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Chapter 6

From Stew-Eaters toMaize-Drinkers

The Chicha Economy and the

Tiwanaku Expansion

PAUL S. GOLDSTEIN

Thev make clucha jrcn), a lor of things _with eFen nation acconunodaring 10 thoseseeds find[nuss that their land produces ill abundance _.. I J U I the best chicha (~ f( /1 / .

the one that is mOSIgenerall drunk

inthis lund, and

file one 1 1 1 m .like

a precious wine,

lakes/irs! place above all the other Indian drinks. is niade jrom. mai;e.

-Cobo 1890 [1653]:347

~TRODUCTION

_.__:]his paper, 1 consider the close correlation of dramatic changes in culinary.raditions with the political development of one of the New World's earliest ex-

-::-msivestate societies. A comparison of Tiwanaku's ceramic assemblages with.:mse of its antecedents, as well as settlement pattern and household archaeology_ _ _ _ ; - _ . dr e l im i n a r y isotopic data on diet. suggest that the Tiwanaku p h e n o m e n o n was_:companied by revolutionary new patterns in food, drink, and daily d~rn.cstic li!~.- - -=examining these changes in the Ti\v

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1 4 4 Paul S. Goldstein

not only in domestic and political economy, but in the social and cultural realitiesand identities signified by quotidian daily life. 1 argue thaLradical culinary change~ ~11cial aspect of the incorporation of disparate peoples inlo the Tiwanakucivilization, The growth of Tiwanaku as a polity and a shared corporate identity

was accompanied by three simultaneous and related phenomena: I) tile develop-ment and rapid diffusion of a hitherto _:mscen functional assemblage declicakdto preparing and serving maize beer. 2) the successful long-term colonization ofmaize-=prmlUcIi1 g:e g J (m s .and 3) the promulgation or a shared corQorate identityamong confederated ethnic groups and clans .!inked by a~9mmon ideology. Thisincorporation appears to have been largely CO~I~~~suaI. rather than coerced, andthe principal culinary factor was_a .DJ'!lliator maize beer that took root everywhereTiwanaku influence was accepted,

The archaeology of Andean states and empires has benefited. from a floodof new research on Tiwanaku political and domestic economy. Much of the. re-cent work has explicitly privileged household archaeology (Berrnann 1994.1997;Goldstein 1989, 1993a; Janusek 1994, 1999: Kalata 1993: Stanish 1989) andregional settlement pattern studies (Albarracin-Jordan 1996: Goldstein 2000a;Higueras 1996; McAndrews et al. 1997: Stanish 1992; Stanish and Steadman1994) as our most reliable indicators of changes to the political economy. Thisemphasis represents a-ile~essary departulef ' " r0 i11a11earlier era's over -reli ance onartifact styles to understand the expansion of state societies and the development of

their poli tical econ ornics. I It is possible to take a good th ing too far, however, Somediscussio ns o f Tiw an aku exp ausio n h av e elT 1.p hasi:Ted.ausehald (:()\,t\t\U\~ (;:'1'(',\"\in cases where there are dramatic changes in material culture. While it is a tenableposition to downplay the pol itical importance of emulative stylistic change, impor-tant assemblage changes in ceramic form and fUllction (and the shifts in domesticlifeways that they represent) are sometimes dismissed along with stylistic shifts as~l~germane to significant social orpolitic,li process (e.g., Bcrrnann 1994:32,252).The same tel!.g~ncvisevident in s~lcmenl pattern studies, which tend to see con-stancy of site location as the supreme indicator of cultural continuity, regardlessof changes in material culture (Stanish 1992). One recent study even promotesa model of "status quo" simply because dramatic domestic changes in lll~culture, mortual)~_practice~nd architecture are not matched by a major shift insettlement p'altern Hig~erEs 1996 .

When household and settlement studies do address widespread domestic as-semblage change. it is often analyzed entirely in the context of stale tribute extrac-tion. Changes in the domestic econollly-an extra spindle whorl here. an enlargedstorage bin there-are evaluated first and foremost as markers of supra-household

production to support state political economies. This is seldom the entire story.State hegemony is not simply a matter of tinkering with subject peoples' hOllse-holds in order to increase tribute. Pmiicipation in an expanding state brings withit an alTay of cultural changes that may reiale only indirectly to the extraction of

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The Chicha Economy and Tiwanaku 145

mbute, Some of these, such as changes in family size and structure evident. in the

-:;.:ontiguratiol1 of household units (Bormann 1994), or the segmentation of craft

- uction among enclaved ethnic guilds (Janusek 1999) have been addressed-_ studies in the Tiwauaku core region. In what follows, I argue that popular re-:: .mscs to developing state ideologies like that of Tiwanaku can have a complex

~.,sformalivl;: effect on cultural practices and identities, These iden!itie~. in turn, \

-= : ;structured and reified in daily s~cj_a!_RI~ac~~ein theJ.-wbitus oj' domestic routineBourdieu 1977, 1990), al_!dspe~ifi~al!y in ~e~-,-tys of thinkiugJl.bpl.!LfQQd_alld:;r-

-=--.;.

~OOD AND DRINK IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD

The contributions in this volume all approach state political economy by ex-

zmining the intrusion of political economy into one of the most important domestic

cnnes of all--cuisine. If we accept that food and beverage choices can be sen-

.rve indicators of political and cultural identities, the functional selections made

household pottery assemblages may be seen as direct reflections of those idcn-

~".If we accept thal culinary choices are embedded in both the domestic andclitical economics, the growth of either hierarchical state institutions or sa ra-

J5 'hold corporate intrusions should also impact the household by_!nodiryi!_lg;.d and culinary technOlogy.

There can be no more fundamental change in cuisine than the introduction,

~('plance, and social embedding of alcoholic beverages. The serving. of food

-, drink at feasts large and small, like the exchange of gifts that often occur '\ili same contexts, are ;-fon~f (:(~nsal hospitality that caneHal;l!_ish-anfi "/

-....inLain social relations (Dietler 200 I 74). Drink is arguably the critical social

rri ant in both formal and informal feasting contexts, simultaneously' tacilitat-

; social interaction and reinforcing institutionalized status distinctions within

ieiy (Abercrombie 1998). Drinking can playa significant economic role as

.:-J. and fermented bGverages can be the quid e ra quo for the mobilization of In-

__ i1:!_p12all-scale~i~s ranging from Tarahurnara agriculturists, to the Sarnia- _ Luo ironworkers of Kenya, to the chiefdoms of Cahokia. Indeed. feast-driven

- r mobilization is so widespread that it can be. regarded as a nearly univer-

pattenl in traditio_l_"8l __ocieties (Dietler 1 9 9 0 : 3 6 6 ,200i:79; Kelly 2001:355).-- '[ions of sponsored work-party feasting reinforce extant relations of produc-

whether !tgalitarian or hierarchical. Characterized by the easy convertibility

.>t1rplus grain into drink, drink into public labor, and control of labor into indi-

---La] prestige. feasting enables the emergence of social inequality. As wealthier"!'ore powerful corporate groups promote larger and larger beer feasts fewer

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146 Paul S. Goldstein

Recently. researchers studying the origins of social complexity have argued

for more attention to the role of individual and factional competition among

corporate groups (e.g., Blanton 1998; Brumfiel 1992: Brumfiel and Fox 1994;Crumley 1995; Mcintosh 19991. One discussion of chiefdom formation in

Mesoamerica suggests that the adoption of alcoholic drink represents all importantelement. of (his process. Using carbon nitrogen isotope analysis to measure maize

intake. Clark and Blake (J 994) conclude that maize cultivation was relatively in.-significant through the Early Formative period. Only in the Middle Formative(850-650 B.C.) was maize added to the diet in considerable quantities. In partic-

ular, one maize-based drink, chicha, appears to have played an important role instatus differentiation. Based on concurrent changes in the ceramic assemblage, the

low productivity ofthe cob varieties adopted. and the rarity of seed-processing im -plements, the authors suggest that maize was consumed in the form of an alcoholic

drink (Clark and Blake 1994:28). Maize cultivation is thus seen as part of a pack-age of foreign technology that was borrowed by local "aggrandizers" [or personal

advantage in competitive feasting (Clark and Blake 1994:25).

This form of chiefly competitive feasting follows the pattern described as

"entrepreneurial" or "empowering" feasts by Dieiler, Accepting that feasts are in-herently political, Die-tIcr (2001) describes empowering feasts as those where hosts

or participants manipulate hospitality towards the acquisition and maintenance ofsymbolic ca ital (Dietl~01:76). Empowering feasts may take place on a widevariety of scales, l~nging from pots of beer shared among small groups of tliends

to the sponsorship of major life-crisis ceremonies and religious festivals. Hosts

1 may be individual households, ~i:!!~hi'p units, or entire comrn~lI1ities.

In the latter cases, there are usually certain individuals who act as managersand derive prestige from [heir role in successfully organiz-ing and executingfeasts that represent the group to outsiders; hence Erestige accrues.~!....:O~!!h..the h~)s~ouQ_ as a whole ~d to certain influential individuals_who canmobiliZe grQup activities (Dietler 200 1:80)

In larger scale politics with institutionalized inequality, feasting behavior

falls under the pattern described by Dietler as "patron role" feasts. While they

embody the same idiom of reciprocal hospitality that operates in the relatively fluid

social relations of empowering feasts, patron role feasts differ because they reify

a n .a . \ eg ,i. \i. m l. 1 .e f r ;( '. ed .te \o .tlCl\\S Gl'd s ') '\ T lr u e \. l'\ c. . a. \ s ,o c . .\ a. \llGwe.r (Dle\\er 20\)\ '.'2>2).Inwhat has been described as "exploitation beneath a mask of reciprocity" (Platt1986:257), the Inca. for example. stimulated C0111nlll11alcDrvee on a grand scale,

exacting labor laxation im'ita} in a context of elaborate feasting, drinking2. andsumptuary gift-giving (Godelier 1977: Murra 1980. 1982). The inca, as permanent

patrons, thus modified traditional Andean work-party feasting practices to the

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~ Chicha Economy and Tiwanaku 147

::iIities for largely _political public feasting and drinking, as well as storage,=sport, and command.--Most discussions of Inca style feasting concentrate on large-scale events that.oo - place in public ceremonial contexts, At the Inca provincial center of Huanuco?mJpa, Morris (1982, 1986; also Morris and Thompson 1985) documented the__linary paraphernalia necessary for ritualized hospitality on a scale COJJ1IllCnSll--:!Ie with Inca administration. The ceremonial feasts and drinking sessions that___:.:-ompanied n 'ita labor required extensive storage and brewing facilities to su J-;: .-large numbers of subjects. Brewmg for these patron role feasts was assigned

l) ;;mte-supportedcnCIaVeS of "chosen-women" (aclla) established in attached in-

:miHlOllsknown as the acllawasi. Most importantly, the best-known Inca feasts:;Qkplace in public locations under conditions of ceremonial display, in order to~nne and l~gitjmi~c lines oU!~tronage and fealty:

Though probably they were at least nominally religious, they were a way ofestablishing and maintaining a relationship between the leaders and the led.They were the chien y generosity that could bring together pol it i cal loyal ty andthe labor to ti 11fields and build cities ... the elaborate space provided along

with the thousands or-jars of beer represents one of the principal investmentsmade. by the Inca state at Huanuco Pampa. In terms or state-local relationships,this may even have been the key function .. (Morris 1982: 166).

Since Morris's work at Huanuco, other archaeological studies have alsodemonstrated the use of large-scale public contexts for Inca ceremonial feast-ing. In the antaro Valley, for instance, concentrations of large storage vesselsherds recovered near the ceremonial core of Hallin Xauxa suggest feasting cer-

emonies in public spaces of Inca provincial capitals (Costin and Earle 1989:710;D' Altroy 1981:83, 1992: 174)..Generally. then, our conception of An dean reas l-ing is colored by the imperial model of Inca feasts that were provisioned by in-stitutional brewers, took place in public contexts, and were closely associatedwith an extractive imperial political economy (see also Cook and Glowacki. thisvolume).

Nonetheless, the significance of chicha feasting to Inca society went beyondpublic political display. It should be stressed that the effects of a political economywith this much emphasis on chicha drink and feasting were not limited to an isolated.public ceremonial sphere. With both a ceremonial and a financial reliance on maizeas a medium for supporting followers, the Inca introduced the capacity for maizestorage on a massive scale by building extensive storehouses at strategically locatedprovincial centers. In regions that had had no central governance before Incacontrol, the new state-local relationship under the pax incaica and the demands ofInca political economy also brought major shifts in settlement to maize-producing

lands from fortified highland sites (D'Altroy 1992: 193,214; Hastorf 1993). People

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work-party chicha drinking was only one of them. Whole cobs or shelled maize

may have been a staple for the lnca armies because of its abi lity (0 be storedin bulk (D' Altroy 1992: 174, 217) and alternate modes of preparation are likely.Provincial diet was clearly affected by the Inca conquest. and Hastorf found theubiquity or maize to increase in Inca-contemporary domestic botanical remains.Carbon isotope analysis of vessel residues and human skeletal remains also bear outa decided shift to maize consumption in Sausa society under Inca control (Hastorf1991. 1993:177). As Bray (this volume) suggests, the increasing importance ofc h ic ha and other rnai ze-based recipes in Inca -conternporary cuisi ne is also reflected

in the adoption or Inca culinary equipment, both in contexts of ceremonial feastingand daily life.

The Inca case reminds us that high profile public patronage feasts may be onlythe tip of the iceberg when we consider the society-wide transformative effect offeasting and imbibing. Despite the conspicuous public display of the great politicalfeasts of Inca governors, it seems likely that the chicha drinking ceremony was farmore pervasive. and that microcosms of similar feasting behaviors were frequentlyenacted at the smaller scales of community, and even household contexts. In whatfollows, 1 will suggest that the state level feasts of the Inca were the culminationof a history of increasing political value attached to maize and chicha in Andeansocieties that began with the expansion of Tiwanaku civilization into optimal maizeproducing regions."

TIWANAKU CULINARY EQUIPMENT IN THE CORE REGION

My thesis is that the Tiwanaku corporate ceramic assemblage arose from arapid and dramatic shift in CUlinary and social practice some time between A,D.350 and A.D. 600 at the type site of Tiwanaku, This change took place first inthe core region of southern Lake Titicaca and spread shortly thereafter over awide area of the south central Andes (Figure 6.1). This episode of rapid changefollowed a long and conservative sequence of Formative stylistic developmentthathad seen relatively little change in utilitarian and serving vessel forms since the

introduction of ceramics in the second millennium B.C. The result of this breakwas the emergence and rapid diffusion of not only a radically different Tiwanakucorporate ceramic style but also a new formal assemblage that was associated witha culinary and beverage tradition that was to survive through the Inca and Colonialperiods and into modem times.

Formative pottery of the Kalasasaya style (also known as Tiwanaku Land datedbetween 400 .s.c. and AD. 100) represents the earliest ceramic style associatedwith the Tiwanaku site. The style includes a. coarsely polished, deeply incisedbrownware and a burnished polychrome incised ware that has some similarities to

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Figure 6.1. Map o r south central Andes.

ranqucmont 1986; Kidder 1943; Ponce 1976). Typical Kalasasaya serving vesselrms include jars with globular or slightly flattened bodies. round bottom bowlstn one handle. trumpets, and some modeled zoomorphic forms.

The subsequent Qeya style. originally described for the Qeya Qollu Chico_='lletery on the Island ofthe Sun, but also known as Tiwanaku II! at the Tiwanaku

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Figure 6.2. Qcya stylc Tiwanaku vessels. Island ofthe Sun, Adolph Hardelier Collection. AmericanIv luseum of Natural H i swry (phuto by author).

site. is typified by vessels of a soft. light brown ceramic paste (Figure 6_2). Serv-ing vessel forms include libation bowls. bulbous bottom vases with interlockingblack and white triangle motifs, and exude incensario forms. Qeya and similar LateFormative styles are found in only some sectors of the Tiwanaku site and in mini-mal numbers in nearby survey collections, suggesting that both site and hinterlandwere smaller and sparsely occupied during the Late Formative,' Ponce (1972)dated the Tiwanaku Ill/Qeya style to AD. 100 to 375, although more recent reap-praisal suggests a later span from AD. 231 to 619 (Janusek and Alcouini 2000).Throughout the Formative, the altiplano assemblages arc dominated by low-firedglobular alias made in a variety of paste types. These unremarkable vessels. aretypical throughou [the Formati ve, and acco unt for as much as 91 % of sherds in LateFormative levels below Tiwanaku's Putuni palace (J auusek and Alconini 2000).

rn sharp contrast to these Formative styles, Tiwanakus famed corporate cer-amic style is remarkable for its standardization. its higher technical quality (denserpastes, impermeable slips, surface compaction. and higher filing). and its rapiddiffusion. both at Tiwanaku and at sites throughout the Tiwanaku core region. The

Tiwanaku style is characterized by red-slipped polychrome and reduced blackwareserving vessels. The serving vessels arc usually accompanied by hard-fired, sand-tempered utilitarian wares used for storage and cooking forms. Until recently. theTiwanaku corporate style, subdivided into Classic and Decadent Phases (BennettI 934), or Epocas IV and V (Ponce 1972), was believed to have begun at A.D.350. Newer dates indicate that the Tiwanaku state style appeared ca. A.D 500and lasted for approximately 500 years. The style has been subdivided temporally

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The Chicha Economy and Tiwanaku 1 5 1

Foure6.3. Tiwanaku period keres (upper row) and tinajas (lower rO'" i Island "I' De Sun, AdolphBardclier Collection. American Museum or Natural History (photo by author).

-'D Early IV. Late TV, Early V and Late V phases (Alconini 1995: Janusek 1994:~,usek and Alconini 2000)_~

Characteristic throughout the Tiwanaku IV and V periods is the kero form. aJ.nJ drinking goblet used [or imbibing maize beer. Although transitional forms:-lhe kero have been identified in late Formative contexts at Lukunnata (Berrnann29-0 and Tilata (Ianusek and Alconini 2000; Mathews 1997), the kero form iscommon in the Qeya style. and goblet-like drinking vessels are altogether absent

=orn most Forrnative sites. In contrast. the kero and the related tazon (flaring

_ \'1) and one handle pitcher serving forms tinajas become ubiquitous in domestic_ ~nte.xts during Tiwanaku IV and V (Figure 6.3 J . The same vessels are also standard

--muary furniture, and also appear in intentionally smashed offering contexts-Jconini 1993; Kolata 1993; Manzanilla 1992- Rivera Casanovas 1994)_

Concurrent with the appearance of the keto and related serving forms, a uni-ed assemblage of high quality utilitarian plainware vessel for cooking, storage,

~"'

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pear-shaped Tiwanaku olla may have arisen from the spherical neck less olla formscommon throughout the altiplano in the Formative, the Tiwanaku ollas are de-signed with vertical rim, strap handles, and out-Oaring lips. reatures better suited topouring liquids. The tinaja, a completely new vessel form with a constricting shoul-der. narrow cylindrical neck. thickened lip, and body strap handles suitable lor ropeslings. was introduced for liquid transport. Wide-mouthed tall vessels. known col-loquially today as chombas. ful filled in-place storage and fermentation functions.

it is interesting to note that despite the formal, stylistic and technical dif-ferences between Tiwanaku and Inca pottery, most of the new function-specificTiwanaku vessel categories that appear ca. A.D. 500 have parallels in the Incaas emblage. Most significant here are the Tiwanaku kero and (inaja, which func-tionally resemble Inca wooden and ceramic keros (Meyers's [1998:353j Form 14)and the characteristic storage and transport vessels known as Cusco jars or aribolas(Meyers's [1998:353] Form 1). We can infer from the prevalence of these tunc-tionally specific types. i.e .. drinking goblets and narrow-necked liquid transportand storage vessels, that both Tiwanaku and Inca ceramic assemblages includedsubstantial numbers of vessels dedicated to liquid consumption and transport (seeBray, this volume for Inca). Considering the absence of similar functional types inpre- Tiwanakn contexts, the sudden development and spread of this kind of special-ized sub-assemblage in the second hall' of the first millennium suggests that i t isnot only the hall mark of a new ceramic tradition, but also be a signal of remarkableculinary, social, and political change that accompanied Tiwanaku expansion.

The town of San Pedro in the Atacama desert is locat.ed lO S km northeast of themodern city of Calama, Chile, at an altitude of 2430 m, and approximately R O O k rnsouth of the Tiwanaku site. A small number of Tiwanaku vessels were includedas offerings in elite tombs in cemeteries in San Pedro's thirteen small agriculturaloases, known as ayllus (Llagostcra 1996). The lew Tiwanaku vessels found inlocal museum collections arc polychrome keros , tazones ,and small pitchers thatcorrespond to Tiwanaku IV and V in the core region. There appears 10 be a highrate of repair in these imports, and no Tiwanaku utilitarian pottery is found inSan Pedro. Moreover, trade pieces of the Isla Tricolor and black-oil-red style ofnorthwest Argentina have also been identi fied in many cemeteries in the Atacamaregion. and isolated examples of other unidentified styles arc also found (Tarrago1977:56-62). This diversity suggests that local elites continued to enjoy relativelyopen exchange relationships throughout the Tiwanaku period

Both before and after the appearance of Tiwanaku imports. the vast majorityof ceramic grave offerings were vessels of the local San Pedro tradition. In the San

TIWANAKU CULINARY EQUIPMENT IN THE PERIPHERIES

San Pedro de Atacama

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-;>~ro III or Quitor Phase (A.D. 400-700), these assemblages are dominated by.... 1forms such as face neck bottles and incurving bowls in the black polished

- nge in the later San Pedro phase is the emulation of Tiwanaku keros in local=~slipped or black "casi pulida" wares (Bcrcngucr and Dauelsberg 1989: 160).

~, no Tiwanaku-coruemporary domestic site has yet been excavated. the fre-..:...:m:y of these imitation keros in household contexts is not clear, although they-~ quite numerous in grave lots. This would appear to be an attem pt to dupli-

~-'" extremely rare original Tiwanaku keros with a functionally equivalent vessel'f1J1.

I would argue that the significance of this emulation of the kero form goes_.'and mere stylistic influence. Rather, the adoption of the kero in the San Pedro

.eramic assemblage suggests a new demand [or specific vessels designed for func-'115 that had not been worthy of specialized culinary equipment before exposure

Tiwanaku. This suggests that contacts between San Pedro and Tiwanaku. in-t as they may have been. highlighted the importance of chicha drinking in

~..:-alfeasting behavior. One interpretation might suggest that Tiwanaku contact__,nlyzed the competiti ve hosting of feasts by local elites, creati ng greater demands

,. only for beer itself. but also for specialized beer-drinking vessels.

Cochabamba Tiwanaku

The Mizquc, Capinota, Santivaiiez, Sacaba. Valle Alto and Central- chabamba valleys of Eastern Bolivia lie approximately 400 to 600 kID_southeast

jJe ite ofTiwanaku, at elevations from 1800 to 2800 m (Higueras 1996). Unlike

_~ Pedro. the region overall is considered extremely fertile and was a major areaagricultural production under Inca control, In the absence of household excava-ns, it is unclear whether the political economic relationship of Cochabamba to

~ Tiwanaku core region was one of direct admin istration, colonization. or bege-- nv through religious proselytizing or long distance trade. The low frequency

~ local association of most sumptuary Tiwanaku goods like tapestry tunics andeff kits suggests that these were long distance trade imports for local elites

~-Q\\'man 1997:232: Oakland 1986:245). On the other hand. Bennett (1936;353)

ted that the burial offerings of ceramic keros and tuzones at the Arani site were

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Manzanani, Ornereque and Perez were found in burial association with Tiwanakupottery, suggesting interments by culturally Tiwanaku colonists or fully accultur-ated local populations.

As in both the Tiwanaku core region and San Pedro, Cochabamba ceramictraditions prior to Tiwanaku show little evidence of a specialized feasting sub-assemblage. Formative pottery.of the Eastern Cochabamba valleys was dominatedby bowls, globular neckless ollas, and urn forms. Keres are not found. and althoughit is possible that urn forms were used for chicha fermentation, Brockington et aL(1995: 123) believe there was no chicha producti on in this maize-producing areabefore 700 B.C., and only limited production thereafter. Once again. the Tiwanakuperiod appears to mark a watershed in the development of a function-specificceramic kit for chicha production and feasting.

Further research is required 011 the typology, chronology, and relative fre-quency of Tiwanaku serving vessels, utilitarian plain wares, and local wares atCochabamba domestic sites. Cochabarnba Tiwanaku polychrome serving potteryhas been described as a "derived" style of Tiwanaku, although pottery of classicTiwanaku style is also found. Functionally, the assemblage includes the standardkero. tazon; and small pitcher forms known from the core region. ancl funnel-shaped keros with narrow "can't-put-it-clown" bases arc considered characteristicfor the Cochabamba region, although frequencies are not available from eithermortuary or domestic assemblages. It appears that Tiwanaku pottery calIle to co-exist with contemporary regional styles like Omcreque (also known as Mizque andNazcoide), a polychrome with unusually opaque and colorful pigments, and localforms such as tripod vessels. Later Ornerequc panel), displays a strong Tiwanakuinfluence (Bennett 1936:387,403; Byrne de Caballero 1984). Omereque and localgray wale pottery is commonly found in association with Tiwanaku wares in theCapinota and Mizque valleys (Higueras 1996). Other local styles include Yarnparain the southern valleys and Mojocoyo in the cast (Browrnan 1997:231: IbarraGrasso and Querejazu 1986). Trade pottery of Cochabarnba's local styles appearin low frequencies at the Lukurmata and Tiwanaku sites (Berrnann 1994, 1997;Janusek 1993:16: 1994:127; 1999:122-123).

Interpretations differ on the nature and intensity of Tiwanaku political econ-omy in Cochabamba, Cespedes Paz (1993 :65), citing the overwhel ming adoptionof Tiwanaku stylistic elements, the sheer quantity of Tiwanaku material culture,and the construction of administrative centers, suggests that direct Tiwanakuexpansion began as early as A.D. 350, and was followed by full provincialincorporation after AD. 750 (sec also Anderson et al. 1998). Others point tocontinuity in local settlement patterns. Cochabarnba Tiwanaku's "derived" potterystyle. and the presumed prevalence of Tiwanaku materials in mortuary, ratherthan domestic contexts, to support an interpretation of indirect trade and stylisticemulation of Tiwanaku by the region's indigenous societies (Browman 1997:231;Higueras 1996; Oakland 1986:246).

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Chicha Economy and Tiwanaku 155

In either case, the transformation of the ceramic assemblage in Cochabamba_ cates profound change in culinary practice and a modification of the previ- social order. This transformation was marked by the widespread adoption of

- o l.ll ku feasting practices, specifically the imbibing of chicha using a specializedamic assemblage borrowed from Tiwanaku models. Whether this took place in.a-sryle provincial feasts sponsored by Tiwanaku hosts, or. as is likely in San

_=0. in feasts sponsored by local chiefs who merely adopted Tiwanaku forms,

pa Valley, Northern Chile

The Paci fie-draining Azapa valley of Northern Chile, and the neighboring-~ Camarones. Lima, Sarna, and Caplina valleys, all lie approximately 300 km

_ of the site of Tiwanaku at elevations ranging from sea level to 1000 m._, Ie in the Azapa Valley region is temperate and hyper-arid, with virtually no

crpitation. The distribution of both Azapa Tiwanaku sites and those of Cabuza,?- temporary local style, shows a preference for floodplain areas optimal forze agriculture in "sweet water," or less mineralized valleys like the lower

~,J..- Azapa Tiwanaku and Cabuza sites concentrate near natural springs at Las- and Saucache and large irrigable plains like Alto Ramirez, suggesting a

_ erence for zones that were optimal for irrigated cultivation of maize, beans,-> _ and coca.!

The Azapa valley provides another example of a dramatic Formative/_ aku break in ceramic assemblages consonant with adoption of different

, .' equipment. Previous to the appearance of Tiwanaku vessels, the region'sarive tradition, known as Alto Ramirez, consisted primarily of globular neck-

- short-neck olios, and included no drinking or serving vessels (Munoz 1996)_lwanaku pottery in Azapa, also known in Chile as thc Loreto Viejo style,

esponds stylistically to Tiwanaku IV and V in the core region and the Omo=-~el1 Chen styles of Moquegua. Azapa Tiwanaku polychrome ceramic keros,

-, and small pitchers, as well as wooden spoons, keros,pitchers. and serving" appear in mortuary sites in Azapa. Tiwanaku utilitarian olla and tina]aare found at a few habitation sites, but these cooking, brewing, and storage

s were also adopted by households who used serving pottery of the CabuzaTIle later Cabuza fine wares emulated Tiwanaku keros and other servingin local pastes, with decoration in black over a purplish-red slip. UsersCabuza ceramics also emulated Tiwanaku practices such as cis! burials in

. .; flexed position, and elements of the Tiwanaku textile style.~'1t' most likely explanation of Azapa Tiwanaku occupation is as small en-

_ of colonists from the Tiwanaku core region coexisting with a larger localon who emulated aspects of the Tiwanaku tradition. A recent systematic

.ndicates that settlements and cemeteries affiliated with actual Tiwanaku

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colonists were limited in number and size as compared to larger numbers of Cabuza

and related sites (Goldstein 1996)_ Interpretations of this coexistence have ranged

from it symbiosis of ethnic groups (Rivera 19115. 1991) to a vision of marked so-

cial stratification, with the Azapa Tiwanaku representing a powerful ruling elite("cupola dirigcrue") (Berenguer and Dauelsberg 19R9:151). Higher status is at-tributed to Tiwanaku individuals based on the quality orAzapa Tiwanaku potteryand textiles and the presence of snuff tablets. spoons and four-pointed hats of

elite Tiwanaku slyle associations (Berenguer and Dauelsberg 19R9: 151: Focacci

1981:70). The idea of enclaves of Tiwanaku ruling elite imposed on a Cabuza

substrate coul d explai n the wide adoption of Ti wanaku sty Ie and cul rural practice.Specifically, the shift of the late Cabuza ceramic assemblage to include a set of

brewing and serving vessels points [0 a marked increase in the importance o rfeast-ing and chicha drinking in indigenous populations after the arrival of Tiwanakuemissaries, As in Ccchabamba, it is not yet known whether Tiwanaku colonialelites sponsored feasting events themselves, or whether local elites were spurred

by Tiwanaku example to a competitive spiral of feasting.

Moquegua Valley, Southern Peru

The Moquegua (also known as the Middle OSl110re) valley of southern Peru

lies approximately 300 km west of the site of Tiwanaku and ranges in eleva-tion between 900 and 2000 m. An optimal region for temperate agriculture.Moquegua provides the strongest evidence for expansive Tiwanaku colonization.

In Moquegua, the radical changes in domestic assemblages between the local

Formative ceramic tradition known as Huaracane and subsequent Tiwanaku as-semblages also suggest major differences in the way indigenous Formative andTiwanaku kitchens, households, and particularly, household and community bee-

halls functioned. Represented by 169 habitation components. the Huaracane do-mestic occupation was dispersed across tiny hamlets closely associated with small-scale floodplain agriculture (Goldstein 2000a). Much like the Early Formative

Mesoamerican contexts cited by Clark and Blake (1994), Huaracanc populations

appear to have had only a minor and uuspecialized interest in maize cultivation.

Cob varieties of maize from Huaracane sites appeared noticeably smaller that.those seen in Tiwanaku sites, and the available rnacrobotanical evidence recov-

ered from site survey supports the view of a mixed farming and herding economyHuaracane habitation sites also exhibited few large seed-processing tools like the

merates, batanes and monos that are so numerous in Moquegua Tiwanaku sites.

The prevalent vessels of the Huaracane ceramic assemblage were globulneckless ollas, examples of which are usually soot-blackened (Figure 6.4

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e Chicha Economy and Tiwanaku 157

~ slrap handles, tall necks, or pouring lips). Shallow hemispherical bowls._ suitable for drinking. are virtually the only serving vessel form (Figure 6.4b).

-'? bsence of drinking goblets or easy-to-pour storage vessels suggests that maize~r was not a major part of the cuisine, or at least that no formalized assemblage

- rewing or imbibing existed.Ceramic assemblages changed entirely with the arrival of Tiwanaku colo-seulernenr after AD. 600 and the establishment of large enclaves a( previ-

_,'y unoccupied locations in the valley. Two stylistic assemblages, termed Omo.: Chell Chen, have been identified in Moquegua Tiwanaku corresponding to

Tiwanaku IV and V pottery' in the Tiwanaku core region. Fifteen Moquegua- anaku site components. covering nearly 30 hectares, have ceramics of the Omo

e. while 55 hectares of habitation area and 10 hectares of cemeteries are charac-~cd by Chen Chen style ceramics. In sites with both styles, fine serving vessels

_ding keros, ta::.oIZCS, small pitchers. portrait vessels, zoomorphic censers and

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-\" ~ I

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\ -~~-:- :( ,/ )~....

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158 Paul S. Goldst .

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The- Chicha Economy and Tiwanaku

+ +

+ ++.-" - ... .~~ _._.-.'- +

-I

-'"_,,,'-- .. ,.,;,.

+

159

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Figure 6.5. Layout and overview uf Orno site MI2 showing community plaza groups.

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. : " ._~} .. .J '

.)

M1G5-ec.tor(

.~~"~.''--

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Figure 6.6. Layout and overview of 0 111 0site M 16 showing cornmuniry plaza groups.

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Chicha Economy and Ttwanaku 161

-~

Y J"'II.

\

-1\ Q-~Z;),~D~ (9 -~ )~1-\

I

, .~.l!~lIre 6.7. Examples of Tiwanaku tinajas from special Oruo household complexes believed 10

represent chicherias.

__ are found." Extensive household excavations at the Orno, Chen Chen, and

~IlIerto sites confirm that both ceramic and wooden kerns and other serving_ :0>15are ubiquitous in domestic. as well as mortuary contexts. In terms of plain

es, standard Tiwanaku utilitarian forms prevail in all Moquegua Tiwanaku

_s~hold contexts. and indigenous vessel forms like neckless ollas are no longer__sented (Goldstein 1989, 1993a. 2000a, 200Gb).

Occupations at the 01110 M12 site (Figure 6.5) and the Omo M16 site- p.Lre 6.6) consisted of freestanding multi-room buildings, arrayed arOLmd large

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162

I J .("L 'III ~ /

Paul S. Goldstein

fc~~~'~''t/ Ji t '71I/~~ I,

I ,

'--'Figure 6.8. Examples 01 " fancy Tiwanaku keros. portrait vessels, and inccnsaricus from special

Omo household complexes believed 10 represent chichedas.

into the floor. These chicheria households also owned matched sets of particularlyfancy keros. portrait vessels. or other fancy pottery (Figure 6.8). Elsewhere 1 haveargued that these specific households were those that regularly sponsored ayllulevel feasts that enhanced the solidarity of the social group and the prestige of itsinformal leadership (Goldstein 1993a, 2000b), Neither these part-time chicheriasnor other household units at 01110 M12 or 1'1116had independent patios or storagefacili tics,

In sites with Chen Chen style pottery, a ceramic assemblage that includes kerosand large brewing vessels in every Moquegua Tiwanaku home supports generalizeddomestic usage of chicha. Because no dedicated chicheria houses have yet been

detected. it is difficult to speculate on the context of feasting activities beyond

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feasting and drinking took place at significant points on the landscape outside

of town and temple At least one of these sites, located on a distant hilltop IIIdirect alignment with the Omo temple's gateways, appears to have had a long andsubstantial history of feasting activities.

As in Iarer household cl listers in the Ti wanak u core region. autonomous house-hold clusters at the Chen Chen style sites were organized in patio groups, withassociated storage units and roofed and unroofed activity areas. This suggestsfa-mily-organized domestic production. and the amassing of surplus in response toincreasing outside demands on the colonial household. Additional banks of stone-

lined storage units were distributed throughout the Chen Chen style habitationsites, llsually in association with large grinding stones, manos. and a profusion ofstone hoes. This evidence suggests that maize was stored and processed beyond thedemands of the household, and possibly exported to exchange partners in the high-land Tiwanaku core. Nonetheless, it is yet unclear whether this exaggerated maizeproduction indicates a centralized state tribute system of Inca scale or exchangerelationships articulated through ayllus as corporate units.

FEASTS, CUISINE, AND THE IMPLICATIONS OFDIETARY CHANGE

Research on ancient culinary practice and diet through vessel assemblagescan offer only indirect insight into actual consumption. Vessels may be multi-functional. Similarly. the faunal and botanical record may be biased by preserva-tion, or if consumption patterns were seasonal or eating and feasting took placeoutside of the settlement. For this reason, analyses of human bone chemistrycan provide an important clue to the relative contributions of major food groupsthroughout the life of an individual.

In Moquegua, the distinction between Huaracane dietary lifeways and thoseof their Tiwanaku successors is manifest in skeletal biology. A series of Huaracaneindividuals from the "boot tomb" cemetery at Omo were included in a comp

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CONCLUSIONS

In contrast. analysis ofTiwanaku colonists associated with Chen Chen stylepottery found that maize and C4 plants contributed bctween 469(, and 76% of their~Sandness 1992:49). Moquegua Tiwanaku colonist's emphasis on intensivemaize cultivation to support the chicha political economy was no longer a matterof occasional drinking and feasting but a monotonously regular part of the diet. Itseems unlikely that this entire maize intake is attributable to chicha. Nonetheless, anexamination of Tiwanaku cul mary equipment fails to find any vessels specificalljdesigned for popping, roasting. or toasting maize. This implies that Tiwanaknmaize that was not consumed as chicha was either boiled on the cob. or, more likelyconsidering the proliferation of grinding stones, ingested as some sort of porridge.

An interesting parallel with Inca maize cuisine is found when Vieexamine thegendered nature of the chicha economy. The extraction 0 1 "tribute from house-holds under suue political economies often was accompanied by accentuatedhousehold inequality. For the Inca. the chroniclers noted that women were of-ten excluded from drinking and feasting occasions (Guaman Porna 1993 [1615]:Randall 1993 :25). Among the Sausa of the Mantaro region. the previously balancedconsumption patterns of men and women took on a decidedly gendered aspec:

with incorporation into the Inca political economy. Pre-Inca Wanka II skeletonsshowed no gender di ITerences in em-bon nitrogen isotope ratios, suggesting thatboth sexes participated equally in maize-concentrated feasting, and thus in rit-ual, community and political events (Hastorf 1991: 150). In contrast. analysis Oi21 Inca-contemporary Wanka III individuals found a marked difference (meal:delta C values of -16.41 for females vs. -14.18 for males. with higher delta !'

. values lor the males). While both males and females exhibit better access to maize

than their pre-Inca ancestors, the male diet was considerably more enriched inmaize and meat than the female. Thus, even though chiclia and other maize foodsmay have been produced by females, as is ethnographical I y common in the Andes,Wanka III males enjoyed significantly better access L D maize products, as well a,meat (Hastorf 199 J :152; Murra 1982:256).

A comparison of the Omo carbon nitrogen isotope results for males and fe-males also showed signi ficant gender differences. (Sandness 1992:42). suggesting

that Moquegua Tiwanaku males may have disproportionately enjoyed both feastingand chicha drinking, and the political empowerment that it implied.

Considering the role of drinking vessels and the importance of drinking cere-mony in the integration of the Inca state. it is not surprising to tind that the prolifer-ation of the kero and plainware liquid transport and storage vessels coincides witt

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tiuajas, though ubiquitous in domestic contexts. are not prevalent in use contextswithin Tiwanaku temple structures (Goldstein 1993b)_Likewise, Tiwanaku sunkencourt temple complexes do not demonstrate specialized facilities for brewing andconsuming maize beer comparable to the Inca acllawasi. Tiwanaku temples arecharacterized instead by assemblages that emphasize incensarios and sahumarios

I censers), vessels used for offerings, rather than for drinking ceremonies. When!:eros do appear in Tiwanaku public architecture, notably in the ceramic offeringdiscovered in the Akapana pyramid, it is in the context of sacrifice. rather thancommensal roasting (Alconini _1995:Kolata 1993)_

The absence of keros and drinking paraphernalia in temple use contexts sug-gests that Tiwanaku temple ceremonies may have been guite distinct from drink-Lng ceremonies carried out at the household and corporate levels. This contrasts-narkedly with the public ceremonial nature of Inca patron role feasts like those

.It Huanuco Pampa, which are closely associated with public architecture, IfTiwanaku commensal drinking took place in the home and in community settings,,,-emay conclude that Tiwanaku did not fully develop the redistributive patron-role~easts of the Inca state-sponsored model Accepting the politically charged nature~f feasts. this suggests that the Tiwanaku diaspora relied on intermediate levels

f social organization, rather than unitary state govem

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completed shortly after A.D. SOO-merely a century before the Tiwanaku diasporaextended itself to the lowlands. This represents a remarkably quick transition fromstate formation to state expansion. Considering the high costs of transporting bulkcarbohydrates in the Andean highlands. it is unlikely that resources from theseperipheries could have had a significant impact on Tiwanaku core region subsis-renee. Instead, 1 argue that chir:/!a played an important role in a pluralistic societywhose political economy was based on competitive hospitality. As Bernabe Cobotells LIS:

They make chicha from a lot of things ... Some chichas are made from ocas.vucas and other roots, othersofqllinoa and molle fruit. The Indians ofTucumanmake it from algarrobas, those of Chile Irom strawberries C') ... From the waythey refuse to drink pure water, it seems that all the inhabitants of America haveconspired against it. But the best chicha of all. the one that is most generallydrunk in this land, and the one that, like a precious wine, takes first place aboveall the other Indian drinks, is made from maize (Cobo I ;';90 [I 653 J:347, mytranslation).

In a setti ng where political status revolved mound the ability to attract fol-

lowers through the sponsorship of empowering feasts, the introduction of drinkwould trigger an ever-lightening spiral of factional competition. As each ayl! orindividual sponsor vied to provide the best drink available, competition wouldhave mandated chicha brewed with the uniquely high sugar content of maize, acultigen that can best be grown at lower elevations than the Tiwanaku core region.

~Iiwanaku expansion abroad and political growth at home were both largely fueled

by the accelerated cycle of political feasting that came about with the introductionof maize beer.

A second puzzling distinction of Tiwanaku expansion from Inca imperialismis the absence of evidence for overt military conquest and unitary rule. Nonethe-less, Tiwanaku agricultural colonists, traders, or at least the new concepts andvalues associated with Ti wanaku, were tolerated or even welcomed by indigenouspopulations in maize-growing regions. This "soft" variety of state expansion ispuzzling when compared to the overt the exercise of military power that character-ized Inca imperialism. The Inca. for instance, developed an extensive network of

storage facilities for maize to support their armies. Tiwanaku developed no suchinfrastructure. This difference implies a new emphasis a-inong the Inca 011 maizevarieties and recipes suited for military and migratory logistics.

The archaeological record indicates that Tiwanaku pursued a model of ex-pansion that combined sumptuary craft skills, an attractive ideological system,and excellence in salesmanship with long-standing communal values under a flex-ible, rather than monolithic state system. Once the Tiwanaku type site becameknown as a metropolitan center. an aura of cultural superiority certainly would

have smoothed the way for Tiwanaku agents. However. it is becoming clear that

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~v.;anaku [annal ceramic assemblage in maize-growing regions occurred almostrnultaneously. Perhaps some of the cachet of the Tiwanaku phenomenon lay in its

-:>sociation with feasting and innovative alcoholic beverages. This culinary cachet_:!pended Oil access to a wide vmiety of maize types, an efficient and attractive_:ramic assemblage for brewing, storing and serving, and a full y inlegrated soc.0l ~ntext for imbibing. The "proof of the pudding" is thai the culinary and bever- J '~

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Abercrom bie. Thom as, 1\.198,l'atlswav ojMenuuv

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Chiclu: Economy and Tiwanaku 169

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. Mark P. . . 1994, Lukurmata: House/wid ,4,.('h

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Dietler, Michael. 200], Rituals of Consumption, Commensal Politics, and Power in African Contexts,In FC(lSI,-: A rclsa eo to gica ! w id E th nog ra ph ic P erspectivesOil Food. Politics. w id Pow er, 11 Dietlerand B. Hayden. editors, pp. 05-114. Smithsonian Insriuuion Press, Washington. D.C.

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