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    Picaresque Elements in Carlos Sigenza y Gongora's Los Infortunios de Alonso Ramirez

    Author(s): Julie Greer JohnsonReviewed work(s):Source: Hispania, Vol. 64, No. 1 (Mar., 1981), pp. 60-67Published by: American Association of Teachers of Spanish and PortugueseStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/340330 .Accessed: 25/10/2012 14:25

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    PICARESQUEELEMENTSINCARLOS SIGUENZAY GONGORA'SLOS INFORTUNIOSDE ALONSO RAMIREZJULIE GREER JOHNSON

    University of GeorgiaT HE intellectual pre-eminenceof donCarlos Siguienzay G6ngora illuminatesthe entire spectrum of scholarship inSpanish colonial America and contrastssharply with the oppression and obscuran-tism prevalent in seventeenth-century NewSpain. As an antiquarian, poet, cosmog-rapher, mathematician, and historian, thiscelebrated Mexican savant became knownthroughout the New World and Europe forhis outstanding accomplishments as aninvitation to join the dazzling court ofLouis XIV of France attests. Although hedeclined this most auspicious request inorder to become the Royal Cosmographerof Charles II, he decided to remain in theviceregal capital, and he, together with SorJuana In6s de la Cruz, graced the culturallife of their native land for nearly half acentury.'While Siguienzadelved into many disci-plines during his lifetime of study, hisgreatest and most enduring contribution toknowledge rests upon his remarkableabili-ty as an historian. Firmly believing that theexamination of history provided a soundbasis for the future growth and develop-ment of mankind, this leading academicianwrote many contemporary and pre-Columbian historical accounts on secularand religious themes. His most popularwork, Los infortunios de Alonso Ramirez,owes much of its success to its literaryqualities.2Early in the year 1690, the Viceroy ofNew Spain, the Count of Galve, received athis court a Puerto Rican youth namedAlonso Ramirez who had just returnedfrom a voyage around the world. Amazedand shaken by the young man's account ofhis early life in the colonies and his heart-rending story of the mistreatment heendured at the hands of English pirates, theViceroy sent him to Siguienza, his officialcourt chronicler who was in ill health at thetime, with the hope that Alonso's awesomeadventures might entertain his good friend.This distinguished member of the Viceroy'sretinue expressed a personal interest in the

    young fellow and undertook to assist himto obtain money and a position with theRoyal Fleet in the Gulf of Mexico.On hearing the touching story of AlonsoRamirez, Sigiienza y G6ngora quicklyrecognized the opportunity to captureeffectively a moment in Spanish colonialhistory and he did so with the flare of agood writer. His account of an innocentboy who leaves home to make his own wayin the world emulates one of the mostpopular forms of Spanish literature, thepicaresque novel. In essence, this inno-vative prose fiction reflects the life andtimes of one who remains on the peripheryof society but who displays a dauntlessdetermination to survive and an instinctivedrive to overcome his present circum-stances and better his lot.3Alonso's personal nature and his hap-hazard endeavors which were reminiscentof the life of the picaro, especially that ofAlemin's Guzmainde Alfarache, inspiredSiguienza to write Los infortunios.4Although the author's finished composi-tion is basically an historical account, it isa striking example of the efficacious inter-twining of history with literary techniqueprevalent in the picaresque genre.' Theresult of this delicate balance betweenhistorical documentation and creative formnot only confirms Sigiienza's outstandingability as an historian but distinguishes himas a gifted storytelleras well. The novelisticperspective which he employs enhancesimmeasurably the interest of this historicaldocument and contributes substantially toits commendable stature as a literarywork.Conclusive evidence linking Sigienza'swork to picaresque literature in general,and to Alemain'smasterpiece in particular,may be found throughout his excitingaccount and may readily be seen in its maincharacter, setting, structure, and style.According to Sigtienza y G6ngora's por-trayal, Alonso Ramirez, like such Spanishliterary models as Lazarillo, Pablos, andGuzmin,6 is an anti-hero. He is a commonboy vested with average abilities whose

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    Sigtienza y G6ngora's Los infortunios de Alonso Ramirez 61stalwart resolution to survive and coura-geous endurance to face the challenges ofhis daily life are unquestionably admirableand ultimately noteworthy. Sigtienza'syoung protagonist spends his uneventfulchildhood in the city of San Juan, PuertoRico, a neglected stepping stone to morelucrative ports of call. Although Alonsoseems to regardhis parents with no particu-lar affection, he does provide several sig-nificant details about his humble origins.His father, Lucas de Villanueva, is proba-bly a native Andalusian, and his motherAna Ramirez is a citizen of San Juan. In arespectful tone touched perhaps with somebitterness, he mentions that his family hadgiven him the only gift that poor peoplecan give to their children which is "conse-jos para inclinar a la virtud" (Sigiienza,p. 9).Although only a small portion of thenarrative of the entire work is devoted toAlonso's early years, it is evident fromseveral allusions to the abject poverty ofthe island and the gnawing hunger thatplagued him continually that his adverseexperiences and destitute surroundingsmade an indelible impression on such atender child. It was probably a profoundrevulsion against this shocking ambienceand his own inner feelings of inferioritythat instilled in him a compulsive drive notonly to subsist but to succeed in life as well.In order to escape the ignominy of thisprivation, he leaves his parents and hisisland home to seek his fortune and enlistsas a page on a sailing vessel bound forCuba. He expresses some reservationsabout his destiny through the use of a pun,as this excerpt conveys:Valime de la ocasion, que me ofreci6 para esto vnaUrqueta del Capitan luan del Corcho que salia deaquel Puerto para el de la Habana en que corriendoel afio de 1675 y siendo menos de trece los de miedad me recibieronpor paje. No me pareci6 trabajosala ocupacion considerandome en libertad, y sin lapension de cortar madera; pero confiesso, que tal vezpresagiandolo por venirdudaba si podria prometermealgo que fuesse bueno, haviendome valido de vncorcho para principiar mi fortuna: Mas quien podrdnegarme, que dud" bien advirtiendo consiguientesmis sucesos g aquel principio? (Sigtienza, p. 10)As is all too often true, the abandonmentof family and friends and a change oflocality do not necessarily insure a modifi-cation in one's luck, and this would proveto be Alonso's unfortunate case. When hearrives in New Spain, he quickly discovers

    this sad truth since the bleak economic con-ditions prevalent in Puerto Rico existthroughout the Spanish Indies. His pa-thetic admission that "en la demora de seismeses que alli perdi experimente mayorhambre que en Puerto-Rico" is a heart-breaking revelation for such a youth(Siguenza, p. 11). With hopes of an easier,more plentiful existence cruelly dashed, hisearlier positive outlook toward theprospects for employment and prosperitysoon turns to pessimism and cynicism. Asthe son of a carpenter, Alonso had receivedsome training in this trade, but he had nointention of engaging in such a laboriouspursuit. Although his predilection forcomfort and convenience would be para-mount to his initial considerations of work,the lack of hiring and sheer hunger drovehim aimlessly, almost hopelessly, fromplace to place.After being in New Spain for a numberof years, Alonso marries a young womanwho dies in childbirth duringtheir first yearof marriage. Because of his roving natureand his defensive aloofness, Alonso onlyadmits to feeling love in this particularinstance. Otherwise it appears to be arather remote emotion. At the end of along series of degrading setbacks, hebecomes exasperated with his deprivedstatus and comes to a very crucial decision:"Desespere entonces de poder ser algo, yhall~indome en el Tribunal de mi propiaconciencia no solo acusado, sino conven-cido de inutil, quise darme por pena de estedelito, la que se da en Mexico a los que sondelinquentes, que es embiarlos desterradosa las Philipinas" (Sigiienza, p. 15).If his lack of productivity and growingindigence had caused despondency, his ill-fated seizure by English pirates soon afterhis arrival in the Orient only intensified it.However, it is through this experience thathe learns to accept the burdensome respon-sibilities of manhood and to shun anysemblance of resignation or defeat. Whilehe abides the overbearance of his captors,he harbors much resentment toward themnot only for their abominable conduct butfor their slurs on his national origin as well.The following quotation is a defensive yetspirited reply to the privateers who recog-nize his capabilities and want him to jointheir ranks:Propusieronme entonces como ya otras vezes me la

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    62 Julie Greer Johnson Hispania64 (March1981)hauian dicho; el que jurase de acompafiarlos siempre,y me darian armas. Agradeciles la merced, y haziendoreflexa a^as obligaciones con que naci, les respondicon afectada humildad, el que mas me acomodaba aservirlos 'aellos que a pelear con otros, por ser grandeel temor que les tenia a las valas, tratandome deEspafiol cobarde y gallina, y por esso indigno deestar en su compaffia, que me honrara y valieramucho, no me instaron mas. (Sigtienza, p. 38)By the time Alonso is emancipated fromthe custody of these foreign agents andreaches terrafirma, he is a self-confidentadult who has won the respect of hisfellowmen. He is cognizant of the quirks offortune and is resolved to conduct his lifein a prudent manner. The narrative closeson an exceedingly optimistic note as hisprospects for a better life are clearly in theoffing.Just as the appearance of the picaro insixteenth- and seventeenth- centurySpanish literature reflects the declining anddecadent social and economic conditions ofthe country, so Los infortunios de AlonsoRamirez betrays a similar plight in theSpanish Indies. With skill and understand-ing, Sigiienza undertakes to portray accu-rately the turbulent years of a great empirewhich compose the colorful and livelybackdrop for his protagonist's tale of woe.Although he focuses mainly upon theseamy side of life, a dominant feature ofworks written in the picaresque vein, byrevealing some of the ugly aspects of exist-ence in the colonies, he uses this particularperspective to dispel existing myths con-cerning Spain's wealth and power. It is byprobing extensively the fascinating histori-cal setting that Sigtienza scrutinizes severalaspects of social, economic, and politicalimportance and exposes the discrepancybetween appearances and reality.Beginning in the sixteenth century andcontinuing through the next, the strains ofSpain's imperialistic policies had becometoo great a burden for her to bear, andunquestionably reverberations of disas-trous mismanagement were felt in outlyingareas of the realm. In a final effort tobolster her own sagging economy, Spainundertook to enforce strict compliancewith mercantilistic principles, thus doom-ing the colonies to an even worse fate thanthe mother country. Contrary to widelycirculated rumors in Spain, the territoriesin the New World had ceased to offeraspiring young adventurers a chance to

    make their fortunes. A glorious era inSpanish history was coming to an inevita-ble close. Although Sigtienza gives littledetailed information concerning thecolonial economy, poverty looms every-where in his narrative, and starvation con-stantly threatens the young Ramirez. In thecolonies as well as in Spain, recurrenteconomic crises together with an inherentdislike of manual labor made vagabondagean ever present fact of life. Transientsof alltypes roamed about Spain and her pos-sessions ultimately signaling the furtherweakening of the Spanish empire.7With the advent of the seventeenthcentury, Spain had to face a new and morechallenging threat to her dominions in theNew World. Latecomer nations, such asEngland, France, and the Netherlandssought to establish themselves there at theexpense of the Spaniards. Despite financialreverses and political setbacks, Spain stillfancied herself as the supreme power in theNew World and eminent ruler of the seasas well. Alonso confirms the fact that theoceans were teeming with foreign vesselsand that outlawing privateers wereencroaching upon Spanish territory, loot-ing and burning the belongings of theinhabitants, and seizing Spanish subjects.Spanish prestige was at increasingly lowebb, and colonists found themselves illequipped to ward off enterprisingand ruth-less buccaneers.8 After Alonso wasabducted from his defenseless supplylaunch, he was appalled to see how wellarmed the English were and to hear themderide and jeer at his countrymen.While revealing surprising weaknesses inthe Spanish imperial structure, Sigtienzaalso unmasks the bold and repugnantnature of Spain's rivals. Because of theinfamous Black Legend maliciously propa-gated by Spain's enemies, European publicopinion had branded her as the cruelest,most unprincipled nation in the world.9This false impression, as well, is shatteredby Sigiienza who continually narrates theheinous crimes of Spain's adversaries. Oneepisode in which he recounts a cannibalisticcelebration among Alonso's captors is anespecially good example of this (Siguienza,p. 29), and scenes of murder, torture,robbery, and destruction of propertywhichdominate the narration of the protagonist'scaptivity add elements of fear and suspense

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    Siguienzay Gdngora's Los infortunios de Alonso Ramirez 63to his story.But Sigiienza's descriptions are notalways grim and disturbing. On severaloccasions he depicts familiar Americanlandmarks which stand like proud rem-nants of a once powerful empire and repre-sent the diminishing vestiges of an opulentsociety. In his compendium of Alonso'schildhood, he refers to the impressive, oldfortifications around the port of San Juan,and he exalts the grandeur of the city ofMexico. Sigtienza has also captured thespirit of an era in which sea travel was criti-cal to a nation's survival and scientificdevelopments in this area were exceedinglyvital. Because many of Alonso's experi-ences take place at sea, the narrative con-tains navigational information and carto-graphic references.Los infortunios de Alonso Ramirez, likethe classic representativesof the picaresquegenre, Lazarillo de Tormes, Guzmdn deAlfarache, and El Busc6n, is a looselyconstructed account presented in auto-biographical form. After an introductorystatement of purpose,'" the protagonistembarks upon a chronological narrative ofthe events of his childhood, adolescence,and manhood. The unity of these separateentities is provided by the presence of theprotagonist himself, and the compositionof the work is deliberately left open,ostensibly to continue the main character'sadventures at some future date.While the structure of Sigiienza'saccount bears a certain resemblance to theSpanish picaresque works produced duringthe Golden Age, its numerous parallelswith one in particular, Guzmdn de Alfa-rache, are quite striking. These points ofcomparison may be found not only in someof the specific details of the lives of thetwo protagonists but in the duplication ofselect episodes as well.Both Guzmin and Alonso preface arecapitulation of their respective adven-tures by divulging their family back-grounds and by alluding to the unpropi-tious circumstances of their departuresfrom home. Poverty is a crucial factor intheir decisions, and the two boys strikeout on their own determined not only tosurvive but to encounter a better life aswell. The following excerpt taken from arecounting of Alonso's childhood revealsthe penury suffered by his parents and his

    unsuccessful apprenticeship with hisfather:Entre los que esta [pobreza] havia tomado muy asu cargo fueron mis Padres, y assi era fuerza que

    huviera sido porque no lo merecian sus procederes:pero ya es pension de las Indias el que assi sea. ...Era mi Padre Carpintero de ribera, y impusome (enquanto permitia la edad) al proprio exercicio, peroreconociddo no ser continua la fabrica, y temiendomeno vivir siempre, por esta causa, con las incomodi-dades, que aunque muchacho me hazian fuerza,determine hurtarle el cuerpo d mi misma Patria parabuscar en las agenas mas cOveniencia. (Sigtienza, p. 9)Guzmin endures similar conditions inhis native Seville as he sees family pos-sessions dwindle away to buy the barenecessities of life: "Comoqued6

    niflo depoco entendimiento, no senti su falta [ladel padre]; aunque ya tenia de doce afiosadelante. Y no embargante que venimos enpobreza, la casa estaba con alhajas, de quetuvimos que vender para comer algunosdias" (Alemin, I, i, 2, pp. 96-97). In theprecedingquotation Guzm~n mentions thathe was twelve years old when his family fellupon hard times. Curiously enough, he andAlonso are exactly that same age when theygo forth to seek their fortunes.Just as Alonso's conclusion to leavePuerto Rico is marked by practicality, so asimilar verdict is evoked by Guzmin'slogical reasoning:El mejor medio que hall6 fu6 probar la mano parasalir de miseria, dejando mi madre y tierra. Hiceloasi; y para no ser conocido no me quise valer delapellido de mi padre; piiseme el Guzmin de mi madre,y Alfarache de la heredad adonde tuve mi principio.Con esto sali a ver mundo, peregrinando por 61,encomendandome a Dios y buenas gentes en quienhice confianza. (Alemin, i, i, 2, p. 101)

    Because of his father's moral turpitude,Guzmin sought to detach himself fromsuch disgrace by using his mother's maidenname. Alonso, likewise, is known by hismother's surname, although his reason forthis change is never given.The early upbringing and environmentof these two juveniles bore a profoundstigma for them, and as a result they soughtto be rid of their all too familiar surround-ings and escape to another country. Alonsonaively contemplates the opportunities thatawait him in New Spain, and Guzminseeks to elude parental opprobrium bytraveling to Italy. The two undertake seavoyages, and both become the servants ofcaptains to secure their passage.As a means of obtaining a suitable posi-tion with celerity, Alonso and Guzmin

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    64 Julie Greer Johnson Hispania64 (March1981)contact relatives in their newly adoptedcountries. Although Alonso calls on hismaternal relations, and Guzmin visitsthose on his father's side, both haveextremely negative experiences. In thefollowing passage Alonso learns that needyrelatives are denied by the more affluentones:

    El motivo que tube para salirde Mexico A a Ciudadde Huaxaca fue la noticia de que assistia en ella conel titulo, y exercicio honroso de Regidor D. LuisRamirez en quien por parentesco, que con mi Madretiene, afiance, ya que no ascdsos desproporcionadosAlos fundamentos tales quales en que estrivaran;porlo menos alguna mano para subir vn poco: pero con-segui despues de vn viage de ochdta leguas el quenegandome con muy malas palabras el parentesco,tuviesse necessidad de valerme de los estrafios por nopoder sufrir despegos sensibilissimos por no espera-dos .... (Sigtienza, p. 12)1"Guzmain as well encounters a receptionfrom his kinsmen analogous to that ofAlonso and as the succeeding excerptattests, he is reviled openly by them:Luego, pues, que dej&a mi amo el capitan, contodos mis harrapos y remiendos, hecho un espan-tajo de higuera, quise hacerme de los godos,emparentando con la nobleza de aquella ciudad,publicdndome por quien era; y preguntando por

    la de mi padre, caus6 en ellos tanto enfado, queme aborrecieron de muerte. (Aleman, I, iii, 1,pp. 168-69)In their quest for economic self-suffi-cience, both youths travel widely and enterinto the service of numerous masters. Forseven years after leaving Puerto Rico andbefore departing for the Orient, Alonso'swanderings take him throughout theViceroyalty of New Spain. During hismeandering from Puebla de los Angeles toMexico City and down to Guatemala, he isretained by at least six employers and atvarious times works as a carpenter, a page,a muleteer, a traveling salesman, anapprentice to an architect, and an aid to agentleman named Crist6bal Medina.'2Throughout the travels of these twoyoung protagonists, hunger is an importantmotivating force in their lives. In fact, asthey journey from place to place, theirimmediate necessities seem to eclipse anyrecognition of the beauty of their environs.However, on one occasion, in each case,the overwhelming magnificence of a majorcultural center, one in the New World, theother in Europe, receives their unendingpraise. On entering Mexico City, Alonso isawed and elated to find that the widelycirculating rumors of its greatness are not

    unfounded, and Guzmain experiences thesame sensations during his stay in Florenceand expresses almost identical impressionsof that great city.After being out in the world for sometime, both Alonso and Guzmin decide tomarry. While the nature of their conjugalrelationships is entirely different, theirmarriages are terminated abruptly by thedeath of their spouses after only a briefperiod of matrimony.As both individuals find themselvesdown on their luck, Alonso reviews hissituation carefully and sentences himself tobe banished to the Philippines. Guzmin,on the other hand, accused and convictedof committing a crime, receives a very realsentence and is condemned to the galleysfor life. While Alonso's self-imposed exiledoes not mean immediate confinement, itdoes eventually lead to his seizure byEnglish corsairs. During the time that bothAlonso and Guzmin, now men, spend asprisoners, they are both held captive onsailing vessels. Throughout their respectivevoyages, each protagonist experiencesphysical restraints of one sort or another,is betrayed by friends, and becomesinvolved in mutinies. As a result of theirknowledge of these conspiracies on ship-board, both Alonso and Guzmin divulgethe names of the participants as well astheir plans to the proper authorities. Thisaffirmation of loyalty, together with theirpreviously established associations withcertain officers in charge, earns them theirfreedom.With the announcement of a pardon forGuzmain,Part II of Alemin's work comesto a close; however, for Alonso, set adriftin the Caribbean Sea, the series of tribula-tions is not yet over. From this point untilhis arrival back in the capital, he goes on torelate additional encounters and ordealswhich are surprisingly reminiscent ofearlier occurrences in the Guzmdn. Here,however, the correlation is merely sugges-tive rather than explicit.As is characteristic of human nature, it isa time of crisis that elicits a reaffirmationof faith, and both protagonists ascribetheir very survival on several occasions todivine protection. The news of the releaseof Alonso and his companions is hailed bythem with thankfulness and jubilation.Alonso, himself, attributes his personal

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    Siguenza y G6ngora's Los infortunios de Alonso Ramirez 65salvation to his undying devotion to thePatron Saint of Mexico, as a small me-mento of hers was a source of great conso-lation to him. After surviving a devastatingstorm on his way home from Italy,Guzmain makes a solemn pledge to theHoly Matriarch of Seville whose timelyintervention, he believes, delivered himfrom the throes of destruction.While both instances represent isolatedreligious acts, respect and reverence for thedivine is a constant factor in both Losinfortunios and the Guzmdn. The twoprotagonists are portrayed attendingmasses, both claim to have witnessedmiracles, and both implore God or theVirgin to aid them with considerablefrequency.The storm previously referred to wasquite a terrifying experience for Guzminbecause by this time the guilt of having leda sinful life was weighing heavily upon hisconscience. The following excerpt from hisnarration discloses a sober judgment on thepart of the youthful main character: "veni-mos con bonanza hasta Espafia, que nopoco la tuve deseada, sin ferros, artilleria,remos, postizas ni arrombadas. Porquetodo fu6 a la mar y qued6 yo vivo: quefuera mis justo perecer en ella" (Alemin,n, ii, 9, p. 169).Although this storm occurs beforeGuzmin's imprisonment, his Americancounterpart is caught in a raging tempestafter his liberation from the English. In adesperate effort to save his fellow passen-gers, he risks his life by diving into theturbulent waters but manages to reach theshore safely. From the following quote itis clear that he feels a certain loathing forhis miserable life: "C6nsiderando el peli-gro en la dilacion, haziendo fervorososactos de contricion, y queriedo merecerle 'Dios su misericordia sacrificandole mi vidapor la de aquellos Pobres, cifiendome vncabo delgado, para que lo fuesen largandome arroj6 al agua" (Siguenza, p. 58).With the passage of the storm, Alonsoand his crew reach the shores of the Yuca-tan Peninsula and begin their trek inland.After many trials and the loss of several ofhis comrades, they arrive at the town ofTejozuco where they are aided by theparish priest. Alonso tells of the benefi-cence of this man of the cloth and recountshis indebtedness to him. His account is

    suggestive of Guzman's fortuitous en-counter with a kind, charitable churchmanwhile visiting the city of Rome. Because ofthe prelate's magnanimity, the youngpicaro becomes a mischievous, over-indulged servant in his household.Before Alonso and the other survivorswere freed from the brutal abuse of theEnglish, their jailors had loaded their smallcraft with certain items that they hadpillaged in the Orient. These commodities,of far greaterworth in New Spain, arousedthe greed of several parties. One exampleof their covetousness concerns the desiresof a corrupt local alcalde to confiscate theunfortunate group's property, which inreality represented small recompense fortheir extreme hardships. On a number ofoccasions Guzmin, as well, confronted thissame problem of the venality of certainofficials. It was probably a matter of someconcern to Alemin, as his criticism of theseavaricious public servants is frequent andlengthy."'Undoubtedly the most humorousepisode of Los infortunios, which inci-dentally follows this same basic theme,involves the efforts of a purported friendof Alonso to deprive him of his slave,Pedro, by disclosing some alarmingrumors. But, Alonso, now a man of experi-ence, quickly prevents his feigned acquain-tance's attempt to bilk him. WhileGuzm~n's expertise at executing clevertricks is well documented, he himself issubjected many times to chicanery of onetype or another. However, as these inci-dents occur early in his life, he is deceivedby such knavery.'" Although similaritiesbetween these two works are numerous,Sigtienza's manner of presentation of thesecommon elements is quite different.TNLIKE THE WORKS of the picaresquegenre previously mentioned, Los infor-tunios de Alonso Ramirez is the docu-mentary record of historical fact. Itscontent, therefore, by its very nature,requires the clear, concise exposition thatSiguenza has accorded it to maintain theaccuracy of his report. However, his inti-mate view of his protagonist's life and hisinformal manner of expression reflect theyouthful vantage point from which henarrates his brief account and exude ahuman warmth designed to appeal to the

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    66 Julie Greer Johnson Hispania64 (March1981)sensitivity of his readers as well as to enter-tain them. Although the Baroque influenceis visible in several passages, the generalprecision and clarity of Sigiienza's narra-tion, together with the inclusion of scien-tific data, portend the writings character-istic of the Enlightenment in SpanishAmerica.

    Sigiienza's enthralling adventure story ofan errant Puerto Rican youth serves asexcellent testimony to his well-deservedreputation for being one of the best prosewriters of the colonial period and providesa vital link between Spanish literary tradi-tion and early Spanish American literature.While the extent of Sigtienza's knowledgeof the entire gamut of picaresque writingsremains undetermined, it is evident that hewas well acquainted with Guzmdn de Alfa-rache and that it influenced him to somedegree in his literary renderingof the eventsof Alonso's life as well as the formulationof his personality. Sigtienza's clever adap-tation of certain picaresque elements forhis historical presentation proves the effec-tiveness of such a combination and servesas a forerunner of Spanish America's firstnovel and totally picaresque work, El Peri-quillo Sarniento by Jose Joaquin Fernin-dez de Lizardi, published over a centuryafter Sigiienza's pioneering creation."'

    NOTES'Irving A. Leonard, Don Carlos Sigiienza y G6n-gora, a Mexican Savant of the Seventeenth Century(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1929), p. 2.2Carlos de Sigienza y G6ngora, Infortvnios qveAlonso Ramirez natural de la Civdad de S. Juan dePverto Rico padeci6 assi en poder de Ingleses Piratasque lo apresaron en las Islas Philipinas como nave-gando por si solo, y sin derrota, hasta varar en laCosta de lucatan: Consiguiendo por este medio darvuelta al Mundo (M6xico: Los herederos de la viudade Bernardo Calder6n, 1690), p. 84. The paginationis mine beginning with the title page.'As decrees dating back to the time of Ferdinandand Isabella attest, works of pure fiction were offi-cially banned from the Spanish territories shortly afterthe discovery of America to protect the impression-able Indians at a crucial point in their assimilation intothe Spanish empire; however, books containingimaginative prose were clearly in evidence in thecolonies. The first conclusive proof that we have ofthe arrival of a picaresque novel to the New World isprovided by a number of ship manifests preservedfrom the early part of the seventeenth century. In theyear 1600 for example few of these listings pertainingto cargoes of books excluded these exceedingly popu-

    lar works. Although records of consignments ofbooks bound for the Spanish Indies are incomplete,extant documents corroborate the introduction, inquantity, of the first part of Aleman's masterpiece inthe year 1600 and the arrival of Mateo Lujin deSayavedra's spurious continuation of the Guzmdnas well as the true sequel in subsequent years. Even theappearance of the Quijote, a popular work in its ownright among colonial readers, did not diminish thecontinual flow of picaresque literature to New Spainand Peru or detract from its apparent heyday there.Irving A. Leonard, "Guzmdn de Alfarache in theLima Book Trade, 1613," Hispanic Review, xi (1943),pp. 210-20.'Mateo Aleman, Guzmdn de Alfarache, intro-duction by Samuel Gili y Gaya, 5 volumes, (Madrid:Espasa-Calpe, S.A., 1962, 1955, 1961, 1953, 1956).5Otherimportant historical accounts of the colonialperiod which contain novelistic elements are: Historiaverdadera de la conquista de la Nueva Espaia byBernal Diaz del Castillo, Comentarios reales de losIncas by the Inca, Garcilaso de la Vega, and Cauti-veriofeliz by Francisco NifiTezde Pineda y Bascufiin.6Lazarillo de Tormes, introduction by Joseph VirgilRicapito, (Madrid: Catedra, 1976); Francisco Que-vedo y Villegas, La vida del Busc6n Ilamado donPablos, edici6n critica por Fernando LAzaroCarreter,(Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1965).7John Lynch, Spain under the Hapsburgs, VolumeI, Empire and Absolutism 1516-1598 (New York:Oxford University Press, 1964), pp. 345-48; 346,Volume ii, Spain and America 1598-1700 (Oxford:Basil Blackwell, 1969), pp. 194-95. Alonso refers tothe fact that it was customary for delinquents to beshipped to the Philippines (Sigtienza, p. 15). Theexistence of groups of idle individuals is noted inboth the Guzmdn (I, iii, 3-6) and El Busc6n(pp. 232-36).8C. H. Haring, The Buccaneers in the West Indiesin the XVII Century (London: Methuen and Co. Ltd.,1910), pp. 232-72. It is evident from an expeditionwhich Sigiienza undertook to Pensacola Bay in 1693that he was concerned about the vulnerability ofSpanish territories to French incursions. Leonard,Don Carlos Sigienza y G6ngora, pp. 139, 146.'The Black Legend grew out of exaggeratedreportsof atrocities committed by the Spaniards during theConquest and was highly publicized by Bartolom6 deLas Casas during his humanitarian campaign for theprotection of the Indians.'oLos infortunios de Alonso Ramirez shares withother picaresque works the principal aim of offeringentertainment to the reading public. However, thealleged didactic purpose delineated by Lazarillo,Pablos, and Guzman is notably absent from Alonso'ssensitive recollection as he hopes to solicit the sympa-thy of his reader, thus mitigating to some degree thegrievous memories of his journey."The appearance of Alonso's notable relation inLos infortunios may also have personal significance.Siguienzawas a relative of the famous Spanish poetLuis de G6ngora y Argote (1561-1627). His admira-tion for this illustrious writer is seen in his strugglingattempts to imitate G6ngora's florid poetic style.Leonard, Don Carlos Sigienza y Gdngora, p. 4.'2Alonso mentions that he becomes a muleteer butdoes not disclose the name of his master. It wouldseem reasonable, however, to assume that there was

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    Sigienza y G6ngora's Los infortunios de Alonso Ramirez 67one, as he could not have afforded his own team ofmules. Alonso also serves Captain Bel, althoughinvoluntarily, when he is taken captive by the English.Considering his employment on these two occasionsas well as those just cited, Alonso served a total ofeight masters, precisely the number reported byGuzmAnand Lazarillo."Two examples of such abuse in the Guzmdn are:I, i, 3 in which corrupt officials are compared tovoracious whales that swallow up everything and I, ii,9 in which Guzman explains the saying "en Malag6n,en cada casa un ladr6n y en la del alcalde, hijo ypadre." In Lazarillo the pardoner and the alguacilteam up to deceive the people, but Lazarillo does notfall prey to the carefully conceived sham (Lazarillo,Tratado V). Pablos is bled by prison officials who

    extort an exorbitant amount of money from him togain his freedom (Quevedo, pp. 183-93).'4Shortly after Guzman leaves home, he eatsseveral disgusting meals at local inns (I, i, 3 and I, i,5). Later he is tricked by women (I, ii, 8; II, i, 5; andII, iii, 1) and has his belongings stolen (II, iii, 1).Aleman scorns the use of lying (II, i, 1) and callsrumors the "hija natural del odio y de la envidia"(I, i, 8, p. 181). Pablos endures the pranks of fellowstudents at Alcala (pp. 64-68) and loses his money ona couple of occasions to crooks (pp. 124-26; 220)."Jose Joaquin Fernandez de Lizardi, El PeriquilloSarniento (Mexico: Editorial Porruia, S.A., 1959).This work, which marks the official beginning of thenovel in Spanish America, was first published in1816.

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