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Perfective butincompleteaccomplishments
Dr María J.ArcheUniversityofGreenwich
LELResearchSeminarUniversityofManchester, 28th February2017
Workinprogress
Captatio benevolentiae
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Workabout
• Theeventtypeknownasaccomplishments,•Which,however,areunderstoodasincomplete
• Evenwhentheyappearintheperfectiveviewpoint.
• Thatis,it isaworkabouttheintertwineofEventtypeswithviewpointaspect.
Whyisthisanissue?
•Well,• Accomplishments aresupposedtoentailanendpoint,culmination–thatistheclassicaldifferentiationfromactivities:(1)Ellaranforthreehours.(2)Ellarantwomilesinthreehours.
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Lexical orSituation AspectStates Non-actions;
express the existence of the thing
Be green, love, hate
Activities Actions with duration & no inherent endpoint
Wander, swim, push*in an hour
Accomplishments Actions with duration & an inherent endpoint
Build a housein an hour
Achievements Actions with endpoint but no duration
Arrive, die, awaken
• Taxonomyofpredicates,eventtypes.
• Aristotle.• Ryle1949,Vendler 1957,Kenny1963,Dowty 1979,Smith1991
Whyisthisanissue?
• Especiallywhentheyappearintheviewpoint formcalledperfective.
•Why?Becausetheperfectiveistheviewpointthatbringstheinterpretationaccordingtowhichthesituationisfinished.
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Viewpoint aspect• Asemanticcategory• Informationabouttheunfoldingofthesituation;
• Abouttostart:prospectiveaspect(1)Iamgoingtoreadthenewspaper.
• On-going:progressiveaspect(2)Iamreadingthenewspaper.
• Finished:perfectiveaspect(3)Ireadthenewspaper.
ThesemanticsoftheperfectivePerfectiveform:• situationfinished;• bounded;• closed
Finishedwhat?Formalanalysisbasedontheorderingonintervals:Klein1994
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TheperfectiveKlein(1994),Demirdache&Uribe-Etxebarria (2000,2004,2007).Viewpointasarelationbetween
• aTopic/Assertion Time(theintervaltheutteranceisabout)
• anEventTime(theintervalthesituationitselfmayextendover).
The perfective:AspP
AstT Asp’
Asp EvtToverlap
EvtT
a.------------------------|xxxxxxxxxxxx|-----------------b.TopicTimetotaloverlapwithEventTime
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ThePerfective• Perfectiveviewpoint:theAstT andtheEvent
Time(EvT)overlapcompletely.
• Theconsequenceofthisorderingistheensue
oftheinterpretationof‘finished’,‘culminated’
eventuality’inthecaseofaccomplishments
• Thatis,culminationisaconsequenceofan
intervalorderingoperation.
Theperfective(2) a.Juanestuvo enfermo. State
Juanbeestar-perfve.3ps ill
b.Juanpaseó por laplaya. Activity
Juanwalk-perfve.3ps bythebeach
c.Juanpintó lavalla. Accomplishment
Juanpaint-perfve.3ps thefence
d.Juanencontró laaguja. Achievement
Juanfind-pfve.3pstheneedle
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• Inallofthesentencesinthepreviousslideitisunderstoodthattheperiodoftimeduringwhichtheeventtookplaceisover.
• Withtelicpredicates,itisalsotypicallyunderstoodthattherelevantpointneededforthesituationtobesubstantiatedhasbeenreached.
• Thatistosay,perfectiveaccomplishmentstypicallyyieldtheinterpretationof‘culminated’.
However• Factssuchasthefollowingonesareattested:
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Accomplishmentsintheperfective
Hindi (Arunachalam&Kothari2010)(3) maayaa-nebiskuT-ko khaa-yaa
Maya-ERG cookie-ACCeat-PFVparuse puuraanahiin khaa-yaabutit-ACC finishnoteat-PFV
‘Mayaatethecookie,butdidnotfinishit’.
Accomplishmentsintheperfective
Lilooet Salish (St’át’imcets)(Bar-eletal2005)(4) máys-en-lhkan ti q’láxan-a, t’u7 cw7ay
fix-TR-1SG.SU DET fence-DET but NEGt’u7kw-s tsúkw-s-anjustDET-NOM finish-CAU-1SG.ERG
‘Ifixedafence,butIdidn’tfinish.’
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Accomplishmentsintheperfective
Thai(Koening &Muansuwan2001)--Semiperfectives;khurnpfve marker.
(6)Surii tεεŋ klɔɔn khurn tεε jarjmaj sedSurii composepoemascendbutstillnotfinish
'Surii composeda/thepoem,buthasnotfinishedityet.'
Accomplishmentsintheperfective
Balkar (Tatevosov 2008)
(7)Kerim esik-ni ac-xan-di,alaj bosa-ma-van-diKerimdoor-ACCopen-PFT.3psbutfinish-neg-PFT.3ps‘Kerimopenedthedoor,but(he)didnotfinish’
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Accomplishmentsintheperfective
Spanish (Arche2014a,c)(7)Pedropintó lavalla,pero noterminó.
Pedropaint-pfve.3psthefencebutnotfinished‘Pedropaintedthefencebuthedidnotfinish’
(8)Juanvació lapiscina,pero no terminó.Juanempty-pfve.3psthepool,butnotfinished.‘Juanemptiedthepool,buthedidnotfinish
AccomplishmentsintheperfectiveSpanish (Arche2014a,c)(7’)Pedropintó lavalla,peronodeltodo.
Pedropaint-pfve.3psthefencebutnotcompletely‘Pedropaintedthefencebutnotcompletely’
(8’)Juanvació lapiscina,pero nodeltodo.Juanempty-pfve.3psthepool,butnotcompletely‘Juanemptiedthepool,butnotcompletely
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Basedontraditional tenets
• Thisshouldnothappen!
Theresearchtask
• Identifythesourceofthephenomenon.
• Authors thatputtheweightonthestem.• Thisproposal:exploretheweightandroleofviewpointsemantics.
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Theresearchtask
• Identifythegrammarlimitsofitexamining
• Variation inthegrammarofviewpointaspect• Variation inthestemsallowedinnonculmination phenomena
Theroleofviewpoint aspect• Interpretationtofocusonnow:
Partialsuccess
• BUTtheyarenotIMPERFECTIVE cases.• InlanguageswhereinflectiondistinguishesbetweenImperfectiveandPerfective(e.g.,Spanish)wecanseethedifference.
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Theroleofviewpoint aspect(9)Pedropintaba lavalla.
Pedropaint-IMPF.3psthefence‘Pedrowas.impfpaintingthefence’
à noculminationreading.
(10)Pedropintó lavalla.Pedropaint-PFve.3psthefence‘Pedropaintedthefence’
à culminationreading
Somesayitisinthestem
• Becauseitispartialsuccesswithout(classical)
imperfectivity involved,authorsconcludethatthe
sourceofthereadingisinthecomputationofthe
eventualitytype(Bar-eletal2005;Tatevosov2008).
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Somesayitisinthestem
• Tatevosov (2008)alsoarguesthatthefact
thatnonculmination isfoundinotherforms,
suchasthefuture,arguesagainstany
possibleroleplayedbytheviewpointaspect
semantics.Hisexamplesare:
Somesayitisinthestem
Balkar(11)Kerim eki sabat esik-ni ac-ar-di.
Kerim twohourdoor-ACCopen-FUT.3ps‘Kerimwillopenthedoorfortwohours’
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Mytake• Truethatclassical imperfectivity isnotatstake,aswehaveundisputable perfectives
• Admit thatfutureexamples fallwithinthesamephenomenon.
BUT• Thisdoesnotmean thatviewpointsemanticsdoesnotplayarole.
Mytake• Viewpointformsarenotmonolithicandcanbemorecomplex(havemorecomponents) thanpreviouslythought.
• Actually,weknowthatthesemanticsandthecorrespondencesbetweenformandmeaningwithotherviewpointsisnotthatsimple.
• Seethecaseoftheimperfect,towitthetreacherousterrain:
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Meanings andforms ofviewpointaspect
(11)Juancantaba.Juansing-impfv.3ps
• Meanings/readingsinSpanish:• Habitual ‘Juanusedtosing’• Progressive ‘Juanwassinging’• Ability‘Juanknewhowtosing’
• Arche2006,2014:sharedcore:orderingpredicatemeaning‘within’plusotherdifferentheadsadding otherinformation.
IMPERFECT
Cross-linguistic variation• Comrie 1976;Dahl1985;Bybee etal1994;Koontz-Garboden 2003,a.o.
• English:doesnotdistinguishimpfve/pfveinflectionally;ratheritseemstodistinguishongoing/rest.
(12)Iwasreadingthebook Progressive(13)Ireadabook. Perfective(14)IbikedtoschoolwhenIwasachild. Habitual(15)IreadFrencheventhoughIwasnevertaught. Ability
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• Hindi:distinguishimperfective/perfective
dichotomy,buttheImperfectformcannotbe
interpreted asprogressive.
• Georgian hasthehabitualbutnottheprogressive
explicitlymarked.
• Furthermore,differentwaysofmarkingthe
contrasts: inflection(synthetic),auxiliaries–
analytical,tone(Krongo),etc.
Accomplishmentsintheperfective
• Whatiftheperfectiveismorecomplexthanwhatwethought?
• Caninvolveotherelements?–Becomplex.
• Altshuler 2014;Arche 2014.
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Nonculminatingaccomplishments• Heterogeneousevents
• Borer(2005):haveQuantityprojected• Thesituationisnotunderstoodasculminated.• Tackletheheartoftherelationbetween:
• Telicity• Heterogenousevents• noteventterminus/completion/telos
• Perfectiveviewpointaspect• Perfective:intervalbounded
Typical casesPiñón 20081.Defeasiblecausatives(teach;treat)(16)Leenseñé latín,pero noaprendió nada.
hertaughtLatinbutnotlearnt anything‘Itaught herLatinbutshedidnotlearnanything’
2.Verbsofcreation(build,draw,write,compose)(17)Pedro compuso elpoema,pero noterminó.
Pedrocomposedthepoembut notfinished‘Pedrocomposedthepoembutdidnotfinish’
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Typical casesPiñón 20083.Verbsofnon-creation(colour,read,fill,empty)(18)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo,peronoterminó.
Pedrocoloured.pfve thecastlebutnotfinished‘Pedrocolouredthecastlebutdidnotfinish’
(19)Pedrovació lapiscina,pero noterminó.Pedroemptied.pfve thepoolbutnotfinished‘Pedroemptiedthepoolbutdidnotfinish’
Typical casesPiñón 2008
4.Performance-creation(recite,play,sing)(18)Pedrotocó lasonata,peronoterminó.
Pedroplayed.pfve thesonatabutnotfinished‘Pedroplayedthesonatabutdidnotfinish’
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Typical cases• Differentdegreesofacceptability• Creation>>performance>>noncreation--- +++ +++
• OngoingstudyofacceptabilityfromnativespeakersofSpanishandFrench(Arche&Martin,inpreparation).
• Firstphase:reactiontimestudywithadults;nativeuniversityundergraduates.
• Differentverbs;with/withouttheadverbial;perfective/perfectiveprogressive.
Leading case
• Forthesakeofthediscussion,Iwillfocusoncasessuchas(19):
(19)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo,peronoterminó.Pedrocolour-pfve.3psthecastle,butnotfinished‘Pedrocolouredthecastlebuthedidnotfinishto’
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Pointsforexploration1. Qualityoftheeventuality:trueaccomplishments?
2.Semanticsoftheperfective
3. Syntax-semanticsofthetemporalmodifiersthat seemtofosternonculmination inthesecases
“Forxtime”
4. Thecompatibilityoftheovertclausedeclaringthelackofculminationexplicitly“notfinishto”(vs.notcompletely).
Iwillexplore
• Asortofcorrelationamongtheseelements
• Whichmaypointtotheavailabilityof
PARTITIVEsemanticsintheperfective in
Spanish.
• Whichincludesanadditionalsyntactichead,
whichispartitive,progressive.
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Leading case(19)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo, pero noterminó.
Pedrocolour-pfve.3psthecastle, butnotfinished‘Pedrocolouredthecastlebuthedidnotfinishto’
• OKformanyspeakersbut• somewanttoadd“forxtimemodifier”
• Stillanaccomplishment?
(20)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo durante unrato,Pedrocolour-pfve.3psthecastleforawhile,pero noterminó.butnotfinished
1.QualityoftheeventualityTrueaccomplishment? yes
1.1.Culmination ispossible
(21)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo durante unratoyloterminó.P.coloured.pfve thecastle forawhileanditfinished‘Pedrocolouredthecastleforawhileandhefinishedit’
(22)Pedronadó durante unrato (#yterminó).Pedroswim-pfve.3psforawhileandfinished.‘Pedroswanforawhileandfinished’
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• The sentence
Pedrocoloreó elcastillo durante unrato.Pedrocolored.pfve thecastleforawhile.
is vaguewithrespecttoculmination.Itiscompatiblewithbothscenarios: onewhere there isnoculminationandanother onewhere there is(Arche 2014a).
• inasimilarwayinwhichwespeakaboutvaguenessintemporalorderingintheso-calledIndependenttemporalconstrualobservedinrelativeclauses(Stowell 1993;seeArche2001forSpanish).
Quality oftheeventuality1.2.Okafterfinish
(23)√Pedronoterminó decolorear elcastillo.Pedrodidnotfinishcolouringthecastle
(24)*Pedronoterminó depasear. *ACTIVITIESPedrodidnotfinishstrolling
• (not)finish+accomplishments:okonly(Pustejovsky 1988)
• ElidedVPmustbeanaccomplishment, justastheoneitisacopyof,ergo,stillanaccomplishmentdespitetheforxtime.
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2.Themeaningoftheperfective• Inallthesecases, theperfectivecanbeparaphrasedwithwhatcanbecalled“perfectiveprogressive”:
(25)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo,peronoterminó.Pedrocolour-pfve.3psthecastle, butnotfinished‘Pedrocolouredthecastlebuthedidnotfinishto’
(26)Pedroestuvo coloreando elcastillo, peronoterminó.
Pedrowas.pfve coloring thecastle, butnotfinished.
N.B.Notethat thisformISNOT equivalentinanysensetoanimperfectiveprogressive(thetypicalformknownasprogressiveinshort).
3.Thesemanticsofthetemporalmodifier
(27)Pedrocoloreóelcastillo,pero noterminó.Pedrocolouredthecastle,butnotfinished (to)
• OKforsomespeakers,butmanyreactbyaddinga“for-time”modifier.
(28)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo duranteunrato,pero noterminó.P.coloured.pfve thecastle forawhile,butnotfinished‘Pedrocolouredthecastleforawhilebutdidnotfinish’
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Themeaning ofthetemporalmodifier
• Q:Whydoesthisadverbialmakethesentencebetter?• Q:Whatdoesitmean?• Ans:Forawhile givesusthesizeofaninterval• Ans:Whichinterval?TheTTorAssertionTime(Klein1994)
(29)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo durante tres horas…Pedrocoloured.pfve thecastlefor threehours…
(29)istrueevenifPedrocolouredthecastleforfivehours.(Arche2014)
Themeaning ofthetemporalmodifier
• TheAssertionTimeà Theintervalwewanttoassert(theTT,AstT),ratherthantheintervalofthewholeeventperse.
• Forthreehours,forawhilegiveusonlypart oftheintervaltheeventmayextendover.
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Themeaning ofthetemporalmodifier• For-timeadverbialssharplycontrastwithin-timeadverbials:
(30)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo entres horas.Pedrocoloured.pfve thecastleinthreehours
• cannotbe trueif ittookPedrofivehourstocolour thecastle.
• cannot becontinuedby“notfinishto”
(31)*Pedrocoloreó elcastillo entres horas,Pedrocoloured.pfve thecastle inthreehours,peronoterminóbutnotfinished
ThemeaningofthetemporalmodifierEntres horasinthreehoursà intervalofthewholeactualevent
Durante tres horasfor threehoursà intervaloftheassertion
• Demirdache &Uribe-Etxebarria 2004:temporal
adverbialsaremodifiersoftheAssertionTimeorthe
EventTime.
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Thesyntaxofintervalsizemodifiers
durante-timefor-time
AspP
AstT Asp’
AstT for-PPAspºEvtT
en-time in-timeAspP
AstT Asp’
AspºEvtT
EvtT in-PP
Semanticsofintervalsizemodifiers• Bothfor-time&in-timegivethesizeofaninterval
• Hencebotharecompatibleonlywithperfective
(inSpanish)
v For-time:measurestheAssertionTime,hencethe
intervalcangiveusonlyPART oftheEventTime.
v In-time:measurestheEventTime(à boundsthe
wholeevent– andthatiswhyitisnotokaywith
activitiesorstates.)
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4)Compatibility with “notfinish to”vs.“not completely”
• Bothusedintheliteratureasexpressionsmarkingincompatibilitywithculmination
• However,asnoticedbyDemirdache&Martin2015,itisnotthecasethatbothareequallycompatiblewithanycaseofnonculmination.• ThisseemstobethecaseintheSpanishcasescontemplatedhere:
(32) Pedro coloreó el castillo durante tres horaspero noPedrocoloured.pfve the castle forthree hours butnotterminó.finished‘Pedro coloured the castleforthree hoursbutdid notfinish’
(33) *Pedro coloreó elcastillo durante tres horaspero noPedro coloured.pfve the castle forthreehours butnotdel todo.completely‘Pedro coloured the castleforthree hoursbutnotcompletely’
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“not finish to”vs.“notcompletely” &pfve progr
(34)Pedroestuvo coloreando elcastillo durante tresPedrowas.pfve colouring thecastle forthreehoras,pero noterminó.hoursbut notfinished‘Pedrowascolouringthecastleforthreehoursbutdidnotfinish’
(35)*Pedroestuvo coloreando elcastillo durante tres horas,Pedrowas.pfve colouring thecastlefor threehoursperonodeltodobutnotcompletely‘Pedrowascolouringthecastleforthreehours,butnotcompletely’
Thecorrelationsnotedhere
u *Pfve progressiveu *For-timeu *Notcompletely
u √Pfve progressiveu √For-timeu √notfinished to
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Correlations
1.For-time:partitive
2.Perfectiveisprogressive:partitive
3.“Notfinishedto”:compatiblewiththose
casesthatallowforperfectiveprogressiveand
for-timeadverbials
Someworkingideatoaddtothepuzzle• Spanishperfectivecanbeapartitive perfective
• Viewpointaspectpropertiesareresponsibleformakingthepartialcompletionavailable(Arche2014a;Demirdache&Martin2015)
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• Thecaseswheretheabove-mentionedcorrelationsholdarearguedtobeaccountedforbythepropertiesofthesyntax-semanticsofviewpointaspect,thatis:
• wheretheperfectivecanbeparaphrased byaperfectiveprogressive.
• Inthesecases, theperfectiveishomophonouswiththenon-progressiveonebutithasdifferentsyntax-semantics,asinArche2014a(nextslide)
SyntaxoftheSpanishperfective(36)Pfve Progressive(analytical&synthetic)
Estuvo coloreando/coloreówas.pfve coloring/coloured
TP
T AspP 1[past]
AstT AspP2
Asp AspP2(overlap)
Interval’ Asp
Asp EvtTP(within)(-ing)/∅ EvT [colourthecastle]
(37)Non-progressive
TP
Taux[past] AspP
AstT AspP
AspEvtT(overlap)
EvtT VP
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Summary &Conclusions• Ihavemadeaproposalwherebynonculmination isduetothepropertiesoffunctionalmaterial.
• Inparticular,Ihaveproposedthatlackofculminationisduetoacomplexviewpointhead,consistingofaperfectiveheadandaprogressiveone.
• Progressiveisnot100%synonymouswithimperfect.
• &perfective progressive
Perfective but/andprogressive
perfective progressive&
Crosslinguisticvariation
Semantics&Morphology
ofViewpointAspect
“VariableTelicity”
Emptiedthepoolfor/in3minutes
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Faringwithpreviousproposals
Previousproposals• Koening&Muansuwan2001:Thaisemiperfectives involveanimperfectiveoperatorinthelexicalmeaningofaccomplishments.• “Thaiperfectivesdescribesubpartsofinherentlyboundedeventualities”(p.2)
• “Thaistemsarefundamentallybiasedtowardsimperfectivity”(p.15)
• “ThaibaresentencesaresimilartosentencesmarkedwiththeprogressiveinEnglish”
• Completionisjustastrongimplicature.
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Previousproposals• Tatevosov 2008:“nonculminationmustbepartofthecomputationoftheeventualitytype,notgrammaticalaspect.”
• Thesamehappensinthefuture.• Inertiaworldsaspartofthefirstphasesyntax(Ramchand2008).
Inertia worldsinvP syntax(38) vP
inertia VP
V RP
R
(39)vP
V VP
inertia RP
R
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Advantages andlooseends• Theproposalpursuedinthistalkdoesnot
needtostipulatetheexistenceofmodal
materialinthelexicalstemsof
accomplishments.
• Theproposalalsoaccountsfortheavailability
ofnon-culminationwithothertense/aspect
formssuchasthefuture:
(40) Pedrocoloreará elcastillo durante doshoras,Pedrocolour-fut.3psthecastle fortwohours(pero noloterminará).butnotitfinish-FUT.3ps‘Pedrowill colourthecastlefortwohoursbutwillnotfinishit’
means…
(41)Pedroestará coloreando elcastillo durante doshoras.Pedrobe-fut.3pscolouringthecastlefor twohours‘Pedrowillbecolouringthecastlefortwohours’
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Advantages andlooseends
• Thatis,itisagaintheprogressiveheadthatcanbeblamedfortheinterpretation.
Advantages andloseends• ThesyntacticdivisionproposedbyTatevosov aimedataccountingforthetwotypesofnonculminationobservedintheliterature:partialsuccessandfailedattempt.
• Itcouldseemthattheinclusionofaprogressiveheadcanstraightforwardlyaccountforthepartialsuccessreading,sinceprogressiveheadsreturn“parts”.
• However,failedattemptreadingsexist(tosomeextentinSpanish),preciselyonlywiththeexplicitversionoftheperfectiveprogressive:
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(42)Estuve enhebrando laaguja durante doshoras.was.pfve.1psthreading theneedlefortwohours‘Iwasthreading theneedlefortwohours’‘Iwastryingtothreadtheneedlefortwohours’
(iterativereadingdiscardedhere; availablewiththesyntheticperfective)
• Failedattempt readingisunavailablewiththeimpf.:
(43)Estaba enhebrando laaguja.was.pfve.1psthreading theneedle
• Conceptualizationoftheeventitself.• Cf.Iambuilding ahouse– abletoincludethepreparatorystageofdoingtheblueprints.
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Thankyou!
References• Altshuler,D.2014.Atypologyofpartitive aspectualoperators.NaturalLanguageandLinguisticTheory32:735-775.
• Arche,M.J.2001.Anoteondistributivity andtheindependenttemporalconstrual.WorkingPapersinLinguisticsoftheInstituteOrtegayGasset.Madrid.
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• Demirdache,H.&F.Martin.2015.Agentcontrolovernon-culminatingevents.InBarrajónetal (eds.),VerbalClassesandAspect,Amsterdam:JohnBenjamins,185-217.
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• Ramchand,G.2008.Verbmeaningandthelexicon.Cambridge:CUP.• Stowell,T. (1993).Syntaxoftense.Ms.,UniversityofCalifornia,LosAngeles.
• Tatevosov,Sergei. 2008.Subevental structureandnon-culmination.InEmpiricalIssuesinSyntaxandSemantics7,eds.OlivierBonami andPatriciaCabredo Hofherr,393–422.Paris:Colloque deSyntaxetSémantique àParis.Accessedathttp://www.cssp.cnrs.fr/eiss7/eiss7.pdf.