Abstract—This article focuses on the political identity in Demak. This research was conducted using qualitative method with descriptive analysis. The data were collected by using interview, observation, and documentation technique. The obtained data were then processed and analyzed using a triangulation technique so that the obtained data were valid. The findings show that politic identity in Demak District the reform era rises the political flow; they are 1) nationalist religious and 2) religious nationalists. There is an attempt at political reprinting. It is bringing up old political patterns into the recenD political life.
Keywords : demak; nationalist religiusm; religius nationalism; politic of identity.
I. INTRODUCTION
The first election in Indonesia took place in 1955. The election was considered the most democratic election in Indonesia as the campaign was attended by both the supporter of a particular party and its opponents. For example, when the NU have a chance to campaign its party, the campaign was attended by not only the NU supporters, but also the masses from the PNI, PKI or Masyumi. Opponents. They listened to what NU was campaigning for.
The 1955 Election results in Demak, the highest order; 1) NU with 139974 vote, 2) PNI by vote 41793, and 3) PKI by vote 39251. Thus, the flow of identity politics that developed in Demak in 1955 was; 1) religious and 2) radical nationalists. The development of political flow in Indonesia as described by Herbet Faeith in [1] that the political flow that develops in Indonesia is as follows; 1) Communism, 2) Democratic Socialism, 3) Traditionalism and Modernist Islam, 4) Traditional and Radical Nationalists, and 5) Javanese Traditionalists. Piliang then quoted Geertz about Javanese political flow as; 1) Islam Putihan, 2) Islam Abangan and 3) Priyayi. When discussing the ideology of a political party in Indonesia will not be separated from Feith and Geertz. Researchers in this case prefer to use political flow rather than using ideological concepts. Especially, when discussing political parties after the new order, this condition was caused in the new order era, all political parties and mass organizations were required to embrace the Pancasila ideology.
Soekarno was famous for the politics of unity, Soekarno's imagination was to unite non-imperialist and
non-colonial forces against the neo-imperialist and colonialist supporting forces. For Soekarno the important thing is to unite against the Nekolim state (neo imperialism and colonialism) no matter what political ideology. Soekarno's imagination came to unite three great ideologies into one unit; namely the concept of Nasakom (Nationalist, Religion and Communist). The author uses the word imagination because almost Soekarno's writings in 1928, especially in “Di Bawah Bendera Revolusi” book, Soekarno want an ideological unity against neo colonialist and imprealist (Necolim). Soekarno's friend he is Moh Hatta, a figure who had lived in Europe, deeply understood the need for freedom of political parties. The combination of Soekarno's and Moh Hatta's thoughts makes the freedom of political parties can live in Indonesia with non-necolim ideology. Soekarno's principle was considered to benefit communist ideology. The condition of the Soekarno regime was different from the Suharto regime, which was known as the new order.
The new order was established with the principle of eliminating Soekarno's (Old Order) politics. These principles include; 1) communism is a forbidden teaching, 2) simplification of a political party into three; a) Golkar, b) religion-based political parties, and c) nationalist & socialist political parties, 3) the principle of persuing the 1945 Constitution purely and consistently (considered as the sacralization of the 1945 Constitution), 4) co-optation of social organizations by the state (there is only one organization throughout Indonesia for community organizations such as PGRI for teachers, Youth gathered at KNPI etc.). The essence of the new order principle is that political life is not the main one, while its main activity is economic life. From this it is clear that there is a difference between the old order and the new order. The old order principle, the main activity is politics, while the new order principle, the main activity is the economy.
The New Order Election in Demak was won by Golongan Karya (Golkar), added again when NU declared it back to the khitah not as a political force but as a socio-religious force, and many NU figures who later became close to Golkar figures, the victory of Golkar became dominant.
II. RESEARCH METHODS
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This research was conducted using qualitative method with descriptive analysis. It focused on the political identity of Demak people. The data were collected using interview, observation, and documentation technique. The obtained data were then processed and analyzed using a triangulation technique
III. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
Political Genre; Religius Nationalism and Nationalist Religiusm Suparlan defines identity as recognition of other individuals or groups [2]. Political identity is useless if you cannot answer who I am, who you are and the possibilities that are open or closed. The new order period of identity politics was emphasized, namely for the benefit of the nation and the state. The New Order era was later replaced by a reform order, political activities in Indonesia then changed from the original domination of one political party to all political parties with equal opportunities to win, the state did not interfere to determine which party should win, people were free to make their choices without fear. This condition makes people dare to determine the affiliation of the political party of their choice. Table 1. Legislative Election in DPRD Demak 2004-
Resource: KPU As shown in Figure 1. Political parties with
traditional Islamic identities are represented by PKB and PPP, nationalist parties represented by PDIP, Golkar, Democrats and Nasdem, while Islamic schools (putihan) are represented by PAN and PKS. The 2004 to 2014 election results are not expected to differ greatly when the 2019 elections take place.
The political genre in Demak in the New Order era, which was dominated by Golkar, in the reform era, Golkar still gained a dominant seat, even though its political party platform had changed, from supporting parties and supported by the government to become a general political party. The strategy used by Golkar is to use people close to traditional Islam, and the PDIP also uses people close to Islamic traditionalism. This condition creates a variant of the new political flow
found, namely a mixture of nationalism and religion. The platform of the political party is a nationalist party but the person adheres to traditional Islam. Likewise with the Islamic political stream, it is rare to only fight for Islam, but they also use nationalist symbols as their political communication. Thus, mutual symbiosis occurs in identity politics; namely between nationalists and religious.
The symbiosis of mutualism between religious and nationalist streams results in two dominant political streams namely; 1) nationalist religious and 2) religious nationalists. Nationalist religious politics are religious political schools that use nationalist characteristics. Whereas the religious nationalist political stream is a nationalist political school that uses religious characteristics.
The emergence of two political streams in Demak was caused by the adaptation of two nationalist and religious political schools. Nationalist political parties to gather supporters use religious figures, consequently religious culture still appears in their political behavior. While religious political parties often hang out and communicate with nationalist figures, besides that, political education developed during the New Order still has an effect on them, that they must become one Indonesian nation, as a result they will think about Indonesia or behave nationalist. Nationalist religion developed even more when the Islamic idiom of the archipelago, namely Islam which was assimilated to the culture of the archipelago which has the characteristics of tolerance, love of peace etc.
Reprinting Politics in Demak Political freedom of the reform era, gave rise to the desire of political figures so that a region became its mass base again. What was used as a reference was the mass base in 1955. For example, the city of Semarang in 1955 became a mass base for PNI, the PDIP which considered itself the heir to the PNI wished to win the election in the city of Semarang. This phenomenon we call reprinting political flow. Likewise with the phenomenon in Demak, Demak in 1955 won by the NU party, the PKB which considered itself the heir of the NU party tried to keep him dominant in Demak. For this reason, the mass mobilization carried out by PKB was very intensive. PKB deliberately raises identity to NU. This identity was synergized with the pesantren which historically were supporters of the NU party in 1955.
Pesantren in Demak is a place to demand Islamic religious knowledge. Pesantren in Demak has two activities; special recitation for settled students and general study for open society. Besides teaching, pesantren also fostered by forming communities that carry out certain activities such as sholawatan community (reading the Prophet's prayer), hadrah community (singing Islamic songs), dibaan (praise to the prophet Muhammad), and the community praying together (mujahadah, yasinan, read Hizib and ratib).
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Open study activities are general, may be followed by all people. The recitation material is determined by Kyai pesantren, the material taught is usually to study certain books such as Ihya Ulumudin-Ghozali, the book of Alhikam-Athailah and other books, which are known as the yellow book. The implementation of general recitation is sometimes provided with food from Kyai. The food is funded by the Kyai itself, even if there is a donation, it is usually given directly to the committee. Giving food to people who recite is an old pattern of relations between Kyai and society. The relationship then becomes patron and client patterns. Kyai who have a lot of land, become patrons for people who take part in the recitation which some of them work as farmers or factory workers. While the recitation participants are clients. Kyai's relationship pattern and recitation participants are still seen as patrons and clients. But the pattern of patron and client patterns is different from the patron and client ties in 1955. In 1955 many Kyai still had extensive land, so the communist political stream called Kyai a village demon because they controlled many village lands. For the present time client patron ties between Kyai and recitation participants, the factor of compliance is more due to the factor of respect for the Kyai. This respect is due to the Kyai mastering certain knowledge needed by the recitation participants. Pengajian participants usually follow Sufism (Sufi) community led by the Kyai.
Kyai's interaction with the study participants resulted in a strong patron-client bond if the recitation participants had become members of the Sufism community. When the recitation participants become members of the Sufism community, they have the doctrine of obedience to the Kyai advisor. Compliance with the Kyai is shown by obeying the Kyai's advice directly or indirectly. Directly obedient means that what the Kyai suggests must be done (we hear, we are obedient), while obediently indirectly, what is indicated by the Kyai will be followed. When the pesantren clerics support certain political streams, it is usually carried out in an indirectly obedient category.
The phenomenon of observers' compliance makes the emergence of reprinting political flow. Certain political currents want to make Demak its mass base. Demak, which in 1955 was the basis of the NU, was tried to be raised again by PKB by utilizing its historical network.
Building Politics Uniting Identity in Demak In everyday language it is often confused between the terms political identity and identity. Identity politics think about how to unite various community entities into one entity, whereas if political identity thinks what is the characteristics of an entity, the characteristics of an entity. Because the basic value in identity politics is the planting and grounding of the values of tolerance, sympathy, empathy and social solidarity [3]. Identity politics is also related to democracy, as described by Shirley Engle and Anna S. Ochoa (1988) emphasizing the importance of democratic learning approaches by favoring decision-making approaches (devision making process)[4].
The beliefs found in Demak regarding identity politics are as follows which are sorted by priority; 1) the first priority for religion, the belief in the religion of the Demak community is high, thus religion is still used as the basis for certain decisions. 2) the second priority on ethnic race, racial and ethnic factors is the second priority, Demak people are still willing to marry with different races and ethnicities. 3) the third priority is socioeconomic status. Knowing the beliefs here is that the three priority priorities should not be ignored.
This study also found that the existence of trust (trust), that: 1) Pancasila as an ideological and unifying tool of the nation; 2) Character and nation building; 3) Need tolerance; 4) Awareness of diversity; and 4) Non-discriminatory legal force is required. When combining beliefs (beliefs) with trust (trust), identity politics can be done, uniting various political identities in Demak.
IV. CONCLUSION
There were two phenomena of political flow in Demak namely; 1) nationalist religious and 2) religious nationalists. There is a phenomenon of flow politics reprinting which is an attempt to bring up the old support base in contemporary politics. To unite political identity in Demak, it can combine belief and trust that grows in society.
REFERENCE
[1] Prasetyono, E., Piliang, I. J., & Soesastro, H. 2002. Merumuskan kembali kebangsaan Indonesia. Centre for Strategic and International Studies.
[2] Suparlan, Parsudi. 2004. Hubungan Antar Suku Bangsa. KIK Pers. Jakarta.
[3] Grechyna, D. 2016. Political frictions and public policy outcomes. Journal of Comparative Economics, 44(3), 484-495.
[4] Wuryan, S. 2006. Ilmu Kewarganegaraan (civics). Bandung:Laboratorium Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan.
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