Ways of reading cilies Cities historically have been complex entities both in terms of their physical fonn and the processes that they support. Cities have been sites of action, inno'l,lIioo and convergence of new ideas and carry immense meaning for communities. Using multiple narratives to understand cities or urban spaces might lead a richer and comprehensive understanding or lhe city mlher than a definitive nomm!ivc way of interpreting the city. The burden of 'Art and Architectural hi5lOrialls' way of looking al c il ies as an artifact does nol help either. A piece of Architecture is easy 10 abstract and attribute its form to some singular factor like power statement, climate or construction system. I1 is doubtful how onc can use such a si ngular defini tive narrative for a city. To complicate matters fu rther, the history of Architecture for Asia mostly written ignores the vernacular tradition and has almost always concentrated on the classical iconic examples to fonn the narrative of the past. In the process what they lend to develop is a kind of singular narrative of the city leading to stereotyping old cities.
Cilies will be better understood if we were to not only refer to spt:cial or 'evolved' examples of architecture or public spaces but also the most humble ones that embody the knowledge system that have been honed and transmitted for many generations amongst common people. For example it is ralher fUlile 10 rC:ld 100 much inlo Ihe fonn of Ihe cily and correlate it with rcligious symbol ism alonel. Onc cannot attribute the obvious physical featu res of medieval cities in South Asia to a singular factor" like religious bclief systems and symbol islll. This kind of nomlative approach tends 10
create a layer of mysticism around Ihe '·cxotic old city". This approach of auributing the space to a singular idea even though important, does not allow us 10 understand the rich and complex urban spaces of cities in more than onc way and undennines many undercurrents or concurrent phenomenon that could have contributed in space making. It is a classic example of treating a city like an artifact rather than a space Ihat is dynamic
This paper is an attempt to fonn other narratives to understand the urban lonn and texture of Patan lown and it begins with an assumption that communities have over a period of time developed a specific attitude towards the natural landscape while creating space ror themselves. We can refer to such traditional knowledge systems from both phenomcnological and morphological perspectives to understand the present fonn of Patan lown). The unique or generic geographical sClling of the city necds to be
deconstructed further to understand the fo ml of the city. The role of rel igious institutions in this cultural landscape can then be understood from their actual negotiations and appropriation of urban space
Tracing Ihl.' origins: The hill vlllley seltiem£'nl ph£'nonl£'non ratan town is located in the Kathmandu valley in Nepal. south of the bend of the river Bagmati in geographical setting that can be described as valley and moderate hilly condition. See figure 1. which shows the location of the Patan town wilh respect to the topography conditions and surrounding water bodies. ratan town is characterized by Durbar square nearly at the center of the town. numerous temples, l"Ill(Jr(lS. public plaees in fonn of open squares . ..... ater fountains. Pali (semi COI"ered sl/eller). SfIIJXI and ChailYo. Traditional houses in wood and brick are linear with double bays running parallel along the street and gable part of the house joining with the next. The houses arc about always organized around a shared courtyard. The courtyards otlen connect with each other and also serve as primary movement spaces. r atan has had layers of history \\ilh \\ ritten records. sculpture and fragmentary architcctural remains scattered throughout the city attest 10 the Licchavi period settlement (Slusser 1997: 96). The main settlement was conccnlrnted around the Durbar squarc and Mangal bazaar area. During the Malla period it was a city-state. which competed with Kath31mmdu and Bhaktapur. Patan has been a predominantly Buddhist town with about 150 l'ihal"lls.
To beller understtlnd Ihe fonn of Ihe P;;It;J.n lown it might be wonhwhile 10 also look at generic paltenlS of the settlement in the surrounding areas. The settlements in the Himalayas in general and for mOSI hill scttlements have developed a certain pattern in countering and using the natuml resources to onc's advantage. This is ob\ ious if one were to observe how communities have used topogmphy. water resources and forest produce to onc's advantage over centuries. The sellicment patterns seen in this part is also a result of such an attitude towards naturJI landscape. With the close obscrvation of the sctt lement patterns in and around Kathmandu valley. the following key physical attributes can be identified.
Palan: Reading Urban form in Cul tural Landscape 241
Th{" "ll luabk ridg.{" It is common knowledge Ihat majorilY senlement in hilly :lreas is mostly on the higher grounds, leal ing the lOll lands, which arc more fenilc, available for agriculture. Valleys :Ire the most precious resource :IS they prOI ide the source of water and Icnility for agriculture. Investigating funlll'r. \\ ithin the anitude of senlement on higher grounds Ihere seems to be cenain distinct p.Ulcms !lun can be ob:.crvcd in majority oflhc ca:.e:.. The ridge is markcd by :l narrow 11:.It piece of high ground wilh low lying slopes around its ci rcumference, seems to be the most preferred zone for the settkment. i\ ridge in any hi ll I'alley condition is a definite special zone that allOIl"S for access and control of nearly always two different valleys on both of its sides. It is also relatively flat and allows for Ilexibility of built foml. The condition will also allow for settlement to spread in all direction allowing for a polygonal profile .
Conceptually this altitude towards the ridge like conditions for preference of selllcment implies a special relationship that man establishes wil h natural condition. It is an allempl to position itself 1\lJlh respect to the natural landscape in hope tor future security and growth. The decision to [oc:lIe onesel f with respect to Ihe overall topographical condition is the firs t and foremost act that will impact the future foml of Ihe sculement. The common knowledge that communities gain over centuries of organizing space shou ld have ideally influcnced the large cities like Patan as well. Sce figure 2 for abstr.lcl diagrams and aerial pictures of some common pallcm ofSClllcmcnts on llll' ridge conditions.
242 CNAS Joumal, VoI, 36, No. 2 (July 2009)
Fig/ll'e 2: Seldemem 011 rid}!.e al lite ed}!.e fJf KlIlltlll(lIl(/" wIlier (llId i'~
(/b~ Ir(l{'lilll/
T he V:lll e~' green bells lInd 1I1 0\ elllelll The other condition th:1t seems to be preferred for location of houses or ~eulement ~eell1s to be the human mO\ement corridors, After ha\ ing close e'l:amination of sonw mo\ement corridors that e'l:ist on the rim of the \alley. It is clear that most llllpon:mt ones run parallel to thl' \alley like ..:ondition (big or small).
The mo\ement de\('lop~ parnllr:l sefJK'ntine foml sometime coming \cry c!OSl' and :1I other times far :l\\<l~ from the Ilater channcl~ in the \alley conditions but il t the ~amc time following the general direclion of the movement of Ilater itself. Sec ligure 3 lor I iews ,11ld nbstract diagrams of ~uch conditions. This resultant linear ~t rip like de\cloplll~'n t is usually chnracleriSlies of smaller settlements. This is an imponant condition 10 be found in betlleen (on the connectors) larger imponant Sl'ulelllents. BUI often such condilions arc found as e\k'nsions to the core of the ~eltkll1cnl itself.
Pa!an: Reading Urban form in Cultural Landscape 243
Since such seulcments arc linear. there is :l limit to their growth. But \\'hat is most interesting in thes!.' senkments is an idea of the front. which is thc public face of the built fonn and Ihe backside. which is personal private :l11d negotiates with the natural condition of slopcs towards thc water source. Thi s negotiation of the back of the built fabric is in form of private yards. agriculture fields and orchards. Again the conditions is important for conceptual understanding as linear strips of built form that position itself in cusp of the two very distinct realms of nature on onc side and man made movclllcnt corridor on the other. Such places lire also preferred for future cOlllmercial splice. This sccms to be a very common phenomenon in many hill valley condition but a very important OIK' lor Und('fStanding larger towns that exp::lI1ded to cover sueh lin!.'ar strips".
The \':rll ry streams. temples :lnd the peeplIl tree At a mor!.' detaikd scale there is another generic condition that seems 10 occur in most of the valley seukments. The water streams now at the lowest parts within the valley condition. These waler stl\'ams have always had a lot of importance for comlllunities for obvious rcasons of utility for irrigation and daily use. COlllmunities ha\'e accorded very special sacTI.::d meanings to such precious natur::rl resources. These meanings or communal :!lIitude towards natural strcams art expressed in fonn of [I Peepoltree and sometimes a small shrine around the zone where the man-made Settlement and the water stream intersect. Sec tigure 4 for images of slIch conditions. Such places. often over a period of time become special and sacred for the community and come 10 connote public nature. The pee{Ja/ tree and the way it is circul1wall:ned itself is ;[ very powertill idca in tenns of marking the space. By consciously developing a culture of rccognil.ing and celebrating such i111ponant landscape I.oncs the community pays due homage to the most irnpon;[rll natural resource: water. This is an impon311t phenomenon that C:1n
be used to aJ1;[lyze public pl;[ccs or I.oncs II1;[t lie on similar topographic:!1 conditions in the ratan IOWII.
,
CO'"'' ;;;;~ near II'flfer source. a/"o/lIId Bllllgall/uli l'iI/age
244 CNAS Journal , Vol. 36, No, 2 (July 2009)
I1 obvious that Ihcr.: arc certain generic al1itudcs lowards landscape in [eOlIS of localing oncself to its rclercncc, modi fying it or allaching mcanings to il. that communitics halc practiced 01('( a IlCTlod of time, Wc can nnd similar conditions in smallcr sculements of both Bung:ulIati and Kokhna lh:ll arc places of histone s ignlti('anCl'. ~Scc figurc 5 and 6. for e\ample, both lic on rtdge conditions II!lh lalle) floor t'Or agrtcuitun::, C\tcllSlons that run pnrallc1 10 ll1(lIClllcnt a\i~ and ideas of shrirK' and \<!erl,d trec around the Ilater ~tr<'::l IllS }, lIollcler a dew tied ~tud~ 1I ill hI' nced<.:d 10 eSlahlish the intricaCies (If ~ueh condition through Tlgorous spall:!1 analy~b.
Referent'l' to slll'h praclH:cs arc not to hl' found in ;m} l'anonical te\t5 or stone inscription but nelerthele~~ arc lel") import:mt as they h:!lc gui<kd the making of spaCl' jor cenluric~. Sm:h tradition is often referred to a\ thc lernaculnr or traditional ]...noll ledge s)~telll!> that arc passed all from onc generation 10 next and inlluence spacc right from IlK' humhle dll{'lIing to public places or elen the construction of till' chariot m/h.
The gencric tradition of space Ih:n Ill' hale obscfled in other settJcnk'nt~ or sma!ler ~lIl' and signi ticanee hclp~ us in clearly understanding their rclalionship Ili lh the !<lnd~cape. Thi ... call prolC to bl' hand} Ilhell looking at largcr senkment~ Ilhere at time~ the la}ers or Illan madl' inter\l'miolls Ol\:f a long period of link' ma]...e~ il dit1icult \(1 scc c{)rrdatioll bctlleen built fonn and nalllrallandscapc.
Patan: Reading Urban form in Cultural Landscape 245
Palilfl: Thl't:url olnd Iht, \\orld oul~id{' Th~' ahslr.ll't ,1i;lpam for I'alan (Figure 71l:illl be e\pl.llm:J 111 Il'rm, ur a l:irge wre "rpund [)urh'lr ,qual\.' III a rdatilcly tlal (or ks~ ~lored) M ... a and oul\\ ;11 J, c\ tI:ll , ion ,ll;t;Up~ i nl,!. thc sm;lll ridgl.' Ii kc COI1J IIlons from north upto Ih!,: ca ... t~'m ... ide. Th ... mo\ I:l1Icnl I ... marked II Ith [11 0 preJ(l11111131t1 allltudes:
• Short "..:(lnh":a'l IU Southll ... ,t nllll1e.:tors bclllccn the rilcr through thc agricultun: n.:ld ... going up to Ihe ridge [I) Ihe core orlhc Clly
• Singular ~orthllc ... 11O Southeast conn ... clor. that mmc Ilay beyond Ihe cm~' lIselr and 01113) rrom the c ity on both sides
246 CNAS Journal, Vol. 36, No. 2 (July 2009)
."",,, lIIailllllOl'elllem al/d
Obser. ing Ihe setl1cment and tlK' IOpogr:II)hy at a larger scale it becomes clear thm the main core lies on the ridge like condition. This again is a natural response Ihat is prelatent in the area as obscned earlier in the settlements in the valley. According to Slusser (1998: 97). Ihe Licchavi occupalion IlaS concentrated around Ihe I'man Durban square area with smaller villages or lowns present around it. 11 hich 11 ere eventually absorbed in the ci ty.
The choice of the core area of the cil), for Ihe location does suggesl a very conscious ,Ittitude 101\ards landscape imagined at a ""'ry I<I rg(' scale. The irnagiabililY of the cilY \\ ilh respecl to the olitside 1I"0rld further gels established: the main N·\\' to S-E connectors Ihat mns adjacent to the Durbar squarc. Manga[ Bazaar. Sundhara and points tOllards the mound on the N-E which has a monastery c1ust~'r and IlK' West Stupa, This can also be read as the connection \\ ilh Ilhm lies beyond Ihe realm of the cilY: ils [ink \I ith the lIorld outside. The M(lchhelldrmwlh rmhj(tll"(l also passes through this roule to finally reach the \ illagc of Bunagmati where it stays for six months.
This is an important phenomenon and can be further understood from the point of nature of interaction between the realm of religious symbolism and the natural landscape. Mounds and hillocks have always [13d special symbolism ;n Hindu and Buddhist culturc and have bcen rcvcrcd to be s;Icrcd and also removed from the humanly existence. The path leading 10 the
Patan: Reading Urban form in Cultural Landscape 247
mound is suggcsllve of a very imponant StatllS to Ihe hillock. 1110S1 probably due to the imponance of Ihe monastery (Raksevera Mahavihar Bahi) Ihal must have existed on il or due 10 Ihe W('Si Stupas. Jul ia Shaw (2009: 127) discussed Ih(' importam conccpt of the hilltop SlUpa while discussing the IOpogrnphical context to the Buddhist archaeological site III S:mchi in India. The other perspective can be had from the role of the monastery itsdf in facilitating cross border trade. Sallg/ms. at least thl' Indian sub continent hale f:lcilitaled the trade by pro\ iding lodging. slOrage and lending facilities in monasteries \0 merchants. The Kathmandu valley has historically been a hub for long distance trade wilh Tibet and the Indian Sub-continent (Whclpton 2008: 17).
The "social SPllCC" of 1':11 :111 The shoner connections that connect the core of the town wi th the low lying areas and agriculture fil'lds towards its easlem arch have given a prominent SlmClllre to the town. Figure 7 shows the mo\'cment axis and Ihe core of th(' city in relation 10 the topography of the place. [t is vcry clear that the movement routes are a direct response to the topographical condition on the eastem edge of Ihe tOIl n as all of them nm parallel 10 Ihe valley conditions Ihat arc fomled parallel to the movement of surface wat(' r (which has been marked by cyan in figure 8). This is the typical negotialion of the surlace water stream that lIe have observed in many other smaller settlements in the lalley. Thes(' movement connectors run parallclto the surface waler streams Ihal n.m across the agriculture fields around the valley pan of the s lopes. This is the onc of the systems that influences the fonn of the ci ty as it guides the spacc that gets organized around these movement axes and also form the backbone of Ihe most imponant physical and physiological link of man with agriculture. These short connections !oml Ihc backbone 10 hold the key communal elements and function oflhe city al a morc immediate basis. This is Ihe "soci<ll space'~ that people create. nurture and mould for their own self. far remO\ed and an anti-thesis to the abstract space like Durbar Square that the stale creates.
This is a very intimate and communally responsive feature Iha\ emerges from the attitude orthe community towards their landscape and agriculture. It has qualities of immediacy and close conneelion with the dai ly life and perhaps ritual of the people of Palan. The communal aspects of such space are discussed in the seclion on Monastery.
248 CNAS Journal, Val. 36, No. 2 (July 2009)
Figure 8: Tht' t',lge cOlldili(JlI~ ill Pawl/
The Urban Innovation In the discussions above two \ery distinct systems that give an o\crall stmcturc to the town of ratan have been described. The lirst onc is a result of an imaginal)' positioning of the town in the landscape and a symbolic long axis connects it with the world beyond. The other is a skillful negOliation of the natural landscape while using the same to onc's advantage and recognizing opponunities to create space of communal significancc. The structurc of the town becomes both powcrful and flexible when these two very diITerent spatial systems arc superimposed in onc space and that is what adds such an urbane character to the Patan. A kind ofa grid is achieved whcn these two systems emerge OUt of very diITerent concerns. Together these connectors form the skeleton of the town. The Durbar square lies at vcI)' imponant junction where these two systems (onc highly imaginal)' and onc very real) come together.
Th(' monaSI('ry as Il('goli:llor of th(' outsid(' The monastcl)' institutions and their appropriation of urban space is another area of interest blll has largely been ignored by scholars. The Buddhist tradition of Space and its role in urbanity in Ncwar valley needs to be probed funhe r. Gerard Tollin (1991: 75) had hinted on the role Buddhist monument
Patan: Reading Urban form in Cultural Landscape 249
in Kathmandu and Patan. would have played in creating spatia! symbolism by quoting the S\'ayambllll Purmw at a very general leveL Niels Gutshow (1997: 13) also refers to the concept of Kathmandu valley bei ng connoted as a Malic/a/a in Buddhist texts. BOlh arc references at a very general level and would need further investigation to establish correlation of such symbolism with space.
The general notion as related to spatial location of Monasteries in Newar cities has always assumed them to be part oflhe main city. But if we were to do a closer examination of certain monasteries with respect to the main core that we have identified and the landscape around it might lead to certain interesting findings. John Locke (1985: 187) and many other authors have clearly articulated the dilTerencc between the bahi and balm type of monastery in Newar region both in temlS of the dilTerence in its Architecture fonn as well as practice. The baMs are relics of an earlier tmdition :lIld were soon relegated to Ihe outside due to changes in ideas of celibate monk. social high status of the Vajracharya and sanction of the tantric Buddhism by the nlling elitc. Gdlner (2003: 160) concludes with certainty Ihal bahi monastery represent the older monastic tradition wi thin Buddhism, which soon went out of favor with the advent of the concept of the married monks. Moreover the Bahis were reduced to being older marginalized monastic tradition, as I--l indu Brahmanical practice innuenced the majority of the Buddhist rituals as well. Locke ( 1985: 189) mentions a certain incident that took place during the Malla period. He suggests that bahis followed the other worldly forest dwelling dharnla. It was in response to the efforts by King Siddhi Narasingh to refonn the monasteries that the members of the bolli claimed there followed the other worldly forest-dwelling dharnla. Akira Sh imada (2009: 2t9) in his article of monasteries and urbanity in India explained a vcry important concept. While studying monasteries in Central and Southern India. that exist just outside the urban center but they were nevcr really out in Ihe wilderness or forest. In his article the authors goes on to speculate thc role of monasteries in taking up other function of Ihe ci ty that werc considered demeaning likc handling the cremation. issues with lower castes and cven trade.
Based on John Lockes (1985: Appendix maps) maps locating all of the monasteries of Patan and surrounding. a map marking the halli structures with respect 10 the ground sur.'ey and conlours of the place has been prepared (Figure 9). The location of most baMs shows some striking similarities as most arc towards the periphery (outside) of the main core of the city and most are in prominenl landscape conditions.
Many of the balti arc on the edge of the core town that we have identified in the naller portion of lhe town. As concluded by Shimada (2009: 219) monasteries that existed outside the city were not necessarily out in the wi lderness but at once they were an antithesis to the concept ofurbanity7 and
250 CNAS Journal. Vol. 36. No. 2 (July 2009)
were also dependent on the urban centers for sustenance and growth. It is quite possible that bahis were really located outside the city core and some continued to occupy important position on the main routes leading out to the city. Ovcra period of time. they became part of the main town. This leads to certain interesting condi tions that must be accounted for while analyzing the urban fonn of Patan town. The role of bahi monasteries in defining the peripheral spaces ofthc city can be analYlcd further from spatial perspective. Some bahi monasteries that are towards the east and south of the make for "ery interesting spatial readings (Figure to).
Figure 9: Loclllion o/haMs in Palan
Palan: Reading Urban form in Cultural Landscape 251
'/
•
-Fi~ur~ 10: Locatioll of f1ahi~ 011 edge of the 1u1l'1I. P(IIall
I1 seellls they WCr(' al\\ays localed in special landscape conditions with respect to the main roules as \\'d l (Figure 11). The monasteries oUlside inlluenccd thc surrounding.spacc that c\cntually had more and mOTe public connation. Thesc spaces then c011lcsted or hannonized with other stmcturcs likl' /JeepllI tr~~. small shrines and water lank to ultimalely give ,I complele comlllunal charaCler to the place~ . The e.xarnph::s aTe kvahlachi 101. Aluko 10/
and area around Kumbheshwar tcmple. All arc importalll public place with many building of community import,mce (Figure 12). These areas are right on the lowesl part of the valley and roads have f0011Cd around the surfacc waterways (lowest spots Of lhc valley condilions). Bolh oflhese public places also have b(jhi~' next 10 it. These SpolS which were very much part of Ihe periphery of the cily cventually became part of il and bohi.l' secms 10 ha\e played an important role in adding a legitimate function 10 the periphery mther il being merely extensions of the core". I-Iowcver. the laycrs of built f0011 in surrounding area do make such eorrelalions dimcult to discertl on silc bUI it does becOllle clear('r when studied through topographical. hydrology. vegctation and bui lt fonn infomlation in maps.
252 CNAS Journal, Vol. 36, No. 2 (July 2009)
I • Figurc 11: Aksel'era Malwl'ihar Bahi. Pulcho\\'k. palmI
:,' .
'. ---~'-
• •
--~ -• •
-' , Figurc 12: The bahis lIear lIafllml walerways ill mile), alld public place
a/'Ol/lId
Palan: Reading Urban form in Cullural l andscape 253
The urban residential block and role ofthc monastery The urban residential structure or the Patan town shares morphological uniqueness with the other valley SClIlements or Kathmandu. Ilhaktapur. Thimi and Kiritipur. Ncils Gutschow (1978: 57) in his imponant work on structure or Bhaktapur town has demonstrntcd thc relcvance and runction or the square as a key reature in the city and wcnt on to cstablish the correlation between rituals and space. His analysis rorms a vcry imwnant basis to runher dcconslruclthe urban spaces in the valley seulemenls o. However, his conclusions that "urban spaces in Newari being cssenlially ritual spaces" is one narrative in describing these cities. Urban space in itselr shows huge variation and there arc possibi lities to rurther investigate their relevance and orIgin.
The residential cluster that arc characterized by houses organized around interconnected open courtyards are the most important and unique innovation in space that we have seen in this part or Ihe world. Linear houses surround a square or rectangular open coun with mostly a Stll/XI, Chaitya andfor other mOlir structure in the open space. The long side or the house opens out to the courtyard and onen has a smaller backyard courtyard as well. But this arrangement is not complete and definite by itselrand allows ror possibilities to connect with adjacent court and has a kind or systemic property that allows ror various possibilities (Figure 13: Typical multi court residential cluster west or Mangal Bazaar. Patan). In Patan one can find residential cluster or various scales. starting rrom residences organized around a very large open space such as in llub..1hal and Nagbahal. At smaller scale the residcntial clustcr may also consist or only onc courtyard around which three or rour houscs arc organizcd. Many such largc clusters onen have monastery, 1cml>lc. pati or other community structure in some or the couns adding a communal func tion to the space. It is a kind or introverted systemic way or organizing residcntial spaces making while incorporating other nonresidential use or common value (like monastery. Stllptl, Chair)'a) ror the community 10 create a rai rly complctc, sare and rich living cnvironment.
254 CNAS Journal, VoL 36, No. 2 (July 2009)
,
. Ralllauk(lr Malwl"iluII". Pa/(1I1
Patan: Reading Urban form in Cultural landscape 255
The residcntial clustcrs with such mUltiple communal courtyards, which arc found in cities of thc val ley are unique to the region. The idea (of residential square) and its adaptation in the course of time is an embodiment of very fOfmal al1itude towards space organization and needs to be furthe r analyzed. The focus of architecture studies so far has been more towards classical artifacts (meaning important bui ldings) and Durbar squOlre OInd such residential clusters have largely been ignored by most subject experts.
The first clue seems to come from the spatial organization of the monastery itself. One can safely assume that existence of monastcry as an institution in some fonn or othcr predates the origin of much of Patan town. Thc architecture of Ihe monastery offers interesting possibilities from the point of view of replicability and diffusion of ideas about space. The monastery embodies ideas of a perfect fonnal negative spOlce in foml of 01
courtyard around which OIctivities are organized. Courtyard as an idea was nothing new, becausc in all probabi lity court would have been uscd as utilitarian open space within or out side the house in vcrnOlcular traditions. But the monastery structure by virtue of organizing space in a clean. perfcct and skilled manncr elevated the idea of a courtyard from a mere utilitarian clement to that of hallowed, dignified and tranquil spacc. Such space offered an inner perfcction or frecdom within, independent of the world outside (Figure 14). Seen in context with the Buddhist philosophy of removal of self from the immediate world or for search of the inner trulh, the courtyard space was a complete expression of these ideals. The courtyard seems to offer an inner freedom. which perhaps also complimcnted the psyche of the Buddhist community. whose religion never ever became the religion of the state.
The next important stage must have been the change in practice from celibate to married monks. The fOlct that family (married monks) quarters were organized around the monastery courtyard must have connoted very communal and domestic ideas about the space now. This must have been an important step in diffusion of thc idea of courtyard outside the monastery structure itself. It ..... as a kind of ready made template available to be used and perfected over a period of time for organizing residential spaces in the city. This template of courtyard based residential communal living offered possibilities 10 create a world within, which signified bolh freedom and sacredness at the same time. So it is nol surprising to find many such residential clusters in Patan with monasteries, SllIpa and Chail),l1 as fonnally incorporated in the clusters themselves.
The vernacular housing typology in Newar region has also contributed to the success of the residential courtyard based spaces. The typical rural house type in Newar region is linear with double bays running parallel 10 the ridge. It is usually a long house with smaller gable ends and opening on the longer side. Often even in rural setting the house would turn to fonn -L' shaped plan. This house type ..... as perfect to be used in fonning clusters of
256 CNAS Journal, VOl. 36, No. 2 (July 2009)
many such houses that surround a rectangular or square courtyard. The gable ends of Ihe house gel connected with adjacent units and long sides continue to remain open on both sides to gel light and air. Often in the front opens OUI to a large court and backs would open OUI 10 smaller ones. Moreover the linear bay sySlem allows for the house 10 be turned in the corner withoul much apparent problems. Once corners are taken care of the rectangular bui lt fonn around the courtyard is complete.
Conclusions The town of Palan has obviously undergone change and transfonnalion due to layers of human occupation it has experienced. Role of natural factors like material. climate and topogl1lphy has largely been ignored while looking at cities in Asia. especially the ones that are old. As is clear from the case in Patan, the altilude and expression of communities over a long period of time towards natul1ll condition especially the landscape of the immediate context has an overwhelming influencc on the manner in which cities take shape. It is not to be scen as only a functional responsc to counter problems posed by topography or water bUI it is a reverence and acknowledgment of nature. Often such acknowledgement leads to expressions in space that remain markers for such a special relationship between man and naturc. The fonnation of public places on sueh speeiallandseape conditions is a case in point. It is also evident that such altitude then beCOIllCS pan of the culture of place making and gets ingrotincd in Ihe protcticc or through rituals. The condition of Peepal Iree and shrines around the water stream is a classic example of such cultural expression.
The other issue is Ihe role of Buddhist institutions in influencing the space making altitudes in the Patan ll
. The monastery as the 'other' in a Uindu state, even though not really a minority. had ideas of spa cc Ihat wcre not only very si mple but also very powerfuL The residential monastcry for married monks as an idea was both sacred and palatable for the general mass at the same time. The residential courtyard based eommunal living spaces are an outcome of such influence. and such organization is only to be round in
" Newar area"". h is 110t surprising that monastery not only became pan of the social
fabric ('atan but also began to exert influence in attitude towards space in the city at large. However th is is just one imponant narrative for the city and there arc always possibilities for many more.
Notes I. The discussions by David Gellner in his artiete "Does symbolism
'Construct an Urban Mesocosm'? Robcrt Levy's Mesocosm and Question of value Consensus in Bhaktapur" is important and intcresting
Patan: Reading Urban form in Cultural Landscape 257
for discussions on the theoretical construct that can be uscd to understand space in cities.
2. Most cities of mcdieval period in Indian sub cominent including Pakistan and Sri Lanka always had a strong idea of the inside- outside, ditTerent quaners for different social groups. lower caste towards the outside of the core. gates. crcmation yards outsidc the city etc. I do not think these arc features specific to a ' 1Iindu ' city or cities ofNcwar val1cy.
J. Thc discipline of culture landscape offcrs much interesting possibilities to understand cities morphology and recent works by Amita Sinha and Rana P B Singh whi le analyzing Mathura (Vrindavan) and Varanasi respecti\"ely demonstrnte interesti ng possibi lities. These arc mostly special examples. One can however use similar methodology to read spaces in many more old urban sellings.
4. Most old cities li ke Pawn would have outgrown their original core and would have engulfed either neighboring hamlets or sueh linear e.>: ten5ions. The historical description by Mary Shepherd Slusser about growth and origin of Patan corroborate such outgrowth .
5. Presently houses and shops occupy the entire Pulcho" k hillock . It is only when onc probes funher through drawings and some ground verification one realises some historical imponance of this place as a special natural condition \\ ith somc institution of symbolic impon(lIlce.
6. Using Lefebvre concept of social Sp3CC. 7. The concept of the celibate monk as 3ssoci3ted \\ith Bahis \\ould lit wcll
conceptually if these monasteries existed outside the periphery of the city.
8. The rolc of thc water iountains Hili in urban space. if understood from its systemic and cultural allriblltcs along with its negotitll ion with the natllrallandscapc. can surely lead to some interesting rcadings of Patan.
9. A correlation bet\\ ... en Uilhis and peripheral space can only be supponed by series or dra\\ ings sho\\ ing the actual negotiation in space. 11 was not possible to indud ... all \ isuill material in this anicle.
10. The large amount of .... ork by Neils GUIschow in documenting and wri ting about Kathmandu valley towns is a huge base line r~"Source ror (lilY researcher concerned with architecture and urban space. Subsequelll researchers are indeed privileged to have such a resource as refercnce matcrial. That is why I beli ... ve more rescarch can be done on issues related 10 Urban morphology ,md theories penaining Newar cities.
11 . In Patan the innuence of monastery coun on other residential area is most clear. But it might also be tnle for Kathmandu as well.
12. The nalUre or organizing housing clusters diffcrs greatly in cities of western Himalayas such as Chamba, Kullu, Leh, etc. or c\'en in medieval cities in western India (Gujarat. Rajasthan) or older cities in South India (Kamataka. Tamil Nadu and Kerala). Newari cities (especially ratan.
258 CNAS Journal, Vo!' 36, No. 2 (July 2009)
Kathmandu and I3h:tktapur) show a lery distinct rmd formal fonn of housing cluster \\ hilc making good use of rec1:mgular courts to org3ni/e communal Ih ing. Such lommlily in SP3('C IS missing CH'n in DhulikhcJ another historically nnportant Ne\\ ari to\\ n at the rim of the I alley.
Bibliography Gellner. DOlI id N. 1003. Tilt' AIIf{II1JpO/o~y 01 BI/dd/I/IIII IIIII{ I-/illl/llil"lll.
Press. Shimada. Akira. 2009. "Amarin :lti and Dhan} akatab: Typology of Mona,tic
Spaces in Ancicnt Indian Cities" In Akira Shirnada 3nd Jason Ilall kes (cd.). Hlldd/llf{ SIIII)tI ill SUlI/II ilia. Ox lord Unil ersity Press. pp. 1 16-234.
Sha\\ . Julia. 1009. "Slupas, Mon<lslerics <lnd Relics in landscape: Typological. Spalial and Tcmporal Patterns in Sanchi Arca'". In Akira Shimada and Jason 1101\\ kes (l'<l.). Blld(l/lISI SlIIjJ" 11/ Soll/II A.I/lI. Oxford Unilersity Prcss. pp. 114-145.
WhcJpton. John. 2008. A IlisIOl:\" uf Nt'pal. ClIIllbridgc Universi ty Press Slusser Mary Shepherd. 1998. NefXll Malldala: A ClIll/w(I/ Sl/l(~\' of Ihe
Kmllll/wu/" V(/lIeF Volume I, Princeton Unhersi ty Press. Sin ha Amila. 1999. hnp:llww\\ .colorado.edulConferenceslpilgrimage/papcrsl
R(lm3.html Presented 3\ conference "Pi1grim3ge and Complexity" Indira Gandhi Nalion<ll C('ntre for the Arts. New Delhi.
Gutschow. Niels. 1997. NefXlle.!"e C"(li~l'CI: /500 yews of Buddhisl "o/i1"e Archileclllre ill Ihe Kalhmml(/lI Valley. London: A,xcl M(lngcs. Stuttgart.
Gutschow Niels. 1978. "Function of squares in Bhaktapur". AA RP JOI//"IIa/. pp. 57-64.
TofTin. Gerard. 1991. "Urban Sp3ce and Religion: Observation on Nell'ari Urb3nism" in Gerard Tomn (ed.). M(l1I alld his hOIl.fe ill Ihe Himalayas: Ecology of Nepal. Sterl ing Publishers, pp. 71-79.
Visual Source All phOlographs by author All sketches by author Plans have made use of CAD drawings as base layer. Source KVTDC Aerial pictures using Google Earth
![[XLS] · Web viewJIVAN JYOT CHARITABLE TRUST, PATAN JANTA HOSPITAL-PATAN SAL HOSPITAL (2) CARDIOLOGY (4) CARDIOVASCULAR SURGERY (5) GENITOURINARY SURGERY AARNA SUPERSPECIALITY HOSPITAL](https://static.documents.pub/doc/80x56/5ad68f887f8b9a32618b4569/xls-viewjivan-jyot-charitable-trust-patan-janta-hospital-patan-sal-hospital-2.jpg)
