additional dimension to this issue is the importance attached in many approaches to working with traditional institutions, many of which have very little to offer women’s

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participation in decision making. It may be the case that working uncritically with existing social institutions will be just as unempowering for women as committee type structures held in urban locations. Better understanding the social structures and norms of the communities where we work was one of the key messages of the seminar. This has a range of impacts from identifying ‘the wrong’ elders to misinterpreting (or worse) important rituals and sites. In this context, it is vital not only to understand the various types of influence that women have over decision makers and over conflict and peace directly, but also to fully appreciate the roles of other grassroots stakeholders such as elders of differing seniority, ‘seers’ and ‘warriors’ themselves. Another key learning from the seminar is the importance of rapid-response as demonstrated by groups in Wajir and elsewhere. Having a group of elders be able to respond to violent incidents and firstly pacify the victims and secondly track the culprits and interact with the elders in their community cannot be understated. Women can, and do play a role in this function and it is one that many participants felt could be strengthened. Finally, in contrast to rapid response roles, the seminar also reviewed the potential of pastoral women to contribute to tackling the root causes of conflict. While the seminar did not have time to review all of the causes of conflict, it was nevertheless agreed that women had an important role to play in tackling issues such as high bridewealth price, the proliferation of small arms and light weapons and environmental degradation. Tackling these deeper drivers of conflict may be best undertaken through women’s informal power since in addressing many of these drivers, we would be addressing deeply embedded social norms and institutions. Given the nature of these changes, outside actors are faced not only with the challenge flagged above, of the extent to which it is legitimate to use private life to engender social change, but also with the challenge of recognising the length of the timescales needed to work on such causes and to ensure that social change is genuinely community driven. While raising these tensions, participants nevertheless managed to identify and catalogue many of the positive contributions that pastoral women do make towards peace and they made valuable first steps in beginning out outline how agencies can improve their ways of working with pastoral women.

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Presentations Presentation 1: Richard Grahn, Pastoral Conflict Initiative, CAPE Unit, AU/IBAR

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Pastoral Women as Peacemakers– observations and points for discussion

16 April 2003Richard Grahn

CAPE Unit

The aim of the presentation is to set the scene for the day and to give an overview of the current level of understanding within AU/IBAR of the role of pastoral women in peace and conflict.

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Guiding Questions for the Day

1. What is the role of pastoral women in peace and conflict in the communities where we work?

2. What are the strengths and weaknesses of different methodologies for working with pastoral women?

3. How can the CAPE Unit improve its practice and approaches in the field?

The CAPE Unit has been working with women for 3 years now, but has decided to take this opportunity to reflect on the work and also draw on some comparative experiences. The three main aims of the day are to 1. Better understand the role of pastoral women in conflict – a ‘basic research’ question 2. Compare the strengths and weaknesses of different methodologies for working with pastoral women 3. Gather ideas for how the CAPE Unit can improve its ways of working with pastoral women in the field All three of these aims are supported by the work of Cathy Watson, our gender consultant

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• Poverty while declining globally remains entrenched in SSA

• As elsewhere, the poor depend more on livestock

• The 20 million pastoralists and 240 million agro-pastoralists in SSA are among the most poor and marginalised

Premises of CAPE Unit Work - I

CAPE Unit is a poverty-driven project, grounded in the fact that livestock keepers in sub-saharan Africa are among the poorest people in the world They are also more numerous than one might imagine – 240 million if one includes agro-pastoralists

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Premises of CAPE Unit Work - II

Promoting sustainable alternative animal health services will

• decrease losses • and increase natural, human and financial

capital of livestock keepers and decrease vulnerability to shocks

BUT conflict a major impediment to providingsuch sustainable animal health services

�

There is of course, a strong link between livestock assets and the wellbeing of those who depend on them. It is for this reason that CAPE focuses on the health of these animal assets – improving the health of animals improves the health of the people that depend on them The animal health component of CAPE’s work requires a strong engagement with elders. For example, in the case of rinderpest vaccination – elders were persuaded to promote vaccinatation but also to work to guarantee the security of the field vets operating in unsafe areas. AU/IBAR has been working to reduce pastoral conflict in the Karamojong Cluster since 1999. This work is used to reduce conflict to levels where animal health and other services can be developed with these communities by other partners.

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Eastern Horn Af

West Eritrea/Ea

Karamoja

East NileWest Nile

Greater Serenge

Eastern Horn

CAPE Areas of Operation

Again taking the example of rinderpest, there is a significant overlap between rinderpest clusters and conflict areas. These are the areas where vets have not been able to penetrate to vaccinate animals as well as areas where it is too unsafe to establish community based animal health services. They include areas in Southern Sudan, areas in Somalia and areas within Karamoja cluster It is for this reason that the CAPE Unit began to undertake conflict management work in the Karamoja Cluster which consists of the border areas of Sudan, Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia

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Origins of Pastoral Conflict Initiative

Elders’ Meetings

(Border HarmonisationMeetings)

Formal and informal peace meetings in urban settlements

Elders and seers assumed to be major power-brokers

Grazing Lands

Meetings

An attempt to engage youths more directly in process of CPMR

Continuing with this strategy

Involving pastoral women

Suggested by youths

Women proposed ‘alokita’ idea

Our early attempts at conflict management targeted traditional elders, as we assumed them to be the main power-holders within pastoral communities Based on this assumption, we held formal and informal workshops and peace meetings in urban settlements around the Cluster. However, over time, peace workers became aware that while elders were willing to participate meaningfully in peace processes, those actively carrying out raids and acts of banditry, the youths and warriors, were not being fully engaged in the processes of peacebuilding. Responding to this challenge, the CAPE Unit began to hold peace meetings between conflicting communities in the contested grazing areas themselves. These meetings began to engage youths more directly in the processes of reflecting on the causes of conflict. Although this strategy is still in place, it has been supplemented by a suggestion of the youths and women themselves that CAPE involve women more directly in the processes. During the Women’s Border Harmonization Workshop in Lokichoggio in April 2001, the participants suggested that the CAPE Unit use a different approach for promoting peace and resolving conflict, the alokita, or Women's Peace Crusade.

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‘Alokita’ – the Women’s Peace Crusade

• Alokita a’ ngaberu – ‘a group of women united for a purpose’ appeasing evil spirits, praising elders in exchange for animals, raising demands or grievances

• Women act as ambassadors of peace bearing messages through songs, poems, dances and speeches to neighbouring communities usually in the grazing areas

• WPC differs in that it includes the communities along an entire border and serves to initiate a dialogue. This dialogue is then followed up with further meetings between the particular communities involved. The approach also differs in that it focuses on the women who have suffered from cattle raids, rather than solely involving the men.

While the purpose of other peace activities facilitated by the CAPE Unit is to discuss specific conflicts between particular communities and arrive at concrete ways of resolving conflicts, the Women’s Peace Crusade differs in that it includes the communities along an entire border and serves to initiate a dialogue. This dialogue is then followed up with further meetings between the particular communities involved. The approach also differs in that it focuses on the women who have suffered from cattle raids, rather than solely involving the men. These women are used as ambassadors of peace, conveying their experiences and expressing messages of peace through songs, poems, dances, and speeches. Men and raiders also participate in the crusades.

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Women’s Peace Crusades to Date

• Turkana-Toposa-Nyanagtom-Didinga WPC June/July 2001

• The Lukumong-Ngimonia-Woyakwara-Ng'ikamatak WPC August 2001

• Turkana-Toposa WPC during Toposa akikutan(age set transfer ceremony) February 2002

• Turkana - Pokot WPC November 2002

Turkana-Toposa-Nyanagtom-Didinga Women’s Peace Crusade in June/July 2001 was the first WPC. It travelled from Turkana (Kwatella) areas to Toposa areas in Southern Sudan. Previously Nyangatom-Toposa-Turkana peace had been made in Lotimor. But neither Turkana nor Toposa have kept their word. The peace that was made in 1999 is 'still lingering' The Lukumong-Ngimonia-Woyakwara-Ng'ikamatak WPC August 2001 was the second Women's Peace Crusade The aim was to tackle the trouble spots of Kaabong in Dodoth County and the epiding of Tepes in Uganda. The Didinga are already at peace with the Dodoth. Previous peace agreements: Dodoth-Turkana in 2000 to allow the Turkana grazing rights in Dodothlands. The Matheniko and Tepes have had a peace pact since 1973. Turkana-Toposa WPC took place during the Toposa akikutan (age set transfer ceremony) in February 2002. It was a peace-making activity following a large scale conflict on 21 December 2001 when 35 Turkana and 130 Toposa were killed

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Turkana-Pokot WPC - I

• 14 days Lokitonyala/Alale, Kasitet, Kiwawa, Kasei,Lorogon, Samakituk/Masol, Lomut, Kolowa, Chemolingot,Kapedo, and Lokori in November 2002

•Teresa Chegem, a Pokot woman from Alale, even the raiders "don’t lead a good life. They leave their wives widowed and their children as orphans. For those who survive, they are poor because they can’t survive due to the inconsistency of their number of cattle."

Lonyangmulele and Lonyangalu, Turkana and Pokot raiders, discuss their role in the conflict

As an example, here are some more details from the Turkana-Pokot Women’s Peace Crusade which took place towards the end of 2002 Women travel, eat and sleep together during the crusade which usually lasts between 10 and 14 days. Elders and youths also participate. The two raiders in the picture are well know sharp-shooters from rival communities.

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Turkana - Pokot WPC – IIOutcomes

Resolutions•Applying sanctions against thieves, including a fine system for stolen animals, with government involvement to assist in enforcing sanctions•Creation of Village Peace Committees •Preventing raiders from other areas from passing through the border by way of a joint security patrol of Pokot and Turkana youth to control this area•Women cursing their sons and husbands who go for raids•Creating resource sharing agreements for negotiating access to grazing areas•Burying the hatchet, the ultimate sign of commitment to live in peace

Teresa Chegem, a Pokot woman and Maria Natarak, Turkana, stand together to describe how they have suffered from raids

Peace crusades also come up with resolutions for the future management of conflict and for tackling raiding. These are the resolutions from the Turkana – Pokot women’s peace crusade

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Lokori Division Peace MeetingCommunities resolved to meet again immediately after the meeting on 7 and 8 February and then to assemble at Lochuakula on 12 February in order to select the peace committees

Lochuakala DivisionThe intention of the meeting was to inaugurate peace committeesand mobile peace patrols made up of the youths of both communities to prevent the frequent clashes

Immedia te fo llow up in Sigor, Kainuk, Lokwamosing

Turkana Pokot WPC – IIIOutcomes

It also vital that the peace crusade activity, a very intense burst of energy is followed up by both the CAPE Unit and community leaders. Follow up in Lochuakula has focused establishing peace committees and joint security patrols by youths from both communities. Likewise in Lokori, the communities were keen to establish peace committees.

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Role of Pastoral Women in Peace and Conflict

in Karamojong Cluster Societies

• Freer to travel than men as not seen as a threat

• Asked for blessing by youths ‘nging’orokonyang’before raids

• Power of persuasion over husband in the private sphere/home

• Also have the power to curse those who break peace agreements

• Engage in trading for agricultural commodities with neighbouring communities

• Women known to incite raids in times of scarcity/hardship

• Incitement of revenge attacks following raids

• Songs to prompt husbands/youths to raid

• Tolerate stolen bridewealth in spite of public statements –perpetuating an underlying cause

• Lack public voice in traditional societies

• Support culture of raiding through idolisation of raiders

• Intermarriage

The CAPE Unit is beginning a process of reflection on how we can improve our work with women. At present, we have a degree of understanding of the role of women. The role is both positive and negative. Women are able to travel to rival communities as they are not perceived as such a threat. They also hold the power of both blessing and cursing raiders. They are also known to encourage raiding though public incitement such as singing of songs criticising the lack of animals, and private incitement inside the household. We also note that as with men, there is a disconnect between public statements and actions. For example, women may claim that the are against raiding for bridewealth, but feel that they could not reject the animals once they have been taken by the youths.

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Positive Intervening FactorsExamples• Mediation by CBOs/NGOs• Interventions by elders• Traditional peace agreements

Proximatecauses

Further violent

acts

Stand-offtensionNo go areas

NegotiationConciliation

A Simple Model of Pastoral Conflict

TRIGGER ACT• Cattle raid• Abduction of women

or children• Revenge attack• Infringement of

territory• Incitement/Provocation• Need for cattle for

bridewealth

Structural causes

Negative Intervening FactorsExamples• Political manipulation of raiders• Incitement by community

members

The CAPE Unit is also trying to develop it’s understanding of the root causes of conflict in pastoral communities. (We divide these into Structural 17 and Proximate18 causes). Our interest is to see how each actor’s actions can challenge both the Trigger Acts and the root causes of conflict.

17 Structural causes: ‘Background factors that enhance the likelihood of armed conflict’ They change only slowly over time. • colonial history (use as a buffer zone, training and arming communities, closed districts) • location of borders • cultural traditions (bridewealth, raiding, initiation rites) • economic context (poverty, livestock dependence, limited national integration) • long term environmental factors such as rangeland degradation • erosion of traditional systems of conflict management and intra-community discipline such as the age-set system 18 Proximate causes ‘Factors that, when combined with structural causes can lead to armed conflict’ They are closer in time to the outbreak of conflict and change more quickly in time. • poor governance • limited police capacity to respond to violence • availability of automatic weapons • commercial cattle raiding • environmental ‘shocks’ such as poor rainfall, animal diseases

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Guiding Questions for the Day

1. What is the role of pastoral women in peace and conflict in the communities where we work?

2. What are the strengths and weaknesses of different methodologies for working with pastoral women?

3. How can the CAPE Unit improve its practice and approaches in the field?

Women as initiators of raids and other attacks Relations with other stakeholders elders, seers, youths – what authority over these groups in the public and private spheres How have other groups sought to make use of the role of women in peace and way?

Discussion: Rebecca Cheromo: One of the problems that we have noted in pastoral women is that they have very low self-esteem, and this has made it difficult for us to work with them. How do you take that into account? Richard Grahn: This is not a problem that we have adequately tackled. The women who are included in the Alokita tend to be those who have already been acknowledged within the community as having the right to speak out. Additionally, the crusades have a lot of momentum as they draw a lot of attention. Because of this, we are able to involve all manner of women. Seeing that some women are speaking out, this attracts many other women to the crusade and encourages them. We haven’t fully explored this impact though and I would say that we have not had much of an impact on women who are less confidant of taking on these public roles. Viola Mukasa: It is interesting that the women are able to impact in terms of their lamentations. But, if it is a tradition, and this has not been having an impact all of these years, why would it have an impact now? Richard Grahn: Bringing women together in a public forum, alongside women from communities with whom they are in conflict, to share these lamentations and grievances may be able to give the articulation of their concerns a little more power than they otherwise would have in the traditional setting.

Presentation Two: Dr Nathalie Gomes, French Institute for Research in Africa (IFRA) I will discuss the role of women in peacebuilding, the strengths and weaknesses of the approaches, and how they can be improved. Most of my work focuses on the research that I have carried out in Karamoja recently and in Wajir.

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The key negative influence that women have is through blessing the raiders. The key positive impacts that they make are through traditional practices. For example, breastfeeding mothers from different communities such as Jie and Dodoth will feed one another’s babies across the lines of conflict as an act of symbolic alliance. It is also important to understand why women support or condone raiding, I would argue that the key reason women do this is economic. For example, they may not have enough milk to sustain their household from their existing animals, or they may plan to sell an animal to obtain cash, for example, to pay for healthcare. The second main reason is bridewealth. Because the family often cannot meet the cost of bridewealth, the son is left with no alternative but to raid. This is partly due to poverty – simply not having the animals needed. It also relates to the structural opposition in the relationship between the father and sons. The father will often refuse to provide the necessary livestock to cover the bridewealth of his first son and will instead use his livestock to obtain a second wife. These causes are not often addressed directly. I have never, for example, seen a woman in a peace meeting request that her husband prioritise the bridewealth of sons over him marrying another wife himself. The primary impacts of conflict on women are in deaths of sons and husbands. There is an increase in widow inheritance and since women are more and more targeted by raiders expecially when the collect firewood and wild fruits in the bush, many children are left orphaned. This has not been adequately addressed as yet by the interventions of outside organisations. There has been an increase in the number of peace meetings both in Karamoja and Wajir, to the point that people are tired of the practice. What I find in all of these peace approaches is that there is no anthropological clarity. For example, when one uses the generic term ‘elders’ one fails to take into account the different seniority status of elders. Sometimes a 20 year old can be a senior elder. It is not because a person is old that he has power. The criteria for choosing elders to participate in peace meetings have not been adequately studied. To get the ‘real’ senior elders from the village to attend a peace meeting is very costly in terms of time spent understanding the community. It also means that meetings often include the ‘wrong’ elders to represent the community. There is another problem with the peace meetings trying to include kraal leaders, elders, and women. Women are not usually allowed to attend the traditional council, so, in bringing women, one wonders whether the elders will sit with women if you also want the elders to come. When looking at peace committees, there are many different levels. If one is looking at the Village Peace Committees, there is a problem of representation. In Wajir, the Rapid Response team has done an excellent job. This is a key practice for the future, which can prevent the cycle of revenge from taking off by responding to incidences of conflict promptly. Women can play a significant role there. This is important to have these people and the ability to send a team which includes women, just to cool people down. The alokita is also a useful approach. In Kotido and Moroto, people were happy with this concept. It is a positive awareness-raising initiative. One also needs to look other roles, for example how women might be better used in the recovery of animals. There is a CBO called KOPEIN which is based in Kotido. It has developed a new approach in animal recovery. When animals have been taken, they send people to ‘cool down’ the family, and then track the footprints of the animals to the village where they were taken. They then approach the leaders of the village and ask them to gather the elders and try to return the animals.

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Related to moving the peace meetings from the trading centres to grazing areas, we also looked at kraal monitoring systems, in which women can have a role in reporting tensions as they develop. A final emerging approach is kraal security groups. When there is no one in the village, you must rely on the kraal, particularly the kraal leader for security. This practice is one we’ve witnessed and we’d like to see reinforced, and I feel sure that women can play a key role in this process.

Discussion: Stella Sabiiti: In Africa in general, the women do not have to be involved in the actual discussions to make an influence. Women have an influence behind closed doors. When the men speak, everyone knows that they are speaking on behalf of the women as well because the women will have influenced them already during the evenings and before the meetings. Nathalie Gomes: When you have to choose people to act as peacemakers, you have to be very careful. You have to make sure they have the respect of the community. If you send someone who is not a leader, the people will lose respect for the initiative. Richard Grahn: Would you say that KOPEIN an example of an intercommunity response? Nathalie Gomes: The foreign priests of the area, who tried to convince the elders, started the initiative. The task has now been given to a young Jie man, who has been very successful. With KOPEIN, Romano actively cooperated with the UPDF in animal recovery. The commander would use him to negotiate with the victims of a cattle raid before any repressive action is undertaken. This should be emulated. Richard Grahn: The CAPE Unit undertakes similar activities such as returning stolen animals and pacification after raids. It is very time-consuming and resource-intensive as we are working in such a large area. We hopefully will be able to discuss who should be taking on this role later on during the seminar. Dekha Ibrahim: When looking at the role of women in the council, it is not necessary for them to sit there for their opinion to be shared. One way for this is to take place is to have separate meetings for men and women, where they can share their knowledge. Women are able to find ways to contribute. Around the tracking of the footprints, the DCs of North Eastern created a mechanism of handling it, which was enabling the elders to follow the footprints. Once they found the area where the animals had been taken, they could then determine the appropriate way to respond. Selline Korir: I agree that people are tired of meetings, but they are one of the better avenues for bringing the communities together to discuss. We need to emphasize and look at who is attending the meeting, and what are we doing with the solutions that come out of the meetings. Nathalie Gomes: Peace meetings are organised when conflicts have already escalated into wars . These other initiatives I already mentioned such as rapid response teams or KOPEIN both involved animal recovery are more preventative than curative. Rebecca Cherono: I think we need to critically look at the meetings. People can have a peace meeting even when they are still fighting.

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Presentation Three: Nuria Abdullahim, Wajir Peace and Development Committee

ROLE OF WOMEN IN PEACE-BUILDING

In response to violent conflicts and insecurity in Wajir district, the women came together to raise their concern about the issue since they constituted the heaviest casualties at times of conflict contrary to the traditional conflicts where women and children were spared. Women as mothers, wives, sisters and daughters can play a big role in bringing about peace. Every man who carries a gun and kills, comes from a home, where there is a mother, wife, sister who give support behind the curtains. If they say no to the killings, raiding etc , the men will think twice before acting. Since the Somali women have the capacity to fuel war or encourage peace.

I will talk about the role of women in Wajir, and not specifically about the Wajir initiative. When we were in a crisis and the whole district was up in crisis, the women felt that they had a right to intervene. The elders were engaged in the conflict and motivating the youth to fight. The women took the initiative and decided to come together and mobilize because they felt it was their task to come together. In that particular conflict, the heaviest casualties were women, and so women saw that they had a role. They decided to come together as women, wives, and sisters. They came together and raised their concern because the Somali men said that the women had the ability to either fuel conflict or bring peace. So they came together, because every man who carries a gun has women in his life. If the women refuse to cook for their men and come together and say no to the killing and the raids, they will have an impact

The Wajir Women realised that they had to do something about this situation that impacted negatively on them. So they had to play a major role in peacebuilding thus taking the option of encouraging peace.

Ironically the Somali traditions, women’s role in conflict mitigation is often unrecognised as evidenced in some traditional beliefs embedded in proverbs that suggest that where there is “breast there can be no brain”. But the Women in Wajir have proved those proverbs wrong.Traditionally women were not allowed to participate in the ‘shir’ (meeting) where elders resolved conflict. Today this has changed and women play a major role in decision making especially when it comes to issues pertaining to peace and conflict.

The Wajir women, after coming together, started mobilizing the men and the youth. That was not enough though, so they brought the government on board. They brought all of these people together, and they were able to bring warring groups together. Women started the initiatives because they knew that they could not do it alone. There is a Somali proverb that says one finger alone cannot do anything, but a whole hand . . . They knew that when all those people came together, they could do a lot.

The role of Women in Peace Building:

Women have a great role to play in peace building.The Wajir peacebuilding initiative initially came from women but later spread to the elders, youth, religious leaders and eventually to the Provincial Administration. It culminated in the institutionalisation of the initiative and the formation of the Wajir Peace and Development Committee.

It was imperative to involve the other stakeholders since peace is a collective responsibility.

Women were not used as an entry point, but they knew that it was necessary that they sensitise the entire community. They did so in the following ways:

• Women can spread the word of peace in the neighbourhood.

• Women convinced men to discard the culture of violence.

• In the Somali community, it is considered that women have no tribe, they can cross boundaries more easily.

• Rumour is considered an early warning of conflict, and women are the best listeners.

• Women are easy to mobilize because they are soft-hearted and often lead their families.

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Why Women were used as an entry point

Wajir Women were not used as entry point but decided to intervene and advocate for peace since they were tired of seeing their sons, husbands and relatives killed daily. They found it necessary to pioneer the peace process to the advantage of the entire community.They are the custodians of a culture of peace hence must use that opportunity to spread the word of peace in the neighbourhood.They are able to convince the men to discard the culture of violence, while men believe that war started by women never ends.

They are soft hearted and appeal to both the victims and armed gangs.It is a belief in the Somali community that a woman has no tribe and therefore they can provide a bridge between the warring parties.Rumour is an indicator of the early signs of conflict and since women are good listeners, they are the first to get such rumours hence they act as a vital source of information.Being the most affected members of any society during conflict, they are easy to mobilize

What were the activities?

• Monitoring the early warning indicators at the marketplace

• Training other as peacebuilders • Sensitising communities using poems and

proverbs (In a conflict, a son is killed, but never born)

• Helped victims • Mobilized resources for the displaced • Moved actively as members of the rapid response

team • Conduct civic education • Address and lobby on women’s rights

Activities of a wajirwomen for peace

1. They monitor the early warning indicators of conflict at public places e.g. markets, water points.

2. Some members of Women for Peace train others on conflict handling skills (at the District, Province and regional level)

3. They sensitize the community on the negative impacts of conflicts, using proverbs and poems.

4. They lobby and advocate for the victims of violence at different forums.

Traditionally, women are not allowed to sit in the meetings. But, today, because their role has been recognized, they are allowed to sit. One elder said at one meeting, ‘Before, I believed the saying that where there are breasts, there is no brain. But, because of the efforts of these women, I have seen where there are breasts, there is brain.’

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Discussion: Nathalie Gomes: What was the more relevant action in restoring peace, The District Peace and Development Committee, or the changes in the constituencies that were re-divided (along clan lines)? Dekha Ibrahim: I do not think that the conflict has been resolved. The division of Wajir North out of Wajir West has caused yet more conflict. The conflict of Wajir North, which spilled into Ethiopia and beyond, is still there. For us, that created a bigger conflict. At the personal level, though, there has been some transformation. The 2002 elections showed us that there has been movement towards peace. The underlying causes are still there, compounded by the re-carving. But there has been a mental shift. Nuria Abdullahi: This initiative had a lot to do with the resolving of the conflict. Our neighbours are trying to use our methods, the combination of traditional and modern methods. This has been a major step. Nathalie Gomes: The problem with the implementation of the Al Fatah Declaration in Wajir District relates to the confiscation of the animals of the clan of the suspect of a cattle raid until he is released by his community. It applies a collective punishment reminiscent of colonial days and the impounded animals are kept in ‘jail’ and not properly taken care of by the government security personnel. This does not mean that government forces should not be actively involved in animal recovery in partnership with the community representatives and the peace organisations. Nuria Abdullahi: That is why we have the partnership with the government. The government said you have no role in the conflict. It’s only when the elders require assistance that the government comes in. Once the guns are taken and the animals are taken, that’s where we need the government to intervene. Because, if they won’t do it voluntarily, we need government support.

Presentation Four: Roselyn Mwatha Mungai, Oxfam-GB Oxfam works at two levels, at the national and district level. At the national level, our main activity has been the creation of a framework within the government for the coordination of peacebuilding activities. We have been involved in creating the National Steering Committee on Peace-building, Conflict Management, Small Arms, etc, in order to create a coordinated effort. Now people are asking, what should be the priority in this NSC? And why is Oxfam a part of the initiative? The purpose of Oxfam’s involvement in this agenda is to advocate and lobby at that level because we realize that without working at this level, our impact at all other levels will be reduced. At the District level, Nuria mentioned some of the initiatives. We work with other communities at grassroots level, including DCs, NGOs and CBOs in the arid districts. Wajir is one of them, which we can see as a role model. Before we go into a particular district, we call a stakeholder meeting. In response to our earlier discussion, I would question whether it is that people are tired of meetings themselves, or is it the outcome of the meetings that is being questioned? At one meeting I visited, the elders were saying that they did not know what to do with these declarations about peace. There is, therefore, in their view no point in attending these meetings because nothing meaningful comes out of them.

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In terms of the involvement of women, I am observing greater participation of women. One of the initiatives taking place in our work is training for community peace-building activities. We have to fulfill our role as women, but we also need to recognize that sometimes women do not participate because they lack the information to do so. Our belief is that women can act as drivers of conflict, but they can also be drivers of the peace process. They stand to lose more because they are maimed and have to become heads of households. How do you shift them to being peace drivers instead of conflict drivers? Through training. In three of our districts where we work, women lead the peace initiatives. In Garrissa’s Pastoral Peace and Development Initiative for example, women play a significant role. A stakeholders meeting came up with this committee. The fact that the stakeholders are comfortable with women leading their efforts is significant. At the recent burning of small arms in Uhuru Gardens, the peace committees from throughout the country were able to choose one person to speak on their behalf. The person that they selected was a woman. This is significant and shows that women are gaining credibility. In Mandera, Mandera Women for Peace is coordinating all of the efforts in the district. Over the years, their credibility has been increased and the elders are accepting this sort of leadership. Originally, the elders felt that it was their responsibility, but they have been willing to share responsibility. In terms of communities selecting elders to participate in peace initiatives traditionally, the Samburu would send the young men, because the meetings had an externally driven agenda. ‘We had to send someone sharp enough, able to communicate in Swahili.’ The question of who to send for the meetings needs to be addressed. Also, who calls for these meetings? District? NGO’s? Communities? Oxfam has not yet documented its experiences in mainstreaming women in these initiatives. We are hoping to see in the National Steering Committee, a specific role for women. We have documented our lessons learned from our conflict work and we will be having a workshop to discuss these lessons. The next lessons that we will document are the experiences of women in peacebuilding. Discussion Nuria Abdullahi: For us in Wajir, a Rapid Response is any team amongst the peace committees, which is determined by the location of the conflict. We identify the people best suited for handling the conflicts in each area. It is not a specified group of people, it’s any people who are best placed to respond. Nathalie Gomes: Similar to the loose groupings of people in the Rapid Response Teams, in Karamoja, we have thought about this as a network system, as opposed to a formal group or peace committee. Rebecca Cherono: Are elders the key actors in these meetings? In some areas, we are finding out that the youth involved in these raids no longer seek out the approval of elders prior to raids. Maybe we should revisit the idea that elders are the ones we should work with. When we talk about government involvement in committees, we need to think about how effective these committees really are, with government involvement.

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Selline Korir: I think we need to identify what has worked at specific levels, what efforts have made an impact. As we recognize the role of each and every person in the community, it is important that we accept that there are some activities that have worked at certain levels that can be renovated. Michael Otto: Who are the people called to the meeting or sent to the meeting? Why are people refusing to attend? In Torit, people say the elders, NGOs, and DOT are holding meetings because they are seeking to make money. The youth do not even want the elders there, because they say it is them, they young men, who are the ones involved, and the issue is cattle. In Kidepo, the youth have come together to decide on peace without the involvement of the elders. They claim that they do not want the elders involved because they say those people have talked peace before and nothing has happened. Sabdiyo Dido: We have also seen that the courses of conflict are diverse. There are natural resource related conflicts, which can be dealt with through traditional mechanisms. There are also politicized conflicts though, in which traditional mechanisms are not as useful. For the traditional conflicts, the traditional structures can take care of this. What sort of setup has been used to deal with politically instigated conflict? Wasye Musyoni: In Mbale district, we have had some relevant experiences of dealing with politically motivated conflict. In 1997, the way communities responded was through creating a district committee. But, the youth were being left out, so they decided to create specific sub-committees for youth and women. Different committees for different conflicts. What that does is raise the issue of a big district committee that will oversee. Selline Korir: NCCK came in to intervene at different levels. We set up Village Peace Committees, which included people at all different levels. Then, we looked specifically at the Councilors, some of whom who had been identified as instigators of conflict. We also worked at the parliamentary level so that they could share the views of their constituencies. We had to create a committee in those communities, as NCCK is not actually in those areas. Viola Mukasa: Very often, we identify a set of people, say they’re the experts on peace, and then they prescribe the same formulas. We need to identify different points through which we can work and identify different solutions for different problems.

Presentation Five: Dekha Ibrahim Abdi, Coalition for Peace in Africa I am a member of the Coalition for Peace in Africa, which is a network, and hence, this makes it difficult to present on our work because we do not own anything. There is a loose network in the whole of Africa working with various peace initiatives. COPA came into being in 1995. The thinking behind it was for Africans to be a resource for one another in responding to conflict. I remember a Teso who asked us to help resolve the issues with the Karamojong and Turkana. We tried to find the linkages between Karamojong Cluster and the situation in Wajir. COPA saw its role as finding the connections between conflicts and spreading those lessons. Our work with women encompasses the following main roles :

1. There wasn’t an entry point. Women simply acted because they were caught in the middle of the problem and they wanted to react. No one gave us the space. We created the space. In Gulu, women created a support group, and then decided that they could bring overall change. Others started as a preventative strategy.

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2. In 1997, COPA was trying to take a preventative strategy. We saw there were problems in Mandera, but we realized we had no right to tell them that things weren’t right. So, we had a workshop to bring the actors together, which led to the Mandera Women for Peace

3. Women are particularly well suited for acting as a catalyst, inviting people from other areas, and helping them to see what they could do in their area. In some areas, religious and cultural issues limited the participation of women. It was difficult for Christian men to give women a role, for example, so we invited other people to see how other religions and cultures were enabling women to lead. We spread our work to other areas.

The area where I will focus is on the strategic bit that women can play, not just their reactionary roles. I want to link the idea of thinking strategically and expanding the network. I also want to link the roles of women in public and private sphere. Women do a lot of peace building in the private sphere. How do you know men are consulting with the women in their lives? You will hear them ask for time to deal with sticky issues, meaning that they need time to consult women. There is a Somali proverb that says, ‘even that old woman by the fence, you will need her.’ These women will not have a formal role, but they will throw out ideas. Young women, while tending to livestock, will throw a word. Elderly woman suggests something else. These ideas are the things that the men collect. On this issue of consultation in the private sphere, women are consulted all the time. Most of our network members recognize that women do a lot of work in the private sphere. When they are in an advanced age, beyond the mothering role, they go to public sphere. Age is what gives them the power to become public peace makers. A woman’s respect increases with time. How do women undertake peacemaking strategically? I want to link COPA, the government, and Oxfam into the NSC. We realized that all local initiatives needed to be accompanied by a national component. Anything that happens at a small level needs to be linked into the others. In finding a link, or entry point, to the government, we found that district level was appropriate. ALRMP is a World Bank funded project. We used them as an entry point to the Kenyan government. In order to create the National Steering Committee, it was women in Wajir talking to women at the Nairobi level, selling the idea behind the scenes. Women met on weekends, and spread our ideas, and found a way to get to the government. At that time, Oxfam didn’t have a good relationship with government, so we went behind the scenes and were able to do this. Special qualities of women that enable them to be successful as peacemakers:

• Softness of approach and therefore durability of the results • Using other spaces to negotiate (working behind the scenes) has allowed us to have the

NSC, which enables us to link local level peace making and national level policy work. It’s not the issue of let’s have women on the NSC, but we need to look at what added role women will bring, what is their special advantage.

• At the coordination level, women are multi-tasked but have focus. Women gain energy in conflict, while men break down. They are also resourceful. It took four years to negotiate behind the scenes to train the district commissioners.

• Women also draw on a spectrum of linkages for example involving friends, family and not just colleagues

There has always been a clash of values and approach. The Kenyan government wanted to use a forceful approach, while women wanted to use soft approach. Women were working behind the scenes to change the approach. Men can only look at each other as colleagues. Women have many other links.

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There are risks for women in getting involved with peacebuilding. Peacebuilding is difficult. Women get killed. They get intimidated. They get divorced. Their marriages come under stress. There can be a loss of employment, loss of friends and family, because you are going to the other side. It is a dangerous work. You will be labeled as a traitor and given names. Age is a very important element. Contribution, at both the public and private sphere, is important. Networking is important. If women have to succeed, you need to take the evil out of the work, and give a chance to the other, women need to support one another and step back if something is not their sphere. Peace building is about developing the other, developing your neighbor. To talk about peace in Kenya, you have to talk about peace in the neighboring area. The essence of peace is looking at what’s around you. Discussion Viola Mukasa: Is there really a women’s way? If there is one, can it be more than formal? Can we also look at women in a formal sense? Do women always want to remain behind the scenes? Can we/should we bring them into the formal sphere? Stella Sabiiti: Things are happening at different levels and experiences are different, so when raising questions, we need to see how things are changing and women do not simply have a traditional role anymore. We are talking about women’s role traditionally, and how women in traditional communities act now. Rebecca Cherono: I think there is a silent way of women being recognized. We were once told in a meeting that the Massai community would discuss issues, and at a difficult point, would adjourn, and go home to talk to their wives. Then, the next day, they would come back and say, ‘last night, I really slept and thought.’ Women of Africa, recognition is there. I think we need to find where we should come in. There are times when we want to be vocal, and times when we want to work in the background. When we’re talking about actors, I head people saying “we” as an organization, and “we” did this. We should be talking about them. They should be the ones to decide how they are represented. They can be questioned about their choices, and they will respond. Anna Kima: War is bad, but one of the advantages I learned from the war in Sudan is how it can alter gender roles. Before the war, their role was normal. Now, they’ve gone back, and now a woman can say no to a man – roles are up for negotiation. Women are working hard and have discovered their role in the community. Men fear us, especially the ones who have gone to school. Fatuma Abdikadir: We normally try to understand and put things in boxes. It’s not as easy as that. Things are different in different places. In town, it will be different from what happens in a village. We have to be very careful about importing ideas from one place into another. Roselyn Mwatha Mungai: We can’t discard theory, such as the nature-nurture differences. How many theories have we heard today? We need to document them, the ones that we’re working on. We need, however, to place more emphasis on documenting our experiences. Sabdiyo Dido: I wanted to pick up on the negative social implications for coming out for peace. Family is important, but if you come out openly, then that might end up breaking up your family. How bad is it? We haven’t seen it yet.

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Dekha Ibrahim: Dangers are locked in reality and in perceptions. A colleague of mine was suspected of being a spy, even her husband thought the other side had bought her, and she did not have any friends. She kept working, however, within her own community, and eventually, they began to trust her again. True peacebuilding is when you challenge your own community and those close to you, but this is more difficult. Nathalie Gomes: The idea of neutrality in working with warring parties can be resolved through a network. It is another way of dealing with the issues. Dekha Ibrahim: When we’re dealing with insider vs. outsiders, there is no neutrality Nathalie Gomes: When looking at the work of the foreign priests, it worked well, apparently, because they were neutral. When the Jie man took over, he encountered more problems ude to his clan affiliation (Jie) in dealing with conflict between the Jie, Dodoth and Labwor. He was once accused of having charmed the tobacco of their warriors while discussing peace with them.

Cathy Watson, CAPE Unit Consultant

Pastoral Women as Peacemakers

CAPE Unit Consultancy, April 2003

There is increasing recognition that peace initiatives need to take the needs and role of women in conflict into account and to involve women as actors in the process. As Richard explained earlier, CAPE has been working with women in the Karimojong Cluster through women’s peace meetings and alokita crusades. CAPE however would like to increase its understanding of women’s roles and explore ways of developing this work further. This study was commissioned therefore with the following aims:

Aims of the study

To improve IBAR’s understanding of how pastoralist women see their role in peacemaking

To increase IBAR’s ability to train partners in a gendered approach to conflict management

Aims of the study: - to improve IBAR’s understanding of how pastoralist

women see their role in peacemaking - to increase IBAR’s ability to train partners in a

gendered approach to conflict management and the role of women in peacemaking, building on the ‘alokita’ methodology

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Study methodology

Review of documentationField work in Turkana Seminar Report: analysis and best practice guidelines

Methodology: Literature review - 10 days field work in Turkana, interviews mostly with

women - Seminar – broaden perspective and learn from others’

experience and analysis - Report, based on field work and outputs of this

seminar, incorporating analysis of the role of women in pastoral conflict management; and best practice guidelines for IBAR on strengthening the role of women in pastoralist conflict management

Pastoral women as peacemakersWomen as victims and as actors

Women’s dual role:catalysts of conflictpromoters of peace

Focus on:1. Impact of conflict on women2. Women’s roles in conflict3. Women’s roles in peacemaking4. Building on women’s roles in peacemaking – tentative

conclusions

Gender analysis means we need to look at different effects and different actions of men and women, as well as the relationship between them. In conflict, women are both victims and actors in their own right. They are victims in that conflict has a specific effect on them – different from the effect on men. As actors, they can be catalysts of conflict, and promoters of peace. This presentation focuses on the impact of conflicts on pastoral women; their role in conflicts; their role in peacemaking; and ends with some tentative conclusions and suggestions for ways to build on these peacemaking roles – hope to stimulate discussion among us and learn from each others’ experience. This presentation focuses on the impact of conflicts on pastoral women; their role in conflicts; their role in peacemaking; and ends with some tentative conclusions and suggestions for ways to build on these peacemaking roles, focusing on the Karimojong Cluster, particularly Turkana.

1. Impact of conflict on women

Gender and conflict literature notes, as expected, that conflict has different impacts on men and on women. Focus here on the impact on women.

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Positive impacts/women’s gains

livestock

prestige/status

Positive impacts/women’s gains from conflict:

- livestock – sure to get milking cow if a number brought back by son. Also mother involved in distribution of intra-household, ie suggests for wives

- prestige/status from being mother of brave

warrior, revered by girls who want to marry son. (informants claimed they don’t seek this prestige, but it is clearly there)

Negative impacts of conflict on women

(greatest impact on women)

death and injury loss of children/husbandsabduction, rape, theft loss of livestock limitations on movement wild fruits loss of trading opportunities (and friendship)

Negative impacts on women – many claim greatest impact is on women: - death and injury as men (may not go for fight, but

not armed so can’t defend selves in attack) - loss of children/husbands. Loss of husband either

means fall out of pastoral sector or inherited (second class citizens, particularly their children)

- abduction, rape, theft (Toposa shuka and beads

e.g.) Economic losses: - loss of livestock and therefore limit to food

security (milking stock) - limitations on movement, - wild fruits significant food supplement (and

charcoal near towns) - loss of trading opportunities, particularly re.

grains/livestock trade (and friendship)

2. Women’s roles in conflict

Gender roles in conflict. Women’s dual role, as catalysts/contributors of conflict, and as promoters of peace.

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Women’s roles in conflict

blessing before raid/keeping safefood preparation blessing, welcome and praise on return share of loot

implicit cultural values nagging, ridicule and abusebridewealth woman’s influence over husbandambivalence about peace

Turkana women – and men - claim passive/unconscious encouragement only (claim it’s more active on Toposa, Pokot side). Youth more open. Nonetheless, still women involved in number of ways in supporting conflict: For raids specifically: - Blessing: traditionally ‘angaar ajore’, women blessed

alongside fathers. Blessing may still happen, though reluctant to admit. Can say going on journey, both know where going, although some raiders do not say where they are going these days, but just go – smaller raids.

- Blessing linked to keeping safe. Can still do these rituals after raiders have left or when hear they’ve gone.

- Food preparation (maybe girlfriend rather than wife or mother if man does not want to tell)

- Blessing, welcome and praise on return/celebration, including girls

- Receipt of share of loot The father/elder of the household allocates, allows mother to take her share after; specific piece of meat from celebration is kept for mother.

- Implicit cultural values – praise songs about bravery etc, especially girls. Status still there. E.g. of girls song about to be married to old man, sings why can’t you marry me to a young man who can go and raid, protect me etc.

- ‘Nagging’ husband about small number of cows traditionally seen as encouragement to raid

- Ridicule and abuse of sons/husbands, comparison with other brave men who go to raid, linked to stock numbers. (can be when others return from raid)

- Bridewealth issue, over which woman has some influence, demanding high price for daughter

- Woman’s general influence over husband’s - Ambivalence of some elders (and women) about peace

– joining in peace rhetoric but not necessarily fully convinced. Others (including youth) pick this up and know they’re not serious.

3. Women’s roles in peacemaking

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Women’s roles in peacemaking: 1

formal peace negotiations – women consolidate, symbolic role

ceremonial roles

curses/withholding blessing

Traditionally, women play role in peace building in a number of ways:

- formal peace negotiations: elders carry out negotiations and see themselves and as central but peace not consolidated until women join process – witnesses and symbols of real peace [eg Mathniko/Nigkamatak peace in 73; Pokot coming for peace in 1981 with women at front]. This view reinforced by men – see women as peace symbols.

- some ceremonial roles – eg raid prevention ceremony with fire at pass, usually involves some women as well as men (ariwo – antidote). Old woman past child-bearing so can’t bear any more warriors.

- curse youth before raid – cause problem so they won’t get there (fall sick on way, scorpion bite etc.) or tie adome in circle so he can’t get away. Still seen as very powerful (less so round Lokichoggio). High death rate seen as result of this.

Women’s roles in peacemaking: 2

songs - means to express views in public

friendship and trade – women as cementers of peace

women’s ‘informal power’

Songs as acceptable way of expressing views in public (eg Pokot ‘peace’ songs) (also peace song from Lokiriama pact) Friendship and trade: social and economic issue (women responsible for food supply). Links communities (grain-stock trade between Turkana and neighbours), friendships and visits. Cementing peace. When communities merging, women ask husbands to accompany them to go and get sorghum. Women may protect friends from other side during hostilities ‘Informal power’ – Pastoral women have significant power and influence, but generally ‘informal’, not in public arena, but through their male relations – in the domestic sphere. True re. peacemaking as well as other topics. Women’s influence over husbands and sons at home, at night. (listen at ekitoi a ngikasakou). Some say mothers have greater influence over sons than fathers/elders have. Mother’s tears in particular very influential. Women’s informal roles often overlooked in peace building work

4. Building on women’s roles in peacemaking – tentative conclusions

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Key opportunitiesa) Women’s symbolic peace role

b) Women’s informal power

c) Formal opportunities

d) Influential women

e) Trade and friendship links

There is great opportunity to build on women’s symbolic peace role, as alokita does a) Women as cementers - ceremonies mothers of dead children, bridge to other mothers, seen as symbols of peace This gives weight to voice (see impact of alokita crusades so far) b) There is also an opportunity to use women’s informal power private/domestic arena influence over husbands and sons: ‘night meetings’ with husbands influence over sons (tears) not absolute but significant power Also women’s fora – co-wives, friends, influence over young women c) Formal opportunities: peace crusades and meetings; planned village peace committees – involve women as much as possible. Need to continue to fit women’s role in wider community, fit within elders as peace negotiators, youth as actors. d) Influential women: akalimon – cool one, plus speaking skills. Opportunity to build on other influential women, eg seers, TBAs? e) Trade and friendship links: Opportunity to consolidate inter-community linkages. Support how? Fostering trade and protecting routes (eg Lokiriama road)

Active discouragement: 1

passive

active encouragement active discouragement

These opportunities present ways in which women can promote the cause of peace in their own and other communities, both formally and informally. However, in order to take these opportunities and build on them, women need to be fully convinced themselves first, before they can convince their menfolk. As noted before, there is some ambivalence about peace. Women may not be actively encouraging raiding, but they may not necessarily be actively discouraging it. This active discouragement is needed if women’s positive influence is to be brought to bear in peacemaking.

Active discouragement: 2

Private sphere:

cursesstolen animalsbride wealthcomplaintsabuse/ridiculeactive stand

Public sphere:

influence over young womensongs of praise/ridiculechallenge social acceptability of raidinggroups of women request (alokita)

This active discouragement can take place in both private sphere – with husbands and sons, eg for: - curses - stolen animals – refusing to receive - bridewealth – keeping price down - complaints about enough milking animals - active and explicit conversations with menfolk And in public sphere – for example (explored more below); - influence over younger women – daughters, relatives,

friends - praise of warriors/ridicule of non-fighters - challenge social acceptability of raiding - group of women asking is powerful (alokita)

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Spheres of influence: 1

women

husbands sons

girls

Therefore need to start by working with women themselves directly and focus on their own views and what they can do (in tandem with working with men and youth). They can then use these opportunities to promote peace with their husbands, sons, daughters etc.

Spheres of influence: 2

other communities

husbands and sons

women

Women then have the chance to reach out within their own homes and communities and also beyond to other communities, including those with whom they are in conflict.

ProcessesNeed for intensive community work:

raise awareness of community women –mobilisers women’s exposure to other places and experienceslonger contact time and sustained impact‘maintreaming’ peace messages target pastoral women

My tentative conclusion is that this suggests a need for much more intense and sustained work in individual communities – more intensive and sustained than at present: - in order to encourage women to reach all the spheres

of influence described above, there is a need to raise awareness of community women, and to do this local mobilisers are needed

- women can benefit greatly from exposure to other

places, to see what is possible - focus should be on achieving a sustained impact in a

particular place, rather than a scatter effect. One idea, building on the alokita, is to try epiding exchanges between women, and to foster ongoing contact

- ‘Maintreaming’ peace messages – is it possible to link

with other development work and messages targeting women?

- it is very important to target pastoral women – the main

locus of conflict is the kraals, so we need to start there. Other commentators have noted tendency of peace initiatives in general to stick to the tarmac, and even the alokita only goes where vehicles can reach..

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Outstanding questions

How can outside agencies best build on women’s informal role in peacemaking? How can pastoral (not town) women be enabled to play a greater role in peacemaking?What formal forums should women be encouraged to play a role in for peacemaking?How can village peace committees link with traditional community structures and yet allow women to play a full role?

How can outside agencies best build on women’s informal role in peacemaking? - informal role is significant, but by its very nature difficult to get hold of How can pastoral (not town) women be enabled to play a greater role in peacemaking? – particularly as town women more likely to be confident and have been exposed to other places etc, yet pastoral women should be primary target. What formal forums should women be encouraged to play a role in for peacemaking? How can village peace committees link with traditional community structures and yet allow women to play a full role?

Discussion Fiona Edwards: Linking to traditional institutions is extremely important. It is always a recommendation, but what does it mean? How do you actually achieve this? Nathalie Gomes: In Karamoja, we have seen the danger of using traditional mechanisms. There were some problems that led to a curse on the society. It occurred when the power was being transferred to the next age-set. In 1998, the KPIU tried to hold a ceremony to reverse this curse. They carried it out inappropriately and brought cars, alcohol, etc, and the result was an escalation in violence and an increase in raiding. The confusion was there because the people invited to the ceremony were not the appropriate ones, and it was confused with the transition of power. Regarding those practices, we have to be very careful. We don’t always know the real motivation. Cathy Watson: That shouldn’t put us off from traditional institutions. That activity was carried out inappropriately, but it could have been done differently, using the elders to organise it. It wasn’t a traditional ceremony. Rather, it was built onto a traditional ceremony. I don’t think that should put us off from traditional institutions and practices because if this was organized before, it could happen again, appropriately. Dawit Abebe: We must also remember that traditional social structures have been undermined in many of the areas where we work, for example, the CAPE Unit does a lot of work with chiefs, DOs and DCs. Nathalie Gomes: Such ceremonies have been done in Samburu, and in more appropriate ways. Fatuma Abdikadir: The issue of traditional institutions is very important, and different places have very different institutions. In some places, it makes sense to strengthen them, or in others, to start something afresh. We should look to what systems are there, and reinforce them, not put new ones or dig up ones that have been buried. If the community is not on board, you get those kinds of fiascoes. We need to take time and understand before doing these activities. Dawit Abebe: I believe in working with traditional institutions, but in most of the areas, they have been weakened, in great part because of the government. When using the government to facilitate these meetings, how can we strengthen the community? We won’t empower the elders or strengthen the traditional structures. Responsibility has to be given to the key elders. Elders never ask for per diem to do this thing.

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Margaret Itto: I want to bring in the Southern Sudan example. Until we started the people-to-people initiative, we had not seen light. Through this process, we were able to mobilize the communities and talk to the higher authorities. The power base was strengthened from the ground.

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Working Group Findings Participants were divided into four groups with members from each geographical location represented in the workshop. Each group had one thematic question and was asked to answer three questions.

a. What role do women currently play as mediators? 1. Women are more free to travel – two examples

In North-Eastern Province, Kenya - Somali women traders are able to move between communities, passing peace messages, for example, during the conflict between Abdullah v. Abduwak in 2000, women passed messages of peace between communities During the Women’s Peace Crusades advocating forgiveness and lamenting losses creates changes in attitudes. Again, this is contingent upon the greater ability of women to travel.

2. Women’s songs, poems, etc can be powerful persuaders

In Karamoja- lamentations, songs, moving, persuasive, but not much use made of the except for advocacy and lobbying against war and violence in the area

3. Women are seen to be more neutral than men

Mediation between Sabout who were in conflict with Buskusus and Tesos in Mt. Elgon area. Women from each of the communities acted as mediators.

b. What role could women play as mediators between communities? 1. Linking peace building to community service provision: using contacts with other communities

through service provision to broker peace, ie traditional birth attendants, marketing, etc. 2. Creating inter-dependence between communities through providing shared services such as

animal and human health services, rebuilding natural resource sharing agreements 3. Improving infrastructure such as roads to ease travel between communities for trade and

other activities that foster interaction and peace. Inter-ethnic income generating activities can contribute to joint mediation/action against conflict such as mixed credit groups.

4. Persuading women to ask for affordable bridewealth or payment in installments, or if this is impossible, at least raising the issue and allowing women to discuss the issue.

5. Encouraging women to discuss and influence about alternative means of livelihood other than a near-total dependence on cattle

c. How might external organizations build on their role? 1. Involve women in joint income generating activities as an alternative to raiding for wealth 2. Improve infrastructure: roads to enable community interaction

Group One: Women as mediators between their own community and a community with whom they are in conflict. a. What role do women currently play as mediators? b. What role could women play as mediators between communities? c. How might external organizations build on their role?

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3. Hold smaller meetings with senior pastoral women to build networks between women from rival communities

4. Organize exchange visits to pastoral areas outside their own context where pastoralists thrive without raiding

5. Involve women in all committees but with concern for cultural inhibitions 6. Influence children’s attitudes over time: education (formal), attitudes towards raiding,

integration to rest of economy Limitations One limitation is that women are not always with men during the dry season when the cattle are a long way from the home areas. Since there is a lot of conflict during this time, this may weaken the impact women can have as mediators.

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a. What role do women currently play in persuading elders and youth within their own community/households not to engage in raiding and violent acts? 1. Not accepting dirty livestock (public statement that sets a precedent), has taken place in

Kenya/Ethiopia 2. Pouring out of breast milk when women are feeding boys (since it is men who undertake

raiding), which is a form of curse, Pokot/Turkana 3. Only cooking for children (refusal to cook for men), Somali 4. Removal of headscarf – seen as curse, Somali 5. Refusing stolen livestock, Marakwet of Kenya b. What role could women play in persuading elders and youth within their own community/households not to engage in raiding and violent acts between communities? (These activities are both happening now and could happen more extensively in the future, they have more potential to be utilized) 1. Leketyo- use of birthbelt, woman ties the belt around her womb after birth. When young boys

are going for raid, they unti6e it to show men that they will not be safe. Traditionally, men would not go if women removed the belt.

2. Denial of sex because they do not want to give them children if the fathers will just die 3. Songs, poems, drama and plays to spread peace messages 4. Small light weapons bring a big negative impact, women could have a role but this area is a

big challenge c. How might external organizations build on their role? 1. Make meetings possible, but do not always be present. 2. Don’t take records because people think you will talk badly about them. Make things informal 3. Raise the awareness of the contribution women have both directly and indirectly 4. Gain the confidence of women through investing in relationship building over time 5. Do not demand for reports on every activity, some are confidential (i.e. denial of sex) 6. Group meetings by ages because some old women will not talk in front of the young ones, etc

Group Two: Persuading elders and youth within their own community/households not to engage in raiding and violent acts a. What role do women currently play in persuading elders and youth within their own community/households not to engage in raiding and violent acts? b. What role could women play in persuading elders and youth within their own community/households not to engage in raiding and violent acts between communities? c. How might external organizations build on their role?

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a. What roles do they play? 1. Mobilization of community members as basis for formal structure 2. Sensitization of community members 3. Training 4. Early warning and rapid response 5. Mobilization of financial resources from community members 6. Community mediation b. What roles could they play? 1. Advocates - use women successfully integrated in formal structures to share successful

experiences with other organizations 2. Inter-district cultural exchange, experience sharing at a higher level, with district structures 3. Small arms and light weapons have a big negative impact, women could have a role by

influencing their sons to eliminate small arms. c. How can outside organizations build on this? 1. Recognize the roles of pastoral women 2. Build their capacities 3. Incorporate developmental components into peacebuilding work Issues:

• An issue that came up was looking at how women can play a role in decision making. • What role does the outside organization have in promoting these formal structures? • Are VPCs necessary, or are the District Committees able to handle these roles?

NCCK example: We accompanied communities to deal with conflict, recognizing that among the women, there are both those that want to see fighting and gain from it, as well as those that would like to see it end. We formed peace committees at the village levels. Women were not originally included, but we challenged the committees by saying that at least two women must be on each committee. They were then included on the committees, but not given any authority. For this reason, the women suggested they need their own space. Out of this, through training, they could be recognized and considered a formal structure. At the moment, different development organizations are able to work with them, and these women’s groups are consulted for their experiences.

Group Three: Women’s involvement in public, formal social structures such as Village Peace Committees, liaising with authorities, returning animals, participating in networks a. What role do women currently play in persuading elders and youth within their own community/households not to engage in raiding and violent acts? b. What role could women play in persuading elders and youth within their own community/households not to engage in raiding and violent acts between communities? c. How might external organizations build on their role?

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a. What role do women currently play in tackling the root causes of conflict? 1. Women play a role in bridewealth and breakdown of traditional grazing agreements-mostly

behind the scenes. For bridewealth, it is a negative role that is not sustainable to peace building. The link between bridewealth and peace building is different in various areas. In some areas, it is merely a token, in others it is up to 200 animals.

Breakdown of traditional grazing agreements Common in the NW and NE of Kenya, bridewealth is not linked to raiding When survival is at stake, then the women go. Like bridewealth, women’s encouragement for the men to move towards other areas is negative towards peace. But it is to be noted that women have a positive role in passing on the traditional grazing agreements (Turkana and Matheniko, Pokot and Samburu)

2. Proliferation of arms- In Garissa, women are very much involved in the disarmament process in a positive way. In a negative way, women are also involved in the small arms trade. Women for security reasons also encourage ownership of a gun (who can I entrust with my life, one with the gun or one without?)

3. Root causes of conflict - poverty, women play a true role in poverty eradication through trading and other activities

b. What role could women play in tackling the root causes of conflict? 1. Bridewealth- there is a need to look closely at the sustaining factors in various communities.

There is a potential for women to advocate for reduction in bridewealth, but it should be gradual, because the situation is very tricky Women have a personal touch in this matter. Creating avenues for self-actualization may be beneficial since often a woman’s self-esteem is often dependent on level of bridewealth

2. Collective grazing in designated areas can reduce conflict and can be advocated by women. Formal structures existing in villages can be used as entry points by women to promote traditional grazing.

3. Proliferation of weapons- continuous involvement of women in disarmament (approach to weapons question should be formal)

c. . How might external organizations build on their role? 1. Need to recognize that women’s roles are important (particularly informal) 2. Recognition of the link between peace and development to address poverty is vital 3. Need to understand the social dynamics of the community 4. Lobby for peace sustaining practices including creating space for community peace initiatives 5. Government should provide security for all communities in an ideal situation

Group Four: Women tackling the root causes of conflict such as bridewealth price, breakdown of traditional grazing agreements, proliferation of small weapons, etc. a. What role do women currently play in tackling the root causes of conflict? b. What role could women play in tackling the root causes of conflict? c. How might external organizations build on their role?

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4. Action, Investigation and Tension Points

Participants divided into pairs, and each developed three points - one for action, one for further investigation and one tension, arising from the day.

Actions: Peace Committees • Gain a better understanding of the District Peace and Development Committees in areas of

work, and find ways to link pastoral women to these committees. • Find out more about peace committees and how women can be successful in them, drawing

information from others’ successes • Involve women in peace committees at the village level and give them a leading role

Exchanges of experience • Bring together women and share with them the positive experiences of other areas • Strengthen women’s structures at locational level and use mobile schools as an entry point

to creating women’s structures from the family level • Cross-country and cross-border exchange visits

Working with Women to make them more aware of their role • Use energy created here and create an AU pastoral women platform • Continue in mobilization of more women • Sensitise them to understand the importance of their own role in peacebuilding • Challenge peace NGOs to consider the role of women, including the NGO forum

Investigation: Other actors’ roles • How do men (both youth and elders) see the role of women in peacebuilding and? What are

their views on the involvement of women in peace activities in the areas where we are working?

• Get an overview of all of the actors involved in this area and see how they include women • What about elders? Who are they? How do they make decisions? What is their role in

brokering traditional natural resource-sharing agreements? Methodological issues • Comparative study of methodologies for women and capture the best practices • Need to investigate why women are important in peacebuilding, what makes women

builders of peace? Economics and peace • How should we link peace to development activities? • How can income-generating activities empower women in peacebuilding?

Tension: Urban vs Rural: Formal vs Informal • Many successful initiatives that include and have even been initiated by women have

occurred in more urban areas. How can these lessons and successes be transferred positively to rural pastoral settings?

• Disability of women in general in formal processes • Village peace committees vs. networks vs. traditional structures • How can we avoid the pitfalls of working with peace committees? • Increasing unpopularity of peace groups and committees at district and national level, how

do we deal with that?

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• If we’re going to make women a focal point for conflict, what does that mean to her other duties at home, especially when they are in such a difficult environment?

• If we give more responsibility to women, we might create tension with the men • Link between policy and conflict. Some pastoral conflicts have their roots in policy. We need

to look into those policies • Donor project timeframes can ruin the sustainability of the community’s own development

process.

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Section 3: Annexes

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Annex 1: Participant List

Name Organisation Email Postal Address Anna Kima NSSC Peace Mobiliser Upper Nile peacedesk@swiftkenya.com Box 66168 NA Anthony Maina Womankind Kenya wokike@kenyaweb.com Box 627680 Cathy Watson CAPE CathyWatson1@compuserve.com Dawit Abebe VSF-B, Turkana turkana@vsfb.or.ke 166 Lodwar Dekha Ibrahim Coalition for Peace in Africa dekha@swiftmombasa.com Box 3032 Mombasa

Dr Margaret Itto NSCC nscc-kpl@infocom.co.ug 33829 KLA

Dr Nathalie Gomes IFRA, French Institute for Research in Africa ifra2@iconnect.co.ke Box 58480 NBI Dr. Rene Bessin AU/IBAR rene.bessin@oau-ibar.org Box 30786, NBI

Fatuma Abdikadir Office of the President, Arid Lands Resource Management Project alrmphq@africaonline.co.ke Box 53547 NBI

Fiona Edwards Acacia Consultants fedwards@acaciaconsultants.org Box 340 Sarit, 00606 NBI Grace Rengei Pecolido pecolido@africaonline.co.ke Box 295 Kapenguria Jennifer Mulli USAID, Sudan Program jmulli@usaid.gov 30261 NBI John Okiring VSF-B jo@vsfb.or.ke 13986, 00800 NBI Maaike Kemkes SNV-Kerio Valley snvkerio@africaonline.co.ke Box 1758 Eldoret Michael Otto VSF-G, Sudan vsfg@vsfg.org Box 25653 Nicole Bores CAPE nicole.bores@oau-ibar.org Box 30786, NBI

Nuria Abdullahi Wajir Peace and Development Committee nabat@nbnet.co.ke Box 224 Wajir

Ocero Ogola CAPE cape.pace@oau-ibar.org, ogolaocero@yahoo.com Box 30786, NBI Rebecca Cherono Great Rift Valley Development Agency griftvalleyda@hotmail.com Box 21301, 00505 NBI Richard Grahn CAPE richard.grahn@oau-ibar.org 30786 NBI Roselyn Mwatha Mungai Oxfam-GB RMungai@oxfam.org.uk Box 40680 Nairobi Sabdiyo Dido SNV-Laikipia snvlk@wananchi.com Box 1191 Nanyuki Selline Korir NCCK-Western Zone ncckeld@africaonline.com Box 723 Eldoret Stella Sabiiti Center for Conflict Resolution cecore@africaonline.co.ug Box 5211 KLA Tecla Wanjala Peace and Development Network teclawanjala@yahoo.com Box 62923 NBI Tim Leyland CAPE Unit tim.leyland@oau-ibar.org Box 30786, NBI Viola Mukasa SNV-Uganda (Kar) vmuskasa@snvworld.net Box 8339 KLA Wasye Musyoni Diakonia-Sweden wmusyoni@yahoo.co.uk Box 61174 NBI

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Annex 2: Terms of Reference

PARC-VAC Gender Study: Pastoral Women as Peacemakers

Introduction The African Union’s Interafrican Bureau for Animal Resources (AU/IBAR) has been developing community-based animal health delivery systems (CAHS) for over 10 years. During this time many lessons have been learnt and information on best practice disseminated. In the past 5 years IBAR has broadened its scope of work in pastoralist areas to strengthen what it sees as the four cornerstones to sustainability, that is: pastoralist conflict resolution and management, relief interventions that are pro-development, improved livestock marketing and trade and pro-pastoralist policy development. These issues are cross-cutting and wherever possible IBAR tries to join up its work on them. One aspect of IBAR’s work that could be improved is understanding the role of pastoralist women in both the delivery of primary animal health care and in conflict management. Despite the realisation that women are key to successful development there is the felt need that IBAR could do more. In order to address this need, IBAR has commissioned both a consultancy and a workshop to explore the issues and provide guidance on its future policy, activities and the activities of its partners. As IBAR has been mandated by the AU member states to harmonise policy it is felt that if IBAR can develop its own ideas on gender issues then it is more likely to be able to influence others. In the coming two years IBAR will play a more active role in training CBOs and NGOs through the “Sudan Peace Fund” and other initiatives . Outputs of this initiative

1. Improved understanding by IBAR of how pastoral women see their role in peacemaking. 2. Improved ability of IBAR to train partners (particularly NGOs and CBOs) in a gendered approach

to conflict management and the role of women in peacemaking, taking into consideration the “alokita” methodology developed by IBAR.

3. Improved understanding of how pastoral women see their role in livestock service delivery. 4. Improvement in IBAR’s ability to advocate for a gendered approach to community-based livestock

service delivery. Deliverables

1. An analysis of role of women in pastoral conflict management 2. Best practice guidelines and recommendations for IBAR to strengthen the role of women in

pastoral conflict management. 3. An outline of an “IBAR Policy Briefing Note” on gender and livestock for IBAR staff to complete a

draft. Tasks and Duties The consultant will:

1. Conduct an appropriate literature search and detail the results as part of the analysis mentioned above as well as identify and compare similar projects in progress elsewhere in the world.

2. In collaboration with CAPE staff working on Pastoral Conflict Management prepare and carry out field work on both conflict and service delivery research areas

3. Organise and facilitate a stakeholders seminar in Nairobi to improve the gender research (see report).

4. Preparation of an analysis paper and a set best practice guidelines and recommendations for IBAR as detailed above.

5. Draft an outline of the “IBAR policy briefing paper on the role of women in Livestock service delivery” in close consultation with IBAR staff.

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Timeframe for consultant Activity (Days) – tentative dates Location Literature Review

(3) - March 20th – 30th (3) – April 1st – 3rd (including orientation meetings in Nairobi)

UK Nairobi

Fieldwork visits (accompanied by Lodwar staff and Richard Grahn)

(9) - April 4th – 12th Kenya

Seminar planning, facilitation, write up (10-12 participants)

(4) 13th – 15th April (Seminar on 16th April)

Kenya Return to UK on 17th April

Draft report, analysis and outline of policy briefing note (requires consultation with IBAR staff)

(5) April 21st – 28th UK (bearing in mind Easter Break on April 18th – 21st)

Finalise analysis, report and policy briefing note after getting comments

(4) Before end of May UK

Travel days (2) Total (30)

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Annex 3: List of documents consulted Abdullahi, Nuria, 2003. Role of Women in Peacebuilding Presentation to AU/IBAR Gender and

Conflict Seminar: Pastoral Women as Peacemakers 16th April 2003, Landmark Hotel, Nairobi

Akabwai, Darlington, 2001. The July Women's Peace Crusade CAPE, PACE, AU/IBAR, Nairobi Akabwai, Darlington, 2001. The August Women's Peace Crusade CAPE, PACE, AU/IBAR,

Nairobi Akabwai, Darlington, 2001. The Paired Group Meeting between Pokot and Turkana, Matheniko

and Pokot of Uganda in attendance Lokichar Reformed Church, 3rd-5th December 2001. CAPE, PACE, AU/IBAR, Nairobi

Akabwai, Darlington, 2001. The Traditional Adakar Leaders' Lokichoggio Border Harmonisation

Meeting 15-16 December 2001. CAPE, PACE, AU/IBAR, Nairobi Akabwai, Darlington, 2002. Turkana Peace Crusade attends the traditional Akidamdam in

Toposaland 4th-13th February 2002. CAPE, PACE, AU/IBAR, Nairobi Akabwai, Darlington, 2002. The Handing-Over Ceremony of Three Turkana Women Captured

by the UPDF at Moroto District 9th March 2002. CAPE, PACE, AU/IBAR, Nairobi Akabwai, Darlington, 2002. The Turkana-Kenya and the Karamoja-Uganda Elders' Cross Border

Peace Meeting Lodwar, 6-10 May 2002. CAPE, PACE, AU/IBAR, Nairobi Akabwai, Darlington, 2002. The Burial of the Hatchet at Nadapal 1-4 October 2002. CAPE,

PACE, AU/IBAR, Nairobi Ayindo, Babu, Sam Gbaydee Doe and Janice Jenner, 2001. When You Are The Peacemaker:

stories and reflections on peacebuilding from Africa Conflict Transformation Program, Easter Mennonite University, Harrisonburg, VA, USA

Bores, Nicole, 2002. The Turkana Women's Peace Crusade to the Pokot Grazing Areas 23rd

October-7th November 2002. CAPE, PACE, AU/IBAR, Nairobi BRIDGE, 1996. Conflict and Development in Gender and Development: In Brief IDS Sussex Byrne, Bridget, 1996. Gender, Conflict and Development: Volume 1 Overview BRIDGE Report

No. 34. December 1995, revised July 1996 CAPE Unit, 2001. Pastoral Community Harmonisation Initiative: Quarterly Report January 1st to

March 31st 2001 CAPE Unit, 2003a. CAPE Unit Conflict Work Strategy Day Notes of the meeting, 25th March

2003. CAPE, PACE, AU/IBAR, Nairobi

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CAPE Unit, 2003b. AU/IBAR Gender and Conflict Seminar: Pastoral Women as Peacemakers 16th April 2003, Landmark Hotel, Nairobi

Dahl, Gudrun, 1987. Women in Pastoral Production in Ethnos 1(2) Gomes, Nathalie, 2002. Intra and Inter-ethnic Conflicts in Southern Karamoja - Uganda in

L'Afrique Orientale, Annuaire 2002 Gomes, Nathalie and Kennedy Mkutu, 2003. Breaking the Spiral of Violence: the challenges of

small arms and capacity building for peace and development in Karamoja Draft Executive Summary, SNV/Pax Christi, Uganda

Grace, Delia, 2001. Pastoralist Harmonisation Initiative: Second International Meeting Mbale

19th-25th May 2001. CAPE, PACE, AU/IBAR, Nairobi Grahn, Richard, 2003. Pastoral Women as Peacemakers: observations and points for

discussion. Presentation to AU/IBAR Gender and Conflict Seminar: Pastoral Women as Peacemakers 16th April 2003, Landmark Hotel, Nairobi

IGAD, 2001. Developing a Conflict Early Warning and Response Mechanism (CEWARN) for the

Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) Member States Project Brief 16 March 2001, Addis Ababa

IGAD, 2001. Report of the Workshop on Conflicts in Pastoral Areas along Borders: towards the

development of a conflict early warning and response mechanism for IGAD member states 30th-31st August 2001, Addis Ababa

Kathina Juma, Monica, 2000. Unveiling Women as Pillars of Peace: peace building in

communities fractured by conflict in Kenya Interim Report. Management Development and Governance Division, Bureau for Development Policy, UNDP

Kratli, Saverio and Jeremy Swift, 2002. Understanding and Managing Pastoral Conflict in Kenya:

a Literature Review Management Systems International, 2001. The Effectiveness of Civil Society Initiatives in

Controlling Violent Conflicts and Building Peace: a study of three approaches in the Greater Horn of Africa Synthesis Report on Key Findings and Lessons for Improving Practice. Management Systems International for USAID. Washington DC

Minear, Larry, 2002. Pastoralist Community Harmonisation in the Karamoja Cluster: taking it to

the next level Feinstein International Famine Centre, Friedman School of Nutrition Science and Policy, Tufts University, Medford, Mass., USA

Mkutu, Kennedy, 2003. Pastoralism and Conflict in the Horn of Africa Africa Peace Forum/

Saferworld/University of Bradford Nkuttu, F, 2001. African Traditional Methods in Uganda: a case study of the Acholi and

Karamojong Tribes in Peacebuilding Centre for Conflict Resolution (CECORE), Uganda

42

Ogunsanya, Kemi, and Kwezi Mgnqibisa, 2000. A Gender Perspective for Conflict Management Occasional Paper No. 4/2000. ACCORD (African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes)

Osamba, Josiah, 2000. The Sociology of Insecurity: cattle rustling and banditry in North-Western

Kenya in Africa Journal in Conflict Resolution No. 2/2000 Osamba, Josiah, 2001. Peace Building and Transformation From Below: indigenous approaches

to conflict resolution and reconciliation among the pastoral societies in the borderlands of Easter Africa in Africa Journal in Conflict Resolution No.1/2001

Ramsey Marshall, Donna, 2000. Women in War and Peace: grassroots peacebuilding United

States Institute of Peace, Washington DC Schmeidl, Susanne, with Eugenia Piza-Lopez, 2002. Gender and Conflict Early Warning: a

framework for action International Alert and Swiss Peace Foundation Sharamo, Roba D., 2002. Peacebuilding in Karamoja: an analysis of the Pastoralist

Communities Harmonisation Initiative of the Organisation of African Unity - Inter-African Bureau of Animal Resources, East Africa Sustainable International Development Program, Heller School for Social Policy and Management, Brandeis University, Boston

Stickley, Richard, and Nata Duvvury, 2003. Gender Equity and Peacebuilding: from rhetoric to

reality - finding the way Discussion Paper. International Centre for Research on Women, Washington DC

Waithaka, Daudi, 2001. Breaking the Spears and Cooling the Earth: an analytical review of the

Pastoralist Communities Harmonisation Initiative CAPE, PACE, AU/IBAR, Nairobi Walker, Robert et al, 2003. Oxfam GB Funded Peacebuilding Initiatives in Arid Districts of

Kenya: Lessons and Challenges Draft Report. Oxfam Nairobi Watson, Cathy, 1989. The Consequences of the 1980-81 Famine (lopiar) on the Domestic Roles

of Women in Northern Turkana, Kenya MA (Econ.) Thesis, Department of Social Anthropology, Faculty of Economic and Social Studies, University of Manchester

43

Annex 4: Interviews summary a) Pastoralist interviews: Ngikwatela/Lokichoggio locations: Lopiding, Napopong, Nanam, Kaloyeramuge, Acoriakoomwa,

Lokichoggio town Ngikamatak/Lokiriama locations: Namorupus, Kokooketh, Kakingol, Lokiriama Total interviews: 12 groups of women; 4 groups of elders; 2 groups of young men Total informants: 60 women (most older/married women); 18 elders; 7 young men b) Key informants: Halakhe Waqo Peacebuilding & Conflict Management Co-ordinator, Oxfam Mary Lokaale Toposa Development Association Louis Lobong Lojore Commissioner of Kapoeta County, Southern Sudan Dr. Dawit Abebe VSF-Belgium, Lodwar Sammy Ekal & Alexander Lama TUPADO, Lodwar Mukoo Benedict ITDG, Lodwar Charles N. Mwaura & Raymond Kitevu CEWARN, IGAD, Addis Ababa Dr. Mbithi Mutungi SNV Lodwar Dr. Darlington Akabwai CAPE Unit William Edoket (debrief) CAPE Unit Itinerary 31.03.03 depart UK 01.04.03 arrive Nairobi briefing with Richard Grahn reading reports 02.04.03 meeting with Halakhe Waqo, Programme Co-ordinator,

Peacebuilding and Conflict Management Programme, Oxfam briefing with Richard Grahn and Nicole Bores briefing with Tim Leyland

03.04.03 fly to Lokichoggio planning with William Edoket and Manasses Mwaura courtesy call to Dickson Mangotsi, DO Lokichoggio Lopiding interview with 5 women Napopong interview with 15 women

04.04.03 Nanam interviews with 4 women then 2 elders Kaloyeramuge interview with 4 women [interview cut short due to recent raid and threat of

reprisal by Toposa] camped at Acoriakoomwa

05.04.03 Acoriakoomwa interviews with 6 women then 1 young man return to Lokichoggio writing up field work and reading reports discussion with Darlington Akabwai

06.04.03 delay of departure to Narus because of absence of escort writing up field work and planning Lokichoggio interviews with 2 women then 2 women reading reports

07.04.03 interview with Mary Lokaale (TDA) drive to Nadapal, failed to cross border, return to Lokichoggio interview with Louis Lobong Lojore, Commissioner for Kapoeta

County

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follow-up interview with Mary Lokaale 08.04.03 drive to Lodwar

interview with Dr. Dawit Abebe, VSF-Belguim interview with Sammy Ekal, CEO, and Alexander Lama, Development Officer, TUPADO

interview with Mukoo Benedict, Community Mobilisation, ITDG interview with Charles N. Mwaura, Co-ordinator, and Raymond

Kitevu, Head of Conflict Analysis, CEWARN, IGAD 09.04.03 writing up field work

drive to Namorupus Namorupus interviews with 3 elders then 5 women camped at Namorupus

10.04.03 Namorupus interview with 6 young men drive to Lorengkippi Kokooketh interview with 3 women Kakingol interviews with 4 women then 8 elders drive to Lokiriama camped at Lokiriama

11.04.03 Lokiriama interviews with 5 women then 5 elders drive to Lodwar interview with Dr Mbithi Mutungi, SNV debrief with William Edoket

12.04.03 drive to Kitale 13.04.03 writing up field work

drive to Eldoret fly to Nairobi

14.04.03 planning Seminar with Richard Grahn and Nicole Bores Seminar presentation preparation

15.04.03 planning Seminar with Richard Grahn and Nicole Bores Seminar preparation

16.04.03 Pastoral Women as Peacemakers Seminar 17.04.03 debrief with Tim Leyland and Nicole Bores

reading depart Nairobi

18.04.03 arrive UK