8/21/2019 Political Development and Decay SHuntington http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/political-development-and-decay-shuntington 1/46 Trustees of Princeton University Political Development and Political Decay Author(s): Samuel P. Huntington Reviewed work(s): Source: World Politics, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Apr., 1965), pp. 386-430 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2009286 . Accessed: 09/12/2011 15:27 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and Trustees of Princeton University are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World Politics. http://www.jstor.org
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8/21/2019 Political Development and Decay SHuntington
Political Development and Political DecayAuthor(s): Samuel P. HuntingtonReviewed work(s):Source: World Politics, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Apr., 1965), pp. 386-430Published by: Cambridge University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2009286 .
Accessed: 09/12/2011 15:27
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
Cambridge University Press and Trustees of Princeton University are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,
AMONG the laws thatrulehumansocieties,"e Tocquevillesaid,"theres onewhich eems o be moreprecise nd clearthan
all others.f menare to remain ivilized r to becomeso, theartofassociating ogethermustgrow and improve n the same ratio inwhichtheequality f conditionss increased."'n much oftheworldtoday, quality f political articipationsgrowingmuchmorerapidly
than is the "art of associatingogether." he ratesof mobilizationand participationrehigh; theratesof organizationnd institution-alization re ow.De Tocqueville's reconditionorcivilized ocietysin danger,f it is notalready ndermined.n these ocieties,hecon-flict etweenmobilizationnd institutionalizations thecruxofpoli-tics.Yet in thefast-growingiteraturen thepolitics fthedevelopingareas, political nstitutionalizationsuallyreceives cant treatment.Writers n political evelopmentmphasize heprocesses fmodern-
izationand theclosely elatedphenomena f socialmobilizationndincreasing oliticalparticipation. balancedviewof the politics fcontemporarysia, Africa, nd LatinAmericarequiresmoreatten-tion to the"artof associating ogether"nd thegrowth f politicalinstitutions.or thispurpose,t is useful o distinguisholitical evel-opmentfrommodernizationnd to identify oliticaldevelopmentwiththe nstitutionalizationfpolitical rganizationsnd procedures.
Definitions f politicaldevelopment re legion. Most, however,share two closelyrelatedcharacteristics.irst,politicaldevelopment
is identifieds one aspectof,or as intimatelyonnectedwith,thebroader rocessesfmodernizationn societys a whole.Moderniza-
*I am grateful o the Centerfor International ffairs, arvardUniversity,orthe upport hichmadethis rticle ossible nd to EdwardC. Banfield,Mather liot,MiltonJ. Esman,H. Field Haviland,Jr., nd JohnD. Montgomery,ortheirhelpfulwrittenomments n an earlier raft.
'Democracy in America PhillipsBradley dn.,New York I955), II, II8.
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tion affectsll segments f society;tspolitical spects onstituteo-liticaldevelopment.ndeed,manyauthors eemto prefer hephrase"politicalmodernization"s more descriptivef theirprimary on-
cern.Second, f politicaldevelopments linkedwithmodernization,it is necessarily broad and complexprocess.Hence mostauthorsargue thatpoliticaldevelopmentmustbe measured ymanycriteria.The "multi-functionharacter f politics,"Lucian Pye has said,". . . meansthatno single calecanbe usedformeasuringhedegreeofpolitical evelopment."'t thusdiffersrom conomic evelopment,on thecharacterfwhichthere eemstobe moregeneral greementand whichis measurable hrough airlyprecise ndices such as percapita national ncome.Definitions f politicaldevelopment encetendto itemizea numberof criteria.Ward and Rustowlist eightcharacteristicsf themodern olity;Emersonhas five.Pye identifiesfourmajor aspectsof politicaldevelopment lus half a dozen addi-tional factors." isenstadt inds ourcharacteristicsfpoliticalmod-ernization.'
The definitionsremany nd multiple; ut,witha fewexceptions,
thecharacteristicshichthey dentify ithpolitical evelopmentreall aspects f the processes f modernization.our setsof categoriesrecurcontinuouslyn thedefinitions.ne set,focusing n thePar-sonianpatternariables,an perhaps estbe summed p as rationalizaetion. This involvesmovement romparticularismo universalism,from diffusenesso specificity,romascriptiono achievement,ndfrom ffectivityo affectiveeutrality.n terms f politicaldevelop,ment,functional ifferentiationnd achievementriteria re partic-
ularly mphasized.4 second etof characteristicsdentified ithde-velopmentnvolvesnationalismnd national ntegration. lmostallwriters ecognize heproblem f the"crisis f national dentity"ndthenecessityf establishing firmly elimited thnicbasisforthepolitical ommunity.5 developed olity,t is usually ssumed,must,
with are xception,e a nation-state.Nation-building"s a key spectofpolitical evelopment.thirdpproachocusesndemocratization:pluralism,ompetitiveness,qualizationfpower,nd imilarualities.
"Competitiveness,"aysColeman,is an essentialspect f politicalmodernity.. ." Hence, theAnglo-Americanolitiesmost loselyapproximatehemodel f modernoliticalystem. Frey rguesthat themost ommon otion fpolitical evelopmentn ntellectualAmericanircless that fmovementowardsemocracy."e findsthis congenial otion nd offersisowndefinitionf political e-velopments "changes n the directionf greater istributionnd
appearn definitionsf political evelopment.he characteristicfpolitical evelopmentr politicalmodernizationhich s mostfre-quently mphasized,owever,s mobilization,rparticipation.od-ernization,arlDeutsch as emphasized,nvolvesocialmobilization,and "this omplex f processesf social hange s significantlyor-related ithmajor hangesnpolitics."ncreasesn iteracy,rbaniza-
tion, xposureomassmedia, ndustrialization,ndpercapita ncomeexpand the politicallyelevanttrata f the population," ultiplythedemandsorgovernmentervices,ndthus timulaten increaseingovernmentalapabilities,broadeningf theelite,ncreasedo-litical articipation,ndshiftsnattentionrom he ocal evel othenationalevel.8 odernizationeansmassmobilization; assmobili-zationmeans ncreasedolitical articipation;nd ncreasedarticipa-tion s thekey lement fpolitical evelopment.articipationistin-
guishesmodern oliticsromraditionalolitics.Traditionalociety,"saysLerner,is non-participant-iteploys eopleby kinship ntocommunitiessolated rom ach therndfrom center.. ." Modernsociety,ncontrast,s "participantociety."' he "newworld oliticalculture,"ayAlmond ndVerba, willbe a politicalulture fpar-ticipation.f theres a political evolutionoing n throughoutheworld,t is whatmight e called heparticipationxplosion.n all
thenewnations ftheworld hebelief hat he rdinary an spolit-Behavioralcientist,i (June 963), 3-I0; Ward and Rustow, ds.,PoliticalModerniza-tion, .
ically elevant-thate ought o be an involved articipantn thepo-litical ystem-is idespread.argegroups fpeoplewho havebeenoutside olitics redemandingntrancentothepoliticalystem."10
Political evelopment,ustowrgues,maybe defineds "(I) an in-creasingational oliticalnitylus 2) a broadeningaseofpoliticalparticipation...."imilarly,iggs eclareshat oliticalevelopment"refersotheprocessf politicization:ncreasingarticipationr n-volvementf the itizenn state ctivities,n power alculations,ndconsequences.""
All definitionsrearbitrary.hesedefinitionsfpolitical evelop-mentssome ombinationrpermutationfparticipation,ationaliza-tion,democratization,nd nation-buildingre justas legitimatesanyother efinition.hile all definitionsaybe equally rbitraryandequallyegitimate,hey ovary reatly,owever,n their elevancetoparticularroblemsndtheir sefulnessorparticularnds.Pre-sumablyne major urposefconceptsfpolitical evelopments tofacilitatenderstandingf the political rocessesn contemporaryAsian,African,nd LatinAmericanocieties.o be analyticallyse-
ful, concept ust e precisend relevant.t must lsohave ufficientgeneralityf applicationopermitomparativenalysis fdifferingsituations. any pproacheso political evelopmentufferrom neormore f thefollowingifficulties.
First, he dentificationfpolitical evelopmentithmoderniza-tion rwith actorssuallyssociated ithmodernizationrasticallylimits heapplicabilityf theconceptn both ime nd space. t isdefinedn parochialnd immediateerms,tsrelevanceimited o
modern ation-statesr theemergencef modern ation-states.tbecomesmpossibleospeak f politicallyevelopedribal uthority,city-state,eudalmonarchy,rbureaucraticmpire. evelopmentsidentifiedith netype fpoliticalystem,atherhan s a qualitywhichmight haracterizeny type fpolitical ystem. ll systemswhichrenotmodernreunderdeveloped,ncludingresumablyifth-centurythens,hethird-century.C. Romanrepublic,he second-
system? ity-statesould be developed r underdeveloped;o alsocouldbe bureaucraticmpiresr modern ation-states.his approachwould cast additionalight n contemporaryodernizingocieties
byfurnishingsecondet fcategoriesin additionothe raditional-modernet)for omparingheprocessesfchangen those ocietieswith heprocessesfchangen other ypesf societies.uch an ap-proach, f course,wouldalso liberate heconcept f developmentfrom he evenmore imited dentificationf it withthe Western,constitutional,emocratic ation-state.
The secondproblemwithmanydefinitionsf political evelop-ment s theobverse utalsothe corollaryf thefirst. n theonehand,developments limited o the characteristicsf themodernnation-state.n theother,t is also broadenedoinclude lmost llpoliticallyelevantspects fthe modernizationrocess.t acquirescomprehensivenesst the ost fprecision.heresa natural endencyto assumehat olitical evelopments all of a piece, hat ne "goodthing"s compatibleith nother.n addition,tudies f moderniza-tionhave hown very igh egreefcorrelationmong uchndices
as literacy,rbanization,ediaparticipation,ndpolitical articipa-tion."2 ence, t is easyto assume hat similar orrelationxistsamong hevarious lementsdentifieds contributingopolitical e-velopment.n fact, owever,hefour, ight, rtwelve riteriafde-velopment ayor maynot have any systematicelation o eachother. heymayndeed enegativelyorrelated.here s noparticularreason,ornstance, hymore articipationnd more tructuralif-ferentiationhould o together;nfact,heres some priorieasono
assume hatmore f onemightmean essof theother.f this e thecase, wocontradictoryendenciesA, -B; -A, B) couldbothbelabeledpoliticalevelopment."he broaderhedefinitionfdevelop-ment,moreover,hemore nevitableevelopmentecomes. he all-encompassingefinitionsakedevelopmenteem asyby makingtseem nescapable.evelopmentecomes n omnipresentirst ause,whichexplains verythingut distinguishesothing. lmost ny-thingthathappens n the "developing"ountries-coups,thnicstruggles,evolutionaryars-becomesart ftheprocess f develop-ment, oweverontradictoryrretrogressivehismay ppear n thesurface.olitical evelopmenthus oses ts analyticalontentndacquires imply geographicne.Atthe xtreme,tbecomes ynon-ymous ith hepolitical istoryfAsia,Africa,ndLatinAmerica.13
12 Lerner, assingofTraditional ociety, hap. .13 For the reductio d absurdum,eeMajid Khadduri,ModernLibya: A Study n
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Thirdly, any efinitionsfpoliticalevelopmentail o distinguishclearly he mpiricalelevancef the omponentsoing nto hedef-inition. onceptsf "developed"nd "undeveloped"s ideal types
or statesfbeing reconfused ith onceptsf "development"s aprocesswhich re, n turn, dentifiedith he politicsf theareascommonlyalled developing."he linebetweenctualitynd aspira-tion s fogged. hingswhich re n fact ccurringn the "develop-ing" reas ecome opelesslyntertwinedithhings hichhe heoristthinkshould ccur here. ere gain he endencyasbeen o assumethatwhat s true or hebroaderrocessesf socialmodernizationsalsotrue orpoliticalhanges.Modernization,n somedegree,s afactn Asia,Africa,atinAmerica: rbanizations rapid; iteracysslowlyncreasing;ndustrializations being ushed; er capitagrossnational roducts inching pward;massmediacirculations ex-panding;political articipations broadening. ll these re facts.In contrast,rogressowardmany f theother oals dentifiedithpolitical evelopment-democracy,tability,tructuralifferentiation,achievementatterns,ationalntegration-oftens dubious t best.
Yet thetendencys to think hatbecausemodernizations takingplace,political evelopmentlsomustbe taking lace.As a result,many fthe ympatheticestern ritingsbout heunderdevelopedareas oday ave he ame irofhopefulnrealityhich haracterizedmuch fthe ympatheticestern ritingbout heSoviet nion nthe 920's and i930's. Theyare suffused ith whatcan onlybedescribeds "Webbism":hats,the endencyo ascribeoa politicalsystemualitieswhich re assumed o be itsultimateoalsrather
In actuality,nly omeofthetendenciesrequentlyncompassedin theconcept politicalevelopment"ppear o be characteristicfthe developing"reas.nsteadfa trendowardompetitivenessnd
Political evelopmentBaltimore963), and J. ClagettTaylor,The Political evelop-mentofTanganyikaStanford963). In the titles nd content f both, political e-velopment" as no analyticalmeaning. t is simply synonymeuphemism?)for
"political istory." oth books are good history,ut they re not social science.14 See, e.g.,MiltonJ. Esman,"The Politics f Development dministration,"o be
publishedn JohnD. Montgomerynd WilliamSiffin,ds.,Politics,Administrationand Change:Approaches o DevelopmentNew York i965). Esmanbases his analysison the assumptionhat the political eadersof modernizing ocieties re motivatedby the goals of nation-buildingnd social-economicrogress nd not by desireforpersonalpower,wealth, tatus, r the territorialxpansion f theircountries. hisassumptionas about thesamedegreeof truth nd usefulnessn explaining oliticsin the contemporarydeveloping" reas as the assumptionhat Stalin'spoliciesweredevoted obuilding ommunismas to theexplanationf Sovietpoliticsn the 930'S.
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democracy,here as been n "erosionfdemocracy"nd a tendencyto autocraticmilitaryegimes nd one-partyegimes.nsteadofstability,here avebeenrepeatedoupsand revolts.nstead f a
unifyingationalismnd nation-building,here ave beenrepeatedethniconflictsndcivilwars. nstead finstitutionalationalizationanddifferentiation,here asfrequentlyeen decay fthe dminis-trativerganizationsnheritedrom he olonialraanda weakeningand disruptionf thepolitical rganizationseveloped uring hestruggle or ndependence.15nly theconcept f political evelop-ment s mobilizationndparticipationppears o be generallyp-plicable o the"developing"orld.Rationalization,ompetitiveness,andnation-building,n contrast,eem ohaveonly dimrelationoreality.
Thisgapbetweenheoryndrealityuggests fourthifficultynmany onceptsfpolitical evelopment.heyareusually ne-way.concepts.ittleor no provisions madefortheir eversibility.fpoliticalevelopmentsthoughto nvolvehemobilizationfpeopleinto olitics,ccounthould lsobe taken fthepossibilityhat olit-
ical de-developmentan takeplace andpeoplecan be demobilizedoutof politics.tructuralifferentiationayoccur, ut so alsomayhstructuralomogenization.ational isintegrations a phenomenonas much s nationalntegration.conceptfpolitical evelopmentshould e reversible.t should efine othpolitical evelopmentndthe ircumstancesnderwhich oliticalecay sencouraged.
Thefailureo thinkfpoliticalevelopments a reversiblerocessapparentlytemsrom wo ources.nsofarsdevelopments dentified
a possible oncept. oliticaldecay, ike thermonuclearar,becomesunthinkable. lmond, or nstance,measures ot ustpolitical evelop-mentbut political hangeby "the acquisition y a political ystemf
somenew capability."1 he specific apabilities e has in mind arethosefor national ntegration,nternationalccommodation, oliticalparticipation,nd welfare istribution.efore heRenaissance, lmondargues, olitical ystemsacquired nd lostcapabilities.. in anythingbut a unilinear,volutionary ay." Modernization,owever, educes"the independence f man's politicalexperiments."hange is "farfromunilinear," ut it is toward the emergencef worldculture."Surely, owever,modern nd modernizing tates an change by los-ing capabilitiess well as by gaining hem. n addition, gain in anyone capability sually nvolves osts n others.A theory f politicaldevelopmenteedsto be matedto a theoryfpolitical ecay. ndeed,as was suggested bove, theories f instability,orruption, uthor-itarianism,omestic iolence, nstitutionalecline, nd politicaldisin-tegration aytellus a lotmore bout he developing" reasthan heirmorehopefullyefined pposites.
II. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AS INSTITUTIONALIZATION
There is thusmuch to be gained (as well as something o be lost)by conceiving f politicaldevelopments a process ndependent f,although bviouslyffected y,theprocess fmodernization.n viewof thecrucial mportancef therelationshipetweenmobilization ndparticipation,n theone hand,and thegrowth fpolitical rganiza-tions, n theother, t is usefulformanypurposes o definepoliticaldevelopments the institutionalizationf politicalorganizationsndprocedures. his concept iberates evelopmentrommodernization.It can be appliedto theanalysis f political ystemsf any sort,notjustmodern nes. t canbe defined n reasonably recisewayswhichare at least theoreticallyapable of measurement. s a concept, tdoesnotsuggest hatmovements likely o be in onlyone direction:institutions,e know,decay nddissolve s well as growand mature.
Most significantly,t focuses ttention n the reciprocalnteractionbetween he on-going ocial processes f modernization,n the onehand,and the strength,tability,r weaknessof political tructures,traditional,ransitional,rmodern, n the other.17
16 Almond, merican Behavioral Scientist,vi, 6.17The concept f institutionalizationas, of course,been used by otherwriters
concerned ithpolitical evelopment-mostotably, . N. Eisenstadt. is definition,however, iffersignificantlyrommyapproachhere.See, in particular, is "Initial
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The strengthfpoliticalrganizationsndproceduresarieswiththeir cope of support nd theirevelof nstitutionalization.copere-fers imply o the extento whichthepolitical rganizationsnd
proceduresncompassctivityn the ociety.fonly small pper-classgroup elongs o politicalrganizationsndbehavesnterms fa setofprocedures,he scope s limited.f,on theotherhand, largesegmentf thepopulationspoliticallyrganizednd follows hepo-litical rocedures,he scope s broad. nstitutionsrestable, alued,recurringatternsf behavior. rganizationsnd proceduresaryin their egree f institutionalization.arvardUniversitynd thenewlyopenedsuburban igh schoolare bothorganizations,utHarvards muchmore fan institutionhan s thehigh chool. heseniorityystemnCongressnd Presidentohnson'select ress on-ferencesreboth rocedures,utsenioritys muchmore nstitution-alizedthan reMr.Johnson'sethodsfdealingwith hepress.n-stitutionalizations theprocessywhich rganizationsndproceduresacquire alue ndstability.helevel f nstitutionalizationfanypo-liticalystemanbe definedy he daptability,omplexity,utonomy,
and coherencef tsorganizationsndprocedures.o also,the evelof nstitutionalizationfanyparticularrganizationrprocedureanbemeasuredy ts daptability,omplexity,utonomy,ndcoherence.Ifthese riteriaanbe identifiedndmeasured,olitical ystemsanbe comparedn termsftheirevels f nstitutionalization.urther-more,t willbe possibleomeasurencreasesnddecreasesnthe n-stitutionalizationfparticularrganizationsndproceduresithinpoliticalystem.
ADAPTABILITY-RIGIDITY
Themore daptablenorganizationrprocedures, hemore igh-lyinstitutionalizedt is; the essadaptable ndmore igid t is, thelowerts evel f institutionalization.daptabilitys an acquired r-ganizationalharacteristic.t is, n a rough ense, functionf en-vironmentalhallenge nd age. The morechallenges hichhavearisennitsenvironmentndthegreaterts ge,themore daptable
it s.Rigiditys more haracteristicfyoungrganizationshan foldones.Old organizationsndprocedures,owever,re notnecessarilyadaptablefthey ave xistedn a staticnvironment.n addition,fover period ftime norganizationasdeveloped setofresponsesInstitutionalatterns fPoliticalModernisation,"ivilisations,II (No. 4, i962), 46i-72,and xiii (No. i, i963), I5-26; "InstitutionalizationndChange,"AmericanociologicalReview,xxix (April I964), 235-47; "Social Change,Differentiationnd Evolution,"ibid., xxix (June i964), 375-86.
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for ealing ffectivelyith ne type fproblem,nd f t s then on-fronted ith n entirelyifferentype fproblemequiringdifferentresponse,he rganization aywellbe a victimf tspast uccessesnd
be unable o adjust othenewchallenge.n general, owever,he irsthurdle s thebiggestne.Successn adaptingoone environmentalchallenge aves he way for uccessfuldaptationo subsequentn-vironmentalhallenges.f, for nstance,heprobabilityf successfuladjustmento thefirsthallenges 50 percent, heprobabilityf suc-cessful djustmento the second hallengemight e 75 per cent, othe hird hallenge7? per ent, othe ourth33/4 er ent, nd o on.Some hangesn environment,oreover,uch schangesn personnel,are inevitableorall organizations.ther hanges n environmentmaybe produced ytheorganizationtself;f, or nstance,t success-fully ompleteshe askwhich t was originallyreatedo accomplish.So long s it is recognizedhat nvironmentsan differn thechal-lengeswhich hey osetoorganizations,he daptabilityf an organ-ization an n a rough ense e measured y tsage. ts age, n turn,canbe measuredn three ays.
One is simply hronological:he onger n organizationr pro-cedure asbeen n existence,hehigherhe evel f nstitutionalization.Theolder norganizations,themore ikelyt stocontinueoexistthroughny pecifiedutureime eriod. he probabilityhat n or-ganization hichsonehundred ears ldwillsurvivene additionalyear,t might e hypothesized,s perhaps ne hundred imes reaterthan heprobabilityhat n organizationneyearold will surviveone dditional ear. oliticalnstitutionsre hus ot reatedvernight.
Political evelopment,n this ense,s slow,particularlyhencom-paredwith he eeminglyuchmore apid aceofeconomicevelop-ment.n somenstances,articularypesfexperience ay ubstitutefor ime:fierceonflictrother erious hallenges ay ransformr-ganizationsnto nstitutionsuchmore apidly hannormal ircum-stances. ut such ntensivexperiencesrerare, ndevenwith uchexperiencesimes still equired.A major arty," shokaMehtahasobserved,n commentingn whycommunisms helpless n India,"cannot ecreatedna day. n China great arty asforged ytherevolution.thermajorpartiesanbe orare born f revolutionsnotherountries.ut t s simplympossible,hrough ormal hannels,toforge great arty,o reach ndgalvanizemillionsfmen n halfa million illages."'18
18Ashoka Mehta, n RaymondAron, ed., WorldTechnologynd Human Destiny(Ann Arbor 963), I33.
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A secondmeasurefadaptabilitysgenerationalge.So long s anorganizationtillhas tsfirstetof eaders,o long s a proceduresstill erformedythosewhofirsterformedt, ts daptabilitys still
in doubt. hemore ften heorganizationas surmountedheprob-lemofpeacefuluccessionndreplacedne et f eaders ith nother,themorehighly nstitutionalizedt is. In considerable easure,fcourse,enerationalge is a functionfchronologicalge. Butpolit-ical parties nd governmentsaycontinue or decadesunder heleadershipfone generation.hefoundersforganizations-whetherparties,overnments,rbusinessorporations-areften oung. encethegap betweenhronologicalgeandgenerationalge is apt tobe
greaternthe arly istoryfanorganizationhan ater n itscareer.This gapproducesensionsetweenhefirsteaders f theorganiza-tion nd thenextgenerationmmediatelyehind hem,which anlookforwardo a lifetimenthe hadowfthe irst eneration.n themiddlefthe 960'stheChinese ommunistarty asforty-fiveearsold,but nlarge art t was still ed by tsfirst enerationf eaders.An organization ay lsochangeeadership ithouthanging en-erationsfleadership.ne generationiffersrom nothern termsof tsformativexperiences.imple eplacementf one setof eadersbyanother,.e., urmountingsuccessionrisis,ounts or omethingin terms finstitutionaldaptability,ut t is not as significantsa shiftn leadershipenerations,.e.,thereplacementf one setofleaders yanotheretwith ignificantlyifferentrganizationalx-periences.heshift rom enin o Stalinwas an intra-generationuc-cession;he hiftrom talin o Khrushchevas an inter-generation
succession.Thirdly,rganizationaldaptabilityanbe measuredn functionalterms. n organization'sunctions,fcourse, an be definedn analmostnfiniteumberfways. This s a major ppeal nd a majorlimitationf the functionalpproacho organizations.)sually norganizationscreatedoperformneparticularunction. hen hatfunctions no longer eeded,heorganizationaces major risis.It either inds newfunctionrreconcilestselfoa lingeringeath.
An organizationhichhasadaptedtselfo changesn its environ-ment ndhas survivedneormore hangesnitsprincipalunctionsis morehighlynstitutionalizedhanonewhichhas not.Notfunc-tional pecificityutfunctionaldaptabilitys thetruemeasurefahighly evelopedrganization.nstitutionalizationakes heorgan-izationmore han implyninstrumentoachieveertainurposes.'9
19 ee the veryusefuldiscussion n PhilipSelznick's mall classic,LeadershipnAdministrationNew York 957), 5ff.
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Insteadts eadersnd membersome o value t for tsown ake, ndit develops life f its own quite apart rom he specificunctionsit mayperformt anygiven ime. he organizationriumphsver
itsfunction.Organizationsnd individualshus differignificantlyn theircumulativeapacityo adapt o changes.ndividualssually rowupthrough hildhoodnd adolescence ithout eep commitmentsohighly pecificunctions.he process f commitmenteginsn lateadolescence.s the ndividual ecomesmore nd morecommittedtothe erformancefcertainunctions,e findst ncreasinglyifficultto change hose unctionsndto unlearn heresponses hichhe hasacquired o meetenvironmentalhanges. is personalityas beenformed; e has become setin his ways."Organizations,n theotherhand, re usually reated o performery pecificunctions.When theorganizationonfrontschangingnvironment,t must,if t s tosurvive,eaken ts ommitmento tsoriginal unctions.sthe rganizationatures,t becomesunset"n tsways.
The YMCA,for nstance, as foundedn themid-nineteenthenturyas an evangelicalrganizationo converthe ingle oungmenwho,during heearlyyears f industrialization,eremigratingn greatnumbersothe ities.With hedecline n needfor his unction,heY successfullydjusted o theperformancefmany ther generalservice"unctionsroadlyelatedothe egitimizingoalof characterdevelopment."oncurrently,t broadenedtsmembershipasetoin-
clude irston-evangelicalrotestants,henCatholics,henJews,henold menas well as young,nd thenwomen s well as men 2oAs aresult,heorganizationasprosperedlthoughts original unctionsdisappearedith hedark atanicmills.Other rganizations,uch stheWCTU and theTownsendMovement,avehad greaterifficultyinadjustingo a changingnvironment.heWCTU "isanorganiza-tionnretreat.ontraryo the xpectationsftheoriesf nstitutional-ization,hemovementasnot cted opreserverganizationalalues
atthe xpensefpastdoctrine."'"heTownsendMovementasbeentorn etweenhosewhowish oremainoyal o theoriginalunction
20 See MayerN. Zald and PatriciaDenton, "From Evangelism o GeneralService:The Transformationf theYMCA,"AdministrativecienceQuarterly,iii (Septemberi963), 214ff.
21 Joseph . Gusfield,Social StructurendMoralReform:A Study ftheWoman'sChristian emperance nion,"American ournal f Sociology,XI (November955),
232; and Gusfield, The Problemof Generationsn an Organizational tructure,"Social Forces, xxv May I957), 323ff.
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andthosewhoputorganizationalmperativesirst.f the atter resuccessful,thedominatingrientationf eaders ndmembershiftsfrom he mplementationfthevalues heorganizations taken o
representby eaders, embers,ndpubliclike), omaintainingheorganizationaltructuressuch, ven t theoss fthe rganization'scentral ission."22heconquestfpolio osed similarcute risisforheNationaloundationornfantilearalysis.heoriginaloalsofthe rganizationere ighlypecific.hould he rganizationis-solvewhenhese oalswere chieved?hedominantpinionfthevolunteersasthat he rganizationhouldontinue.Wecanfightpolio,"aidonetown hairman,ifwe canorganizeeople.f wecanorganizeeopleike hiswe canfightnything."nothereltthat:Wouldn'ttbe a wonderfultoryoget olioicked,nd hengoon tosomethinglse ndget hatickednd hen o on tosome-thinglse?t would ea challenge,career."23Theproblemsffunctionaldaptabilityrenotmuch ifferentor
the epresentationf nother;t alsogains nfunctionalgewhen tshiftsrom ppositionogovernment.party hich s unableochangeonstituenciesrtoacquireowers ess f n nstitutionhanonewhichs able omake hesehanges. nationalistarty hosefunctionasbeen he romotionf ndependenceromolonialulefaces major risis hentachievestsgoal ndhas oadapt tselfothe omewhatifferentunctionfgoverningcountry.tmay indthis unctionalransitiono difficulthattwill, ven fterndepend-
ence, ontinueo devote large ortionfitseffortsofightingcolonialism.party hichcts hisway s ess f n nstitutionhanone, ike theCongressarty, hich fterchievingndependencedropsts nti-colonialismndquite apidlydaptstselfo the asksofgoverning.ndustrializationasbeen major unctionftheCommunistartyf the oviet nion.A major est fthe nstitu-tionalizationf he ommunistarty illbe ts uccessndeveloping
centuries,s moreof an institutionhanone whichcannot, uchasthe Frenchmonarchyn the sameperiod.
COMPLEXITY-SIMPLICITY
The more complicated n organizations, the more highly nsti-tutionalized t is. Complexitymay involveboth multiplicationforganizationalubunits,ierarchicallynd functionally,nddifferenti-ation of separate ypesof organizationalubunits. he greater henumber ndvarietyfsubunits,hegreaterheability f theorganiza-tion to secure nd maintain he oyalties f itsmembers.n addition,an organizationwhichhas manypurposess better ble to adjust t-
selfto the lossof anyone purpose han an organizationwhichhasonlyonepurpose. he diversifiedorporations obviouslyessvulner-able than thatwhich producesone productforone market.Thedifferentiationf subunitswithin n organizationmayormaynotbealong functionalines. If it is functionaln character,he subunitsthemselvesre lesshighly nstitutionalizedhanthewholeof whichthey re a part.Changes n thefunctionsf thewhole,however,re
If the subunits re multifunctional,heyhave greater nstitutionalstrength,uttheymayalso,forthatvery eason, ontributeessflex-ibilityo theorganizations a whole.Hence,a political ystemwithparties f "social integration,"n Neumann'sterms, as less institu-tionalflexibilityhanonewithparties f"individual epresentation."24
Relatively rimitive nd simple traditional oliticalsystems reusually verwhelmednddestroyedn themodernizationrocess.More
complextraditionalystemsre more likelyto adapt to thesenewdemands.Japan, or nstance,was able to adjust tstraditionalolit-ical institutionso themodernworldbecauseof theirrelative om-plexity. or two and a halfcenturies efore 868,the emperorhadreigned nd the Tokugawa shogunhad ruled.The stabilityf thepolitical rder, owever, id notdependsolely n thestabilityf theshogunate.When the authorityf the shogunatedecayed, nothertraditionalnstitution,he emperor,was availableto become the in-
strumentf the modernizing amurai.The collapseof the shoguninvolved ottheoverthrowfthepolitical rderbutthe"restoration"of the emperor.
The simplest olitical ystems thatwhichdepends n one individ-ual. It is also,ofcourse, he leaststable.Tyrannies, ristotle ointed
24 SigmundNeumann,"Toward a Comparative tudy of PoliticalParties," nNeumnann,d., ModernPolitical arties Chicago 956), 403-5.
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tutions;heneeds fthenext y differentet.The systemossesseswithintself he means f itsownrenewalnd adaptation.n theAmericanystem,or nstance,resident,enate,Houseof Repre-sentatives,upremeourt,nd tate overnmentsave layed ifferentroles tdifferentimesnhistory.snewproblemsrise,he nitiativein dealingwith hemmaybe taken irstyone nstitution,hen yanother.n contrast,heFrenchystemf theThird nd Fourth e-publicsentereduthorityntheNationalAssemblyndthenationalbureaucracy.f,as was frequentlyhecase,theAssembly as toodivided o actandthebureaucracyacked he authorityo act,thesystem as unable o adaptto environmentalhanges nd to dealwithnewpolicy roblems.When n the 950's theAssembly asunable ohandle hedissolutionftheFrench mpire,herewasnoothernstitution,uch s an independentxecutive,o step nto hebreach.As a result,n extraconstitutionalorce,hemilitary,nter-
vened n politics,ndinduecourse new nstitution,hede GaullePresidency,as created hichwas able to handle heproblem.Astatewithouthemeansof somechange," urkeobservedf anearlierrenchrisis,iswithouthemeans f tsconservation.""
The classical oliticalheorists,reoccupieds theywerewith heproblemfstability,rrivedtsimilaronclusions.he simple ormsofgovernmenteremostikelyodegenerate;he mixed tate"wasmore ikely obe stable. othPlatoandAristotleuggestedhat he
mostpracticaltatewas the"polity"ombininghe institutionsfdemocracynd oligarchy. "constitutionalystemasedabsolutely,andat allpoints," ristotlergued,oneitherheoligarchicalrthedemocraticonceptionfequalitys a poor ort fthing. he factsareevidencenough: onstitutionsfthis ort ever ndure." "con-stitutionsbetter hen t s composedf morenumerouslements."27Such constitutions more ikelyo headoff editionndrevolution.
A thirdmeasure f institutionalizations theextent o whichpolit-ical organizations nd procedures xist ndependentlyf other ocialgroupings nd methods f behavior.How well is the political pheredifferentiatedrom otherspheres? n a highlydevelopedpoliticalsystem,olitical rganizations ave an integrity hichthey ack inlessdeveloped ystems.n somemeasure,hey re insulated rom he
impact fnon-politicalroups ndprocedures.n less developed olit-ical systems,hey rehighly ulnerable o outsidenfluences.
At its mostconcreteevel, utonomynvolves herelations etweensocial forces, n the one hand, and politicalorganizations,n theother. ocial forcesncludethegroupings fmenfor socialand eco-nomicactivities: amilies, lans,workgroups, hurches,thnicandlinguisticgroupings.Political institutionalization,n the sense ofautonomy,meansthedevelopment f
political rganizationsnd pro-cedureswhich re notsimply xpressionsf the nterestsfparticularsocialgroups.A political rganizationwhichis the instrumentf asocial group-family, lan, class-lacks autonomy nd institutional-ization. f thestate, n thetraditional arxist laim, s really he "ex-ecutivecommittee f the bourgeoisie,"hen it is not much of aninstitution. judiciary s independento the extent hat t adherestodistinctlyudicialnorms nd to theextent hat tsperspectivesnd
behavior re independentf thoseof otherpolitical nstitutionsndsocial groupings.As with the judiciary, he autonomy f politicalinstitutionss measured y the extent o whichtheyhave their wninterestsnd valuesdistinguishablerom hoseofother ocialforces.As withthe udiciary, heautonomy fpolitical nstitutionss likelytobe theresult f competitionmongsocialforces.A political arty,for nstance,whichexpresseshe interests f onlyone groupin so-ciety-whetherabor, business, r farmers-is ess autonomous han
one whicharticulatesnd aggregates he interestsf several socialgroups.The latter ype fpartyhas a clearly efined xistencepartfrom articularocial forces. o also with egislatures,xecutives,ndbureaucracies.oliticalprocedures,ike politicalorganizations,lsohavevarying egrees f autonomy. highlydevelopedpolitical ys-temhas procedures o minimize,fnotto eliminate, he roleof vio-
28 Reflectionsn theRevolutionn France, 2.
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lence n the ystemnd to restricto explicitlyefinedhannelsheinfluencefwealth n the ystem.o the xtenthat oliticalfficialscan be toppled y a few oldiersr influencedy a fewdollars,he
organizationsnd proceduresack autonomy.olitical rganizationsand procedureshich ackautonomyre, n common arlance,aidto be corrupt.Politicalrganizationsndprocedureshich revulnerableo non-
politicalnfluencesrom ithinhe ocietyre lso usually ulnerableto influencesrom utside he ociety. hey re easily enetratedyagents, roups,nd ideasfrom ther oliticalystems.hus, coupd'tat in onepolitical ystemmayeasily trigger" coupd'etatbysimilar roupsn other ess-developedolitical ystems.29n someinstances,pparently,regimean be overthrowny smugglingntothe ountryfew gents nda handfulfweapons.n othernstances,a regimemaybeoverthrownytheexchangef a fewwords nd afew thousandollars etween foreignmbassadornd somedis-affectedolonels. he Soviet ndAmericanovernmentsresumablyspend ubstantialums ttemptingo bribe ighofficialsf esswell-
insulated oliticalystemshich heywouldnot think fwastinginattemptingo nfluenceigh fficialsn each ther's oliticalystem.In every ocietyffectedy social hange, ew groupsrise o par-
ticipatenpolitics.Where hepolitical ystemacks utonomy,hesegroups ainentryntopolitics ithout ecomingdentifiedith heestablishedolitical rganizationsr acquiescingn theestablishedpolitical rocedures.he political rganizationsnd proceduresreunable o tand p againsthempactf new ocial orce. onversely,
in a developedolitical ystem,heautonomyf thesystems pro-tectedymechanismshich estrictnd moderatehe mpactf newgroups. hesemechanismsitherlowdown he ntryfnewgroupsintopolitics r, through process f political ocialization,mpelchangesn theattitudesndbehavior fthemostpoliticallyctivemembersf thenewgroup. n a highlynstitutionalizedoliticalsystem,hemost mportantositionsf leadershipannormallyeachievednly ythosewho have ervedn apprenticeshipn less m-portant ositions.he complexityfa politicalystemontributesoits utonomyyprovidingvarietyforganizationsndpositionsnwhichndividualsrepreparedor hehighestffices.n a sense,hetoppositionsf eadershiprethe nner oreof thepoliticalystem;the esspowerfulositions,heperipheralrganizations,nd the emi-
29 ee SamuelP. Huntington,PatternsfViolencen WorldPolitics,"n Hunting-ton, d.,Changing atternsfMilitary oliticsNew York 962), 44-47.
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political rganizationsre the filtershrough hich ndividualse-siring ccess othecoremust ass.Thus thepolitical ystemssimi-latesnewsocialforces nd new personnel ithoutacrificingts n-
stitutionalntegrity.n a political ystem hich acks uchdefenses,new men, ewviewpoints,ew socialgroupsmayreplace achotheratthe ore fthe ystem ith ewilderingapidity.
COHERENCE-DISUNITY
Themore nifiednd coherentn organizations,themore ighlyinstitutionalizedt is; the greater he disunityf the organization,the ess ts nstitutionalization.omemeasuref consensus,f course,is a prerequisiteor ny socialgroup.An effectiverganizatione-quires,t a minimum,ubstantialonsensusn thefunctionalounda-riesof the group nd on the proceduresorresolving isputes nissueswhich omeup within hose oundaries.he consensus ustextend othose ctiven thesystem. on-participantsr those nlysporadicallynd marginallyarticipantn the system o not haveto sharehe onsensusndusually,nfact, onot hare ttothe ame
extents theparticipants.30n theory,n organizationanbe auton-omouswithout eing oherentnd coherent ithout eing utono-mous.n actuality,owever,he wo reoftenloselyinked ogether.Autonomyecomes means ocoherence,nablingheorganizationtodevelopn espritndstylewhich ecome istinctivearks f tsbehavior.utonomylsopreventshe ntrusionfdisruptivexternalforces,lthough,fcourse,t doesnotprotectgainst isruptionrominternalources. apidor substantialxpansionsn the membership
ofanorganizationr ntheparticipantsn a systemend oweakencoherence.he Ottoman uling nstitution,or nstance,etainedtsvitalityndcoherences long s admissionasrestrictednd recruitswere put hroughn elaborateducation,ith electionndspecial-ization t every tage."The Institutionerished hen"everybodypressedntoshare tsprivileges.. Numbers ere ncreased;isci-pline ndefficiencyeclined."'"
Unity, sprit, orale,nddisciplinereneeded ngovernmentsswell s nregiments.umbers, eapons,nd trategyll countnwar,butmajor eficienciesnany neofthosemay till e counterbalancedby uperioroherencenddiscipline.o also npolitics.heproblems
30See, e.g., HerbertMcCloskey,Consensus nd Ideology n AmericanPolitics,"American Political Science Review, xviii (June i964), 36iff.; Samuel Stouffer,Com-munism,Conformity,nd Civil Liberties (New York i955), passim.
31Arnold J. Toynbee,A Studyof History Abridgementf Vols. i-viby D. C.Somervell, ew York I947), I76-77.
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of creatingoherentolitical rganizationsre more ifficultutnotfundamentallyifferentrom hose nvolvedn thecreationf co-herentmilitaryrganizations.The sustainingentimentf a mili-
tary orce,"avidRapoportasargued,hasmuchn common iththatwhich ementsnygroup f menengagednpolitics-the ill-ingnessfmost ndividualsobridle rivater personalmpulsesorthe ake fgeneralocial bjectives.omrades ust rust achother'sabilityo resisthe nnumerableemptationshat hreatenhegroup'ssolidarity;therwise,n tryingocial ituationshedesire ofend oroneselfecomesverwhelming."32hecapacitiesor oordinationnddisciplinerecrucialobothwar ndpolitics,ndhistoricallyocietieswhich avebeen killedt organizinghe nehave lsobeen dept torganizinghe ther.Therelationshipf efficientocial rganizationin the rts f peace nd n the rts fgroup onflict,"neanthropol-ogisthas observed,is almost bsolute, hetherne is speakingfcivilizationrsubcivilization.uccessfulardependspon eamworkand consensus,oth fwhich equireommandnd discipline.om-mand nd discipline,urthermore,an eventuallye no more han
symbolsfsomethingeeperndmore ealthan hey hemselves."33Societies,uchas Sparta, ome, nd Britain, hichhavebeenad-mired ytheir ontemporariesor heauthoritynd justice f theirlawshave lsobeen dmired or he oherencenddisciplinef theirarmies. isciplinenddevelopmentohand nhand.
Onemajor dvantagef studyingevelopmentn terms f mobili-zation ndparticipationsthat heyremeasurable.tatisticsreread-ily available or urbanization,iteracy, ass mediaexposure,nd
anddiversityforganizationalubunitsndbythenumber nddi-versityf functionserformedy theorganizations.utonomysperhapshemostdifficultf thecriteriao pindown: t can,how-
ever, e measuredy thedistinctivenessf thenorms nd valuesof the organizationompared iththose f othergroups, y thepersonnelontrolsin termsf cooptation,enetration,nd purging)existingetween heorganizationnd other roups,ndby thede-greetowhich heorganizationontrolsts ownmaterialesources.Coherence aybe measuredytheratio fcontesteduccessionsototal uccessions,y thecumulationrnon-cumulationf cleavagesamongeaders ndmembers,ythe ncidencefovert lienationnddissent ithinheorganization,nd,conceivably,yopinionurveysofthe oyaltiesndpreferencesforganization embers.
Experienceells s that evels f nstitutionalizationiffer. easur-ingthat ifferenceaybedifficult,ut tis not mpossible.nlybymeasuringnstitutionalizationillwe be able tobuttressrdisprovehypothesesboutthe relation etweenocial, conomic,nd demo-graphichanges,n theone hand, nd variationsn politicaltruc-
ture, n theother.III. MOBILIZATION VS. INSTITUTIONALIZATION:
PUBLIC INTERESTS, DEGENERATION, AND THE CORRUPT POLITY
MOBILIZATION AND INSTITUTIONALIZATION
Socialmobilizationnd political articipationre rapidlyncreas-ing nAsia,Africa,ndLatinAmerica. heseprocesses,nturn,re
directlyesponsibleorthedeteriorationf politicalnstitutionsnthese reas.As Kornhauser as conclusivelyemonstratedortheWestern orld, apid ndustrializationndurbanizationreate is-continuitieshichgiverise to masssociety.The rapid nflux flargenumbers fpeople ntonewly evelopingrban reas nvitesmassmovements."34n areas nd ndustriesith ery apidndustrialgrowth,hecreationndinstitutionalizationf unionsag,and massmovementsre ikelymong heworkers. s unions reorganized,
they re highly ulnerableooutsidenfluencesn their arly tages."Therapid nfluxflargenumbersfpeople nto neworganiza-tion (as well as a new area) providespportunitiesormass-ori-ented lites o penetrateheorganization.his is particularlyrueduringheformativeeriods forganizations,or t suchtimes x-ternal onstraintsust arry heburden f socialcontrol ntil he
34 WilliamKornhauser,he Politics f Mass Society Glencoe 959), I45.
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newparticipantsave ome o nternalizehevalues f theorganiza-tion.""
So also in politics. apideconomic rowth reeds oliticalnsta-
bility.36oliticalmobilization,oreover,oesnotnecessarilyequirethebuildingffactoriesrevenmovemento thecities.t mayre-sult imply rom ncreasesn communications,hich an stimulatemajorncreasesnaspirationshatmaybe only artially,f at all,sat-isfied. he results a "revolutionf rising rustrations."37ncreasesin literacynd educationmaybringmorepoliticalnstability.yAsian tandards,urma, eylon,nd theRepublic fKoreaareallhighlyiterate,ut no one ofthem s a model f politicaltability.Nor does iteracyecessarilytimulateemocracy: ithroughly5per cent iteracy,uba was thefifthmost iterateountryn LatinAmerica ranking ehindArgentina,ruguay, hile,and CostaRica),but thefirstogo Communist;o alsoKerala,withone ofthehighestiteracyatesn India,was thefirstndian tate oelecta Communistovernment.38iteracy,sDanielLerner as suggested,"maybedysfunctional-indeedseriousmpediment-to oderniza-
tion nthe ocieties owseekingall too rapidly) otransformheirinstitutions."39Increased ommunicationaythusgenerate emands ormore
"modernity"han anbe delivered.t may lsostimulate reactionagainstmodernitynd activateraditionalorces.incethepoliticalarena snormallyominatedy hemoremodernroups,tcanbringinto he renanew, nti-modernroupsndbreakwhateveronsen-susexistsmong he eading olitical articipants.t may lsomobi-
lizeminoritythnic roupswhohadbeen ndifferentopoliticsutwho nowacquire self-consciousnessnddivide hepoliticalystemalong thnicines.Nationalism,thas often een ssumed, akes ornational ntegration.utin actuality,ationalismnd other ormsofethnic onsciousnessften timulateolitical isintegration,ear-ingapart hebody olitic.
can also havedeleteriousffectsn politicalnstitutions.n Latin85Ibid., I46.36 See Mancur Olson, Jr., Rapid Growth s a Destabilizing orce," Journal f
EconomicHistory, xvii (December 963), 529-52; nd BertF. Hoselitz and MyronWeiner, "Economic Development nd Political Stabilityn India," Dissent,viii(Spring 96i), I72-79.
87See Daniel Lerner, Toward a Communication heoryof Modernization,"nPye, ed., Communicationsnd PoliticalDevelopment, 30ff.
38Cf. Deutsch,American olitical cienceReview, V, 496.89 Daniel Lerner, "The Transformationf Institutions"mimeo.), i9.
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America incethe 930's, increasesn voting nd increasesn politicalinstabilityavegonehand in hand. "Age requirements ere owered,propertynd literacy equirements ere reduced or discarded, nd
the unscrubbed, nschooledmillions n the farmswere enfranchisedin the name of democracy. heywere swept nto the political ife oftherepublicso rapidly hat xisting arties ouldnotabsorbmanyofthem, nd they earned ittle boutworkingwithin he existing olit-ical system."40he personal dentityrisesof the elites, aught be-tween traditional nd moderncultures,may create dditionalprob-lems:"In transitionalountrieshepolitical rocess ftenhas to bearto an inordinate egree he stresses nd strains f people respondingto personalneedsand seeking olutions o intensely ersonalprob-lems."'"Rapid social and economic hangecalls intoquestion xist-ing values and behaviorpatterns.t thus oftenbreedspersonalcor-ruption. n some circumstanceshiscorruptionmay play a positiverole in the modernizing rocess, nabling dynamicnew groupstoget things one whichwould havebeenblockedbytheexisting aluesystemnd social structure. t the same time,however, orruption
undermineshe autonomynd coherencefpolitical nstitutions.t ishardly ccidentalhat n the 870's and i88o'sa highrateofAmericaneconomicdevelopmentoincidedwith a low point n Americangov-ernmentalntegrity.42
Institutional ecay has become a commonphenomenonof themodernizing ountries. oups d'&tatand militarynterventionsnpolitics re one indexof low levelsof political nstitutionalization:theyoccurwherepolitical nstitutionsack autonomynd coherence.
Accordingto one calculation, leven of twelvemodernizing tatesoutsideLatin America which were independent eforeWorld WarII experiencedoupsd'etator attempted oupsafterWorld War II.Of twentytateswhich became ndependentetweenWorldWar IIand i959, fourteen ad coupsor coup attempts y i963. Of twenty-four tateswhichbecame ndependent etween 960 and i963, sevenexperienced oups or attemptedoupsbefore he end of I963.43 In-
stabilityn LatinAmericawas less
frequent arlyn
thetwentiethen-tury han t was in the middleof the century.n the decade fromI9I7 to I927, militarymenoccupiedthepresidenciesf the twenty
40 John .Johnson,heMilitaryndSocietynLatinAmericaStanford964), 98-99.41 LucianW. Pye,Politics, ersonalityndNationBuilding New Haven I962), 4-5.42 See, in general,Ronald E. Wraith nd Edgar Simpkins, orruptionn Develop-
ing CountriesLondon i963).43These figuresre calculated rom hedata in theAppendix f Fred R. von der
Latin Americanrepublics 8.7 per cent of the time; in the decadefrom947 to i957, military en werepresidents5.5 per centofthetime.44n the 930'S and i940's in countriesike Argentinand
Colombia,militarynterventionn politics ccurred or the first imein this century. eventeen f the twenty atin American tates x-perienced oups or coup attempts etween945 and i964, only Chile,Mexico, nd Uruguayhavingclean records f political tability.
In many statesthe decline of partyorganizations s reflectednthe riseof charismaticeaders who personalizepower and weakeninstitutions hich might imitthatpower.The increasing espotismof Nkrumah, or nstance,was accompanied y a markeddecline nthe nstitutionaltrengthf theConvention eople'sParty. n Turkey,Pakistan,nd Burma, he Republican eople's Party,MuslimLeague,andAFPFL deterioratednd militarynterventionventually nsued.In partyorganizationsnd bureaucracies,marked ncreases n cor-ruption ften ccompanied ignificanteclines n the effectivenessfgovernmentalervices. articularisticroups-tribal, thnic, eligious-frequentlyeasserted hemselvesnd further ndermined heauthor-
ity and coherence f political nstitutions.he legitimacy f post-colonial regimes mong theirown peoplewas often ess than thatof the colonialregimes f the Europeans.Economistshave arguedthatthe gap between he evelof economicwell-beingf theunder-developed ountriesnd thatofhighlydeveloped ountriess widen-ing as the absolute ncreases nd even percentagencreases f thelatter xceedthose f the former. omething omparablend perhapseven more marked s occurringn thepoliticalfield.The level of
politicalnstitutionalizationfthe advanced ountries as,witha fewexceptionsuch as France,remainedrelativelytable.The level ofpolitical nstitutionalizationf most othercountries as declined.Asa result, hepoliticalgap between hem has broadened. n terms finstitutionaltrength, anyif not mostof the new statesreachedtheirpeak of politicaldevelopmentt the moment f independence.
The differenceshichmayexist n mobilizationnd institutional-
ization suggestfourideal-typesf politics see Table I). Modern,developed, ivicpolities the UnitedStates, he SovietUnion) havehigh levelsof both mobilization nd institutionalization.rimitivepolities suchas Banfield's ackward ociety)have ow levelsof both.Containedpolities rehighly nstitutionalizeduthave low levels of
44Computedfromfiguresn R. W. Fitzgibbon, Armies nd Politics n LatinAmerica," aper, th Round Table, nternationalolitical cienceAssociation,patija,Yugoslavia, eptember959, 8-9.
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SOCIAL MOBILIZATION POLITICAL INSTITUTIONALIZATION
High LowHigh Civic CorruptLow Contained Primitive
mobilizationnd participation.hedominantoliticalnstitutionsfcontained olitiesmay be either raditionale.g.,monarchies)rmoderne.g.,political arties).f they retheformer,uchpolitiesmaywellconfrontreat ifficultiesn adjustingo risingevels fsocialmobilization.he traditionalnstitutionsaywitherrcollapse,
and the esult ould e a corruptolity ith high ate fparticipa-tionbuta low levelof institutionalization.n the corruptociety,politicss, n Macaulay'shrase,all sailand noanchor."45histypeofpolityharacterizesuch,fnotmost, f themodernizingorld.Manyofthemore dvanced atinAmericanountries,or nstance,haveachievedomparativelyigh ndices fliteracy,ercapitana-tional ncome, nd urbanization.uttheir olitics emains otablyunderdeveloped.istrustndhatred aveproduced continuingowlevel fpoliticalnstitutionalization.There snogoodfaithnAmer-ica,eithermongmen or amongnations," olivar nce amented."Treaties re paper,constitutionsooks,elections attles,ibertyanarchy,nd life torment.he only hingnecando inAmericais emigrate."46ver centuryater,hesamecomplaint as heard:"Weare not, r donotrepresentrespectableation . . notbecausewe arepoor, utbecausewe aredisorganized,"rguedn Ecuadorian
newspaper.With politicsf mbushndofpermanentistrust,nefor heother, e . . . cannot roperlyrganize republic . . andwithoutrganizatione cannotmerit r attain espectrom thernations."47o longas a countryikeArgentinaetains politicsfcoup ndcountercoupnda feebletateurroundedymassiveocialforces,t cannot e consideredoliticallyeveloped,o matter owurbane ndprosperousnd educatedre ts itizens.
In reverseashion, country aybe politicallyighly eveloped,
withmodernoliticalnstitutions,hile till ery ackwardntermsofmodernization.ndia, or nstance,s typicallyeldtobe theepit-45 ThomasB. Macaulay,etter o HenryS. Randall,Courtlandt illage,New York,
ome ofthe underdevelopedociety. udged y the usual criteriafmodernization,twas at thebottom fthe adder uringhe 950's:per capitaGNP of $72,8opercent lliterate,ver opercent f the
populationn rural reas, 0per ent fthework orcen agriculture,a dozenmajor anguages,eep caste nd religious ifferences.etinterms fpoliticalnstitutionalization,ndiawasfar rom ackward.Indeed,t ranked ighnotonly n comparisonithothermodern-izingcountriesnAsia,Africa,nd LatinAmerica,ut lso n com-parisonwithmanymuchmoremodernuropeanountries. well-developed olitical ystem as strongnd distinctnstitutionsoperformoth he input" ndthe output"unctionsfpolitics.ndiaenteredndependenceith ot nly wo rganizations,ut wohighlydeveloped-adaptable,omplex,utonomous,nd coherent-institu-tions eady oassume rimaryesponsibilityor hese unctions.heCongress arty, oundedn i885, was one of the oldest nd best-organized olitical artiesn the world;the IndianCivilService,datingfrom he earlynineteenthentury,as been appropriatelyhailed s "oneofthe greatestdministrativeystemsf all time."48
The stable,ffective,nddemocraticovernmentf ndiaduringhefirstifteenearsf ndependenceestedarmore n this nstitutionalinheritancehan t did on the charismaf Nehru. n addition,herelativelylowpaceof modernizationnd socialmobilizationn Indiadid not reate emandsnd strains hich hePartyndthebureauc-racywere nable ohandle. o long s these woorganizationsain-taintheir nstitutionaltrength,t is ridiculouso think f Indiaaspoliticallynderdeveloped,o matter ow ow herpercapitancome
or howhighher lliteracyate.Almost o other ountryhichbecame ndependentfterWorldWar II was institutionallys well prepareds Indiafor elf-govern-ment. n countriesike Pakistan nd the Sudan, nstitutionalvolu-tionwasunbalanced;hecivil ndmilitaryureaucracieseremorehighly evelopedhanthepolitical arties,nd themilitaryadstrongncentivesomove nto he nstitutionalacuum n the nputsideof thepoliticalystemndtoattemptoperformnterestggre-gation unctions.hispattern,fcourse, as also beencommonnLatinAmerica.n countriesikeGuatemala,l Salvador,eru, ndArgentina,ohnJ. Johnsonas pointed ut,themilitarys "thecountry'sestorganizednstitutionnd is thus n a betterositionto giveobjectivexpressiono thenationalwill"than repartiesr
interestroups.49n a verydifferentategorys a countryikeNorthVietnam,which fought ts way into independencewith a highlydisciplined oliticalorganization ut whichwas distinctly eak on
theadministrativeide.The LatinAmericanparallelherewould beMexico,where, s Johnson uts it, "not the armedforcesbut thePRI is the bestorganized nstitution,nd thepartyrather hanthearmedforceshas been theunifying orceat the national evel." Inyet fourthategoryre thoseunfortunatetates, uchas the Congo,whichwerebornwithneither oliticalnor administrativenstitutions.Many of thesenew statesdeficientt independencen one or bothtypes f institutionsave also beenconfrontedy highrates f social
TABLE 2. INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT AT MOMENT OF INDEPENDENCE
INPUT INSTITUTIONS OUTPUT INSTITUTIONS
High LowHigh India North ietnamLow Sudan Congo
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND PUBLIC INTERESTS
A societywith weak political nstitutionsacks the ability o curbtheexcesses f personal nd parochialdesires. olitics s a Hobbes-ian worldof unrelentingompetitionmongsocial forces-betweenman and man,family nd family, lan and clan,region nd region,class and class-a competitionnmediatedby more comprehensive
politicalorganizations. he "amoral familism" f Banfield'svillagehas itscounterpartsn amoral clanism, moralgroupism,nd amoralclassism.Without trong olitical nstitutions,ocietyacksthemeansofdefiningnd realizingtscommon nterests.he capacity o createpoliticalnstitutionss thecapacity o createpublic nterests.
Traditionallyhepublic nterest asbeenapproachedn threeways.50It has been identifieditherwith abstract,ubstantivedeal valuesand norms uchas natural aw, justice, r rightreason; or withthespecificnterestfa particularndividual "L'etat,c'estmoi"), group,class (Marxism), or majority; r with the resultof a competitiveprocessmong ndividualsclassic iberalism) r groups Bentleyism).
49Johnson, ilitarynd Society,43.50See, in general,GlendonSchubert, he Public InterestGlencoe 960); Carl J.
Friedrich,d., Nomos V: The Public InterestNew York I962); Douglas Price,"Theories f the Public Interest,"n LyntonK. Caldwell,ed., Politics nd PublicAflairs Bloomington,nd., 962), 141-60.
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Theproblemnall these pproachesstoarriveta definitionhichis concreteatherhannebulousndgeneral atherhanparticular.Unfortunately,n most aseswhat s concreteacksgeneralitynd
whatsgeneralacks oncreteness.ne partial ay ut f theproblemis to definehepublic nterestn termsftheconcretenterestsfthe governingnstitutions. societywith highlynstitutionalizedgoverningrganizationsndproceduress, in this ense,more bletoarticulatendachievetspublicnterests.Organizedinstitutional-ized) politicalommunities,"s Friedrichrgues,arebetterdaptedto reachingecisionsnddevelopingolicieshan norganizedom-munities."51hepublicnterest,nthis ense,snot omethinghichexists priorin naturalaworthewillofthepeople.Nor s itsimplywhateveresults rom hepolitical rocess. ather t is whateverstrengthensovernmentalnstitutions.he public nterests the n-terestf public nstitutions.t is somethinghich s createdndbroughtntoexistenceythe nstitutionalizationf governmentr-ganizations.n a complexoliticalystem,any overnmentalrgan-izationsndproceduresepresentany ifferentspectsf thepub-
lic interest.he public nterestfa complex ocietys a complexmatter.We areaccustomedothink fourprimaryoverningnstitutions
as having epresentativeunctions-thats,as expressinghe nterestsof some theretofgroupstheir onstituency).ence,we tend oforgethatgovernmentalnstitutionsave interestsf their wn.These nterestsotonly xist; heyre alsoreasonablyoncrete.hequestions,What sthe nterestf thePresidency?hat s the nter-
estoftheSenate?What s the nterestftheHouseofRepresenta-tives?What rethe nterestsftheSupremeourt?" redifficultutnotcompletelympossibleo answer. he answers ouldfurnishfairly loseapproximationf the "public nterest"f theUnitedStates. imilarly,hepublic nterestf GreatBritainmight e ap-proximatedythe pecificnstitutionalnterestsftheCrown, ab-inet, ndParliament.n theSoviet nion, he nswerwould nvolvethespecificnstitutionalnterestsf thePresidium,ecretariat,ndCentral ommitteeftheCommunistarty.
Institutionalnterestsifferrom he nterestsf individuals hoare n the nstitutions.eynes's ercipientemark hat In the ongrun,weare ll dead" pplieso ndividuals,ot nstitutions.ndividualinterestsrenecessarilyhort-runnterests.nstitutionalnterests,ow-
51Carl J.Friedrich,Man and His GovernmentNew York i963), 150; italics noriginal.
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ever, xist hrough ime:theproponentfthe nstitutionas to lookto its welfare hrough n indefinite uture. his considerationftenmeans a limiting f immediate oals. The "truepolicy,"Aristotle e-
marked, fordemocracy nd oligarchylike, s not one whichensuresthe greatest ossible mount f either, ut one whichwill ensure helongestpossible ife for both."52 he official ho attempts o max-imize power or other values in the shortrun often weakenshisinstitutionn the long run. SupremeCourt usticesmay, in termsof their mmediatendividual esires,wish to declare n act of Con-gressunconstitutional.n decidingwhether t is in the public nterestto do so, however, resumablyne questiontheyshould ask them-
selves s whethert is in the long-termnstitutionalnterest f theSupremeCourtfor them to do so. Judicial tatesmenre thosewho,like JohnMarshall n Marburyvs. Madison,maximize the institu-tionalpowerof theCourt n sucha way that t is impossible or itherthe President r Congress o challenge t. In contrast, he SupremeCourt ustices f the I930's came veryclose to expanding heir m-mediate nfluence t the expenseof the long-termnterests f the
Courtas an institution.The phrase What'sgoodforGeneralMotors s goodforthecoun-try" ontains t leasta partial ruth. What'sgoodforthe Presidencyis good forthecountry,"owever, ontainsmoretruth.Ask anyrea-sonablynformed roupof Americans o identifyhefivebest Pres-idents nd the fiveworstPresidents. hen ask them to identifyhefive trongestresidentsnd thefiveweakest residents.f the denti-fication f strength ith goodness nd weaknesswith badness s not
ioo per cent, t will almost certainly ot be less than8o per cent.Those Presidents-Jefferson,incoln, the Roosevelts,Wilson-whoexpanded he powersof their ffice re hailed as thebeneficentro-moters f thepublicwelfare nd national nterest. hose Presidents,suchas Buchanan,Grant,Harding,who failedto defend hepowerof theirnstitutiongainst ther roups re also thoughtohavedonelessgood forthecountry.nstitutionalnterestoincideswithpublicinterest.he powerofthePresidencys identified iththegood of
thepolity.The public interest f the SovietUnion is approximated y the
institutionalnterests f the top organsof the CommunistParty:"What's good for the Presidium s good for the Soviet Union."Viewed n these erms,talinism an be defined s a situationnwhichthepersonalnterestsftheruler akeprecedencever the nstitution-
52 PolitiCS, 267.
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alized interestsf the Party.Beginning n the late 930'S Stalin con-sistently eakened the Party.No PartyCongresswas held betweeni939 and1952. During nd afterWorldWar I theCentral ommit-
tee seldommet.The Party ecretariatnd Partyhierarchy ere weak-ened by the creation f competing rgans.Conceivably his processcould have resulted n the displacementf one set of governingnsti-tutionsby another, nd some American experts nd some Sovietleadersdid think hat governmentalrganizations ather hanPartyorganizations ould becomethe ruling nstitutionsn Sovietsociety.Such,however, as neither he ntent orthe effectf Stalin's ction.He increased is personal ower,notthe governmentalower.Whenhe died,his personalpower died withhim. The struggle o fill theresulting acuumwas won by Khrushchev, ho identified is inter-estswith he nterestsftheParty rganization,ather hanby Malen-kov, who identifiedhimselfwith the governmental ureaucracy.Khrushchev'sonsolidation f power markedthe reemergencendrevitalizationf the principal rgansof the Party.While they ctedinvery ifferentays nd from ifferent otives, talinweakened he
Party ustas Grantweakened hePresidency. ust s a strong resi-dency s in the American ublic nterest,o also a strong arty s inthe Sovietpublic nterest.
In termsof the theory f natural aw, governmentalctions arelegitimateo the extent hat hey re in accordwiththe "publicphi-losophy."53 ccording o democraticheory, heyderivetheir egiti-macyfrom he extent owhichthey mbody he will of the people.According o theprocedural oncept, hey re legitimatef theyrep-
resent heoutcome fa process f conflictnd compromisen whichall interestedroupshaveparticipated.n another ense,however,helegitimacyf governmentalctionscan be sought n the extent owhichtheyreflectheinterestsf governmentalnstitutions.n con-trast o thetheory f representativeovernment,nderthisconceptgovernmentalnstitutionserivetheir egitimacynd authority otfromthe extent o whichtheyrepresenthe interests f thepeople
orofanyother roup, ut from heextent owhich heyhave distinctinterests f theirown apartfromall othergroups. Politiciansfre-quentlyremark hatthings look different"fter heyobtain officethanthey idwhentheywere competing oroffice. his differencesa measure f the institutionalemandsof office.t is precisely his
53See WalterLippmann,The PublicPhilosophy Boston 955), esp. 42, forhisdefinition f the public interest s "what men would choose if theysaw clearly,thought ationally,cteddisinterestedlynd benevolently."
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differencen perspectivehich egitimizeshedemandswhich heofficeholderakes n his fellow itizens. he interestsf thePresi-dent, or nstance, aycoincide artiallyndtemporarilyirst ith
those fonegroup nd thenwith hose fanother. ut the nterestofthePresidency,s Neustadt as emphasized,54oincides ith hatofno one else.The President'sower erives otfrom isrepresen-tation fclass, roup, egional,r popularnterests,utratherromthefact hat erepresentsone f these. hePresidentialerspectiveisunique o thePresidency.reciselyor his eason,t s both lonelyofficend a powerfulne. tsauthoritys rootedn its oneliness.
The existencefpoliticalnstitutionssuchas thePresidencyrPresidium) apableof giving ubstanceo public nterestsistin-guishes oliticallyevelopedocieties rom ndevelopednes.The"ultimateest fdevelopment,"s Lucian yehassaid, is the apacityofa people oestablishnd maintainarge, omplex, utflexibler-ganizationalorms."5"he evel forganizationnmuch ftheworld,however,s low."Except n Europe nd America," anfield otes,"the oncertingfbehaviornpoliticalssociationsnd corporater-
ganizationss a rare nd recenthing."56he ability o create ublicorganizationsndpoliticalnstitutionss inshortupplyn theworldtoday. t is this bilitywhich,bove ll else, heCommunistsffermodernizingountries.
icalinstitutions,owever,asbeenneglectedroverlookednmuchofthe iteraturenmodernization.s a result,models ndconceptswhich rehopefullyntitleddeveloping"r"modernizing"reoftenonlypartiallyelevanto the countrieso which hey re applied.Morerelevantnmany aseswouldbe models fcorruptrdegen-eratingocieties,ighlightinghedecay fpoliticalrganizationndthe ncreasingominancefdisruptiveocialforces.Who,however,has advanceduch theoryfpoliticalecay ra model f a corruptpoliticalrderwhichmight eusefuln analyzinghepolitical roc-esses f the countrieshat reusually alled developing"?erhapsthemost elevantdeas re themost ncient nes.The evolutionf
54See Richard . Neustadt, residential ower (New York i960), passim, utesp.33-37, I50-51.
65Pye,Politics, ersonalitynd Nation Building,1.
58 EdwardC. Banfield, heMoralBasis of a Backward ociety Glencoe, ll., I958),
7-9, I5ff.
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manycontemporaryew states, ncethecolonialguardianshavede-parted,has not deviated xtensivelyromthePlatonicmodel. Inde-pendence s followed ymilitaryoupsas the"auxiliaries"akeover.57
Corruptiony theoligarchynflameshe envyof risinggroups.Con-flict etween ligarchy ndmasses rupts ntocivil trife. emagoguesand streetmobspave theway forthe despot.Plato's description fthe meansby which the despotappeals to the people, solates ndeliminates is enemies, nd builds up his personal trengths a farlessmisleading uide to what has taken place in Ghana and othernew states hanmany thingswrittenyesterday.58
Plato is one of the fewtheorists,ncient r contemporary,ithahighly xplicit heory f politicaldegeneration.59he conceptof a"corruptociety," owever,s a morefamiliar ne in political heory.Typicallyt refers o a societywhich lacks law, authority,ohesion,discipline,ndconsensus, hereprivatenterestsominate ublicones,wherethere s an absenceof civicobligation nd civicduty,where,in short, olitical nstitutionsreweak and socialforces trong. lato'sdegenerate tates are dominatedby variousformsof appetite:by
force,wealth,numbers, nd charisma. Those constitutions,"aysAristotle,whichconsider nly thepersonalnterest f the rulers reall wrongconstitutions,r perversionsf theright orms.""So also,Machiavelli's oncept f thecorrupt tate,n thewordsof one com-mentator,includes ll sorts f license nd violence, reat nequalitiesofwealth ndpower, hedestructionfpeaceand justice, he growthofdisorderlymbition,isunion,awlessness,ishonesty,ndcontemptforreligion."'Modernequivalentsf theclassical orruptocietyreKornhauser'sheoryfthe masssociety where, n theabsence f in-stitutions,lites re accessible o masses nd massesare availablefor
57For comments n the short ime ag betweenndependencend the first oup,see DankwartA. Rustow, The Militaryn Middle Eastern ociety nd Politics," nSydneyN. Fisher, d., The Militaryn theMiddleEast: Problems n Society ndGovernmentColumbus,Ohio, i963), I0.
58See, in general,The Republic,Book viii, and especially he descriptionf thedespotic egime Cornford rans., ew York 945), 29I-93.
59Perhaps he closest ontemporaryodel comes not from a social scientist ut
froma novelist:WilliamGolding.The schoolboys newly independent lites) ofThe Lord of the Flies initially ttempto imitate he behaviorpatterns f adults(formerWestern ulers). Discipline nd consensus, owever, isintegrate. dema-gogic militaryeader and his followers ain or coerce the support f a majority.The symbol f authoritythe conch) is broken. he voicesof responsibilityRalph)and reason Piggy) are desertednd harassed, nd reason s destroyed.n theend,the naval officerBritishMarineCommandos)arrivesust in timeto save Ralph(Nyerere)from he "hunters" mutinous roops).
mobilizationytheelite) and Rapoport'soncept f thepraetorianstatewhereprivatembitionsrerarely estrainedya sense fpub-licauthority;and]therole fpower i.e.,wealthndforce) smax-
imized."62ypical fthecorrupt,raetorian,r mass ocietiess theviolent scillationetween xtreme emocracynd tyranny.Wherethepre-establishedoliticaluthoritys highlyutocratic,"aysKorn-hauser,rapid ndviolent isplacementf that uthorityy a demo-cratic egimes highlyavorableo the mergencef extremist assmovementshat end o transformhenew democracyn anti-demo-cratic irections."63ristotlendPlatosawdespotismmergingutof theextremesfmobrule.Rapoport indsn Gibbon n aptsum-mary f the constitutionalhythmsf thepraetoriantate,which"floats etween heextremesf absolutemonarchynd wild democ-racy."64uch nstabilitys thehallmarkf a society heremobiliza-tionhas outrunnstitutionalization.
IV. STRATEGIESOF INSTITUTIONALDEVELOPMENT
Ifdecay fpoliticalnstitutionss a widespreadhenomenonnthe
"developing"ountriesnd fa major ause fthis ecays thehighrate f socialmobilization,t behooves s, as social cientists,o calla spade spade ndto incorporatehese endenciesnto nygeneralmodel fpoliticalhangewhichwe employounderstandhepoliticsof these reas. f effectiveoliticalnstitutionsre necessaryor tableand eventuallyemocraticovernmentnd if they re also a pre-condition f sustainedconomic rowth,t behooves s, as policy
analysts,o suggest trategiesf institutionalevelopment.n doingthis,we should ecognizewogeneral onsiderationsffectingroba-bilities fsuccessninstitution-building.
First,hepsychologicalnd culturalharacteristicsfpeoples iffermarkedlynd with hem heirbilitiestdevelopingoliticalnstitu-tions.Where ge-old atternsf thoughtndbehavior ave to bechanged,uiteobviouslyhecreationfpoliticalnstitutionss a farmoredifficultask thanotherwise.The TokugawaJapaneseould
not, s did theChinese, ut familybovegovernment,"ne expert62 Kornhauser,olitics fMassSociety, assim;David C. Rapoport, Praetorianism:
Government ithout onsensus"Ph.D. dissertation,niversityfCalifornia,erkeleyI959); and Rapoportn Huntington,d., Changing atterns f Military olitics,2,
wherethequotation ccurs.63 Kornhauser,olitics fMassSociety,25.64EdwardGibbon,The Declineand Fall ofthe RomanEmpire New York i899),
I, 235, quotedby Rapoportn Huntington,d.,Changing atternsf Militaryolitics,98.
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hasobserved.The samuraiwas expectedo be loyalto hisofficialsuperiorirst, is familyecond.n mores enerallyheprimacyfthe organizationverthepersonwas constantlyeiterated.""5his
differencen Japanesend Chinese ttitudesoward uthorityn-doubtedlyccountsnpart or heir ifferencesn modernizationnddevelopment.he Japaneseeacefullyndsmoothlyreated ewpo-liticalnstitutionsndamalgamatedhemwith ldones.The weak-nessoftraditionalhinese oliticalnstitutions,n theotherhand,ledtoforty ears frevolutionndcivilwarbeforemodernoliticalinstitutionsouldbe developednd extendedhroughouthinesesociety.
Second, hepotentialitiesor nstitution-buildingiffermarkedlyfrom ocietyosociety,ut n all societiesoliticalrganizationsanbe built.nstitutionsesult romhe low nteractionfconsciousf-fortndexistingulture. rganizations,owever,retheproductfconscious,urposefulffort.he formsf this ffort ayvary roma MeijiRestorationoa Communistevolution.ut n each caseadistinctroup fidentifiableeople et bout daptingldorganiza-
tions rbuilding ewones. Nation-building"asrecentlyecomepopular ubject,nddoubts avebeenraised boutwhetherationscan be "built."66hesedoubts avea fairly olidbasis.Nations reonetype fsocial orce,ndhistoricallyhey ave mergedver ongperiodsftime.Organization-building,owever,iffersrom ation-building. olitical rganizationsequire imefor development,utthey o notrequires much ime s nationalommunities.ndeed,most f thosewhospeak f nation-buildingn suchplaces s tropicalAfricaeeorganization-buildings thefirsttep nthis rocess.olit-icalpartiesaveto bewelded utof tribal roups; hepartiesreategovernments;nd thegovernmentsay, ventually,ringntoex-istence ations.Manyof thedoubtswhichpeoplehaveaboutthepossibilitiesfnation-buildingo notapply oorganization-building.
85 JohnWhitneyHall, "The Nature of Traditional ociety:Japan,"n Ward andRustow, ds.,PoliticalModernizationn Japan nd Turkey,9.
86See Karl W. Deutsch and William J. Foltz, eds.,Nation-BuildingNew Yorki963), passim, ut speciallyhe ontributionsfJoseph . Strayernd Carl J.Friedrich.
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Socialmobilizationanbemoderatednmanyways. hreemethodsare: to ncreasehecomplexityf social tructure;olimit rreducecommunicationsn society;ndtominimizeompetitionmong eg-mentsf thepoliticallite.67
In general,hemorehighlytratifiedsocietys and themorecomplicatedtssocial tructure,hemoregradual s theprocess fpoliticalmobilization.he divisionsetweenlass ndclass, ccupa-tion nd occupation,ural nd urban, onstituteseries f break-waters hich ivide he ocietyndpermithepoliticalmobilization
ofonegroup t a time.On theother and, highly omogeneoussociety,r a society hich asonly single orizontalineofdivisionbetweenn oligarchyhathas everythingnd a peasantryhathasnothing,ra society hichs divided othorizontallyutverticallyinto ethnic nd communal roups, as moredifficultyoderatingtheprocessfmobilization.hus,mobilizationhould e slowernIndiathan n thenewAfricantateswherehorizontalivisionsreweakandtribal ivisionstrong,r in those atinAmericanoun-trieswhere hemiddle tratareweakand a smalloligarchyon-frontspeasantmass.A society ithmany orizontalivisionsainsthroughhe lowerntryf socialgroupsntopolitics.t may, ow-ever, lso losesomethingn thatpolitical rganizations,hentheydo develop,mayform longclass nd stratumines nd thus ackthe utonomyfmore roadlyasedpoliticalrganizations.oliticalpartiesn countriesikeChileand Swedenhavebeenlargelyhe
spokesmenor distinct lasses; asteassociationseem destinedoplaya significantole n Indianpolitics. he disruptiveffectsfpolitical rganizationsdentifiedithsocial tratamaybe reducedif other oliticalnstitutionsxistwhich ppealto loyaltiescrossclassor caste ines. n Sweden,oyaltyo themonarchynd theRiksdagmitigatesheeffectsfclass-basedarties,ndin Indiathecaste ssociationsust,n general,eek heir oalswithinhemuch
more xtensiverameworkf theCongressarty.n most ocieties,thesocial tructureustbe largelyccepteds given.Where t issubject o governmentalanipulationnd influence, obilization
67Thesearenot,ofcourse, heonlywaysof slowingmobilization. yronWeiner,for instance, as suggested hat one practicalmethod s "localization": hannelingpoliticalnterestsnd activity wayfrom hegreat ssues of nationalpolitics o themore mmediatend concrete roblems f thevillageand community.his is cer-tainly nemotive ehindbothcommunityevelopmentrogramsnd "basicdemoc-racies."
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The communicationsetwork f a societys undoubtedlyuch
more ubject ogovernmentalnfluence.apidgains n some f themostdesired reas fmodernization-suchs massmediaexposure,literacy,nd education-may aveto be purchasedt theprice fsevereossesn politicaltability.his is notto argue hatpoliticalinstitutionalizations a value hould akeprecedencever ll others:ifthiswere hecase,modernizationouldnever e good. t is sim-plytoargue hat overnmentsust alance hevalueswonthroughrapid ncreasesn communicationsgainsthevalueseopardized ylossesnpoliticaltability.hus,governmentaloliciesmaybewiselydirectedoreducinghenumber funiversityraduates,articularlythosewith killswhich renot n demandn thesociety.tudentsandunemployedniversityraduates avebeena concernommontothenationalisticilitaryegimen SouthKorea, he ocialist ili-tary egimen Burma, ndthetraditional ilitaryegime n Thai-land.TheeffortsyGeneral e Win nBurma o cutback henum-
ber ofuniversityraduates aywellbe imitatedyother overn-ments acing imilarhallenges. uch hasbeenmadeof theprob-lems aused y theextensionf thesuffrageo largenumbersf l-literates.ut imited oliticalarticipationy lliteratesaywell, sin India,be lessdangerousopoliticalnstitutionshanparticipationby literates.he latterypicallyavehigher spirationsnd makemoredemands n government.olitical articipationy illiterates,moreover,smore ikely o remainimited, hereas articipationy
literatess muchmore ikely o snowballwithpotentiallyisastrouseffectsnpoliticaltability. governinglitemay lso affecthe n-tensityf communicationsnd therateofpoliticalmobilizationyitspolicies n economic evelopment.arge, solated actories,sKornhauserasshown,remoreikelyogive ise oextremistove-ments han maller lantsmore loselyntegratednto he urround-ingcommunity."elf-interestn politicalurvivalmay eadgovern-ingelites odecreasehepriorityfrapid conomichange.
Theuncontrolledobilizationfpeoplento oliticss also slowedbyminimizinghecompetitionmong oliticallites.Hencemobili-zation s likelyohave essdisturbingffectsnpoliticalnstitutionsin one-partyystemshan n two-partyr multipartyystems.nmany ew tatesndmodernizingountries,vast apexists etweenthemodernizedlite ndthetradition-orientedass. f theelitedi-
68Kornhauser,oliticsof Mass Society, 50-58.
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vides gainsttself,tsfactionsppeal o themasses or upport.hisproduces apidmobilizationf the masses ntopoliticst the sametime hat t destroyshateveronsensusreviouslyxistedmong he
politicallyctive n the need for modernization.obilizationre-quentlymeans hemobilizationf tradition; odernolitics ecomethevehicle f traditionalurposes.n Burma uring hefirst art fthis entury,he general attern as one n which hemodernizersfirst ellout among hemselvesheneverheywere onfrontedithdemandinghoices fpolicy,nd then ended o seek upport romamong he more raditionallements, hich n timegained he s-cendency."69n Turkey roughbalancebetween hemobilizationof people ntopoliticsnd the developmentf politicalnstitutionsexisted o longas theRepublican eople's arty etained politicalmonopoly. he conscious ecision o permit n opposition arty,however, roadenedhe scopeof political ompetitioneyond heurban,Westernizedlite. he Democraticartymobilizedhepeas-antsnto olitics,trengthenedheforcesftraditionalism,ndbrokethepreviousonsensus.his ed thepartyeaders oattemptomain-
tain hemselvesnpower hroughemilegalmeans nd to nduce hearmy o join them n suppressingheRepublican pposition.hearmy, owever, as committedo modernizationnd seizedpowerina coupd'etat, issolvingheDemocraticarty ndexecuting anyofitstop eaders.n due course, hemilitary ithdrewrom irectconductfthegovernment,nd democraticlectionsed to a multi-partyystemnwhich opartyas clearmajority.husfrom rela-tivelytable ne-partyystem,urkey assed hrough brief wo-
partyratomilitaryule nda multipartyystem:hefamiliaryn-drome fstates heremobilizationasoutrunnstitutionalization.nthe rocess,ot nlywere oliticalnstitutionseakened,ut he radi-tional-mindederebroughtntopoliticsn such wayas to createobstacleso theachievementfmanymodernizingoals.
CREATING INSTITUTIONS
"Dansla naissance essocietesesont eschefs esrepubliquesuifont 'institution;t c'est nsuite'institutionui formees chefs esrepubliques,"aidMontesquieu.70ut in thecontemporaryorld,political eadersprefermodernizationo institution-building,ndnomatter ho eadsmodernization,heprocesstself enerateson-
69Pye,Politics, ersonalitynd NationBuilding, I4.70 Charlesde Secondat,BaronMontesquieu, onside'rationsur les causes de la
grandeur es romains t de leur decadence, n Oeuvres, (Paris i828), ii9-20.
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of thetraditionaleaders o reformanunleash ndstimulateocialforceswhich threatenhe traditionalolitical nstitutions.radi-tional eadersanmodernizend reformheir ealms,ut,whereub-stantialocial lementsppose eform,hey aveyet o demonstratethey an put througheformsithoutndermininghe nstitutionsthroughhich heyre working.heproblems: how can thetra-ditional oliticalnstitutionse adapted o accommodatehesocialforces nleashed y modernization?istorically,xcept orJapan,traditionaloliticalnstitutionsave beenadapted o themodernworld nlywhere high degree f politicalentralizationas notrequiredormodernizationndwhere raditionali.e., feudal)rep-resentativenstitutionsetainedheir italityas inGreatBritainndSweden). fmodernizationequireshecentralizationf powern a"reform onarch"r "revolutionarymperor,"tmeans heweaken-ingor destructionf whateverraditionalepresentativenstitutions
may xist nd thus omplicatestill urtherhe ssimilationfthosesocialforcesreated ymodernization.he concentrationf poweralsomakes he raditionalegimelikethe ighteenth-centuryrenchmonarchy) ore ulnerableoforcibleverthrow.he vulnerabilityof traditionalegimeo revolutionaries irectlyith he apabilityof theregime ormodernization.or traditionalulers,he mpera-tives f modernizationonflict iththe mperativesf institution-building.
If thetraditionaloliticalnstitutionsreweak,or if theyhavebeendisplacedndsuppresseduring eriodsf colonial ule, dapta-tion s impossible.n societies hichhaveundergoneolonial ule,incubationanserve s a substituteor daptation.nfortunately,heopportunityorncubation as missednmost olonialocieties,itha fewprominentxceptionsuch s India andthePhilippines.ncu-bation equires colonial dministrationhich s willing opermitandto contendwith nationalist ovementormanyyears,husfurnishinghetime, he struggle,nd theslowlyncreasingespon-sibility hich re the ngredientsfinstitution-building.n general,however,olonial owersend opostponencubationor s longaspossiblendthen, hen heyee ndependences inevitable,obringit about s quicklyspossible.onsequently,ost fthe tates hichbecamendependentn the950'S and 960's had ittlepportunityoincubateoliticalnstitutionshile till nder olonial utelage.
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Wheretraditionalolitical nstitutionsre weak, or collapse, rare overthrown,uthorityrequentlyomes o restwith harismaticleaderswhoattemptobridgehegap betweenraditionndmoder-
nity ya highly ersonalppeal.To the xtent hat hese eadersreable to concentrateower n themselves,t might e supposedhattheywould be in a position o push nstitutionalevelopmentndtoperformheroleof "Great egislator"r "Founding ather." hereform f corrupttates r the creationf new ones,Machiavelliargued,must e thework f one man alone.A conflictxists, ow-ever, etweenhe nterestsf the ndividualnd the nterestsf in-stitutionalization.nstitutionalizationf powermeans he imitationofpowerwhichmighttherwisee wielded ersonallynd arbitrarily.The would-benstitution-buildereedspersonal ower o createn-stitutionsuthe cannot reatenstitutionsithout elinquishinger-sonalpower.Resolvinghis ilemmas noteasy. t can be doneonlyby eaderswho combinearepolitical kill nd raredevotionopur-pose. t was doneby Mustafa emal who,for lmost wodecades,managedomaintain isownpersonal ower,o push hrough ajor
modernizingeforms,nd tocreate politicalnstitutionocarrynthegovernmentfter is death.Atatiirkas been consciousmodelformany ontemporaryodernizingeaders, ut few, f any, eemlikely o duplicate is achievement.
Themilitaryunta rmilitaryictatorships anotherype fregimecommonn modernizingountries.t too confronts distinctetofproblemsnthe onflictetweentsown mpulsesomodernizationand theneeds f nstitution-building.hemilitaryfficersho seize
powern a modernizingountryrequentlyo so in reactiono the"chaos,"stalemate,"corruption,"nd"reactionary"haracterfthecivilian egimes hichpreceded hem. he officersreusually as-sionatelyevoted o measures f socialreform, articularlyhosewhichbenefithepeasantrywhose nterestsave frequentlyeenoverlookedy theanteriorivilian egime).A rationalisticpproachto societal roblemsftenmakestheofficers odernizersar ex-cellence. t the ametime, owever,hey re frequentlyndifferentor hostile o theneeds f politicalnstitution-building.he militarytypicallyssert hat hey ave aken ver hegovernmentnly empo-rarilyntil onditionsan be "cleaned p" andauthorityestoredoa purifiedivilianegime. he officershus onfrontnorganizationaldilemma.hey aneliminaterexclude rom oliticsndividualivil-ian politicians,ut heyre ll-preparedomake undamentalhangesinpolitical rocessesnd nstitutions.fthey urn ackpower othe
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civilians,hesameconditionso whichthey riginallybjected end oreappearBurma). If they ttempto restoreivilian overnmentndto continue n power as a civilianpoliticalgroup (Turkey,South
Korea), they penthemselveso these amecorruptingnfluencesndmaypave theway for a secondmilitary akeover ya younger en-eration f colonelswho purge the civilianizedgenerals,ust as thegenerals ad earlier urged he civilians. inally,fthe militaryead-ers retain ower ndefinitely,heyneed tocreate uthoritativeoliticalorganizations hich egitimizend institutionalizeheirpower.Con-cernwith theirown personal uthoritynd unfamiliarityith theneedsofpoliticalnstitution-buildingreate roblemsn thefulfillmentofthis ask. t is still ooearly o sayfor ertainwhatsort f authorita-tivepolitical nstitutions,f any,will be producedbyregimes ed bymilitary fficersuch as Nasser ndAyubKhan.
THE PRIMACY OF PARTY
Charismaticeaders nd militaryhiefshavethushad little uccessin buildingmodern oliticalnstitutions.he reason ies n thenature
ofmodernpolitics.n theabsenceof traditionalolitical nstitutions,theonlymodern rganization hich an become source fauthorityand which can be effectivelynstitutionalizeds the politicalparty.The importance f the politicalparty n providingegitimacyndstabilityn a modernizing olitical ystem aries nverselywiththeinstitutionalnheritancefthesystem rom raditionalociety. radi-tionalsystems o nothave politicalparties.Unlikebureaucracy,hepartys a distinctly odern orm fpolitical rganization.Wheretra-
ditionalpolitical nstitutionssuch as monarchiesnd feudal parlia-ments)are carried ver ntothe modern ra, partiesplay secondary,supplementaryoles n thepolitical ystem. he other nstitutionsrethe primary ourceof continuitynd legitimacy. arties typicallyoriginatewithin the legislaturesnd then graduallyextendthem-selves nto ociety. heyadaptthemselvesotheexistingrameworkfthepolitical ystemnd typicallyeflectn theirown operationsheorganizationalnd proceduralprinciples mbodied n that system.Theybroaden articipationnthetraditionalnstitutions,hus daptingthose nstitutionso therequirementsf themodern olity. hey helpmake the traditionalnstitutionsegitimaten terms fpopular over-eignty,utthey re notthemselves source flegitimacy.heirownlegitimacy erives rom hecontributionsheymake to thepoliticalsystem.
Wheretraditionaloliticalnstitutionsollapse r are weak or non-
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existent,he role of the party s entirely ifferentromwhat it is inthosepolitieswith institutionalontinuity.n such situations,trongparty rganizations theonly ong-runlternativeo the nstabilityf
a corrupt r praetorianr masssociety. he party s not just a sup-plementaryrganization; t is instead the source of legitimacyndauthority.n the absenceof traditionalources f legitimacy,egiti-macy s sought n ideology,harisma, opular overeignty.o be last-ing, each of theseprinciples f legitimacymust be embodied n aparty.nstead of theparty eflectinghe state, he statebecomes hecreation f the party nd the instrumentf the party.The actionsofgovernmentre legitimateo the extent hat hey eflecthe will of
theparty. he partys thesource f egitimacyecause t is the nstitu-tionalembodimentf nationalsovereignty,he popularwill, or thedictatorshipf theproletariat.
Where traditional olitical nstitutionsre weak or non-existent,theprerequisitef stabilitys at least one highly nstitutionalizedo-liticalparty. tateswithone suchparty remarkedlymore table hanstateswhich ack sucha party. tateswithno parties r many weak
partiesare the least stable.Where traditional oliticalinstitutionsare smashedby revolution,ost-revolutionaryrder dependson theemergence f one strong arty:witness he otherwise erydifferenthistoriesf the Chinese,Mexican,Russian, nd Turkishrevolutions.Wherenew states merge rom olonialismwithone strong arty,heproblem s to maintain he strengthf thatparty. n manyAfricancountrieshenationalistartywas the single mportant odern rgan-izationto existbefore ndependence. he party was generallywell
organized.The conditionsfthe political trugglend thededicationof the top elite to the partyas the primeinstrument f politicalchange ed the eliteto give the major portion f theirenergies ndresources o building a solid, responsive rganizationcapable ofdisciplined ction n response o directivesrom hetop and able toferret utand exploit eelings fdissatisfactionmongthemassesforpolitical nds."'"After ndependence,owever,he dominant oliticalpartysoftenweakened ythemany ompeting emands n organiza-tionalresources. markeddispersionfresourcesmeansa decline nthe overall evel of political nstitutionalization.Talents thatoncewere available forthe crucial work of party rganization,"ne ob-server aswarned, maynowbe preoccupied ithrunning ministryor governmentbureau.... Unless new sources of loyal organizational
and administrativealents an be foundmmediately,heparty'sr-ganization-and,herefore,he major ink between he regimendthemasses-is ikelyo be weakened."72
The needfor oncentrationpplies otonly o the llocationf re-sourcesmong ypesf organizationsut lsoto the cope forganiza-tion. n manymodernizingountries,hepoliticaleaders ttemptoomuch oofast; heyry o buildmass rganizationshen heyhouldconcentraten elite rganizations.rganizationso not haveto belarge to be effectivend to play a crucialrole in the politicalprocess: heBolshevikartyn 1917 is oneexample; he ndianCivilServicewhich umberednly ,157men t ndependence)sanother.Overextensionfone'sresourcesn organization-buildings as dan-gerous s overextensionf one's roopsna militaryampaign.Thestrategicamlet rogramnSouthVietnams an example fboth.)Concentrations a keyprinciplef politicss well as strategy.hepressuresorbroadorganizationalupport,owever,eem to pushtowardshe ll-inclusiverganization.n his effortso create polit-ical structureo bolster is militaryegimen Egypt, or nstance,
Nasser irstreatedheLiberationallyn I953, which oon ame ohavefrom to6 millionmembers.he organizationassimplyoobigto be effectivend toachievetspurpose. fter he doptionfanew constitutionn i956, theLiberation allywas replaced y theNationalUnion,whichwas designed obe the chool f thenationand also to be universaln membershipexcept orreactionaries).Again he rganizationastoobroad o be effective.ence n i962,
after hebreakwithSyria, neworganization,heArab Socialist
Union,wasorganized ith he dvice f organizationalndideolog-ical expertsrom ugoslavia.t wasdesigned o be a more xclusive,more ightlyrganizedody,tsmembershipimitedo io percentof thepopulation.nevitably,owever,t also mushroomedn size,and afterwoyearst had5millionmembers.n a fourthffort,arlyin 964 Presidentasser eportedlyormedtill notherroupimitedto only ,000 membersnd calledthe "Governmentarty," hichwould ormhe ore ftheArabSocialist nion.The neworganiza-tionwas to be designed yNasser to enforce peacefulransferofpower nda continuationf hispoliciesfanythingappens ohim."7"Whetherhisorganization,nlike tspredecessors,ecomesan institutionemainso be seen. ts likelihood f success ependsupon ts imitationnsize.
72 Ibid., 123-24.
73Washingtonost,February , i964,p. A-i7.
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Americanocial cientistsavedevotedmuch ttentiono the om-petitivenessfpolitical ystems,evising ariouswaysof measuringthat ompetitivenessnd classifyingystemsccordingo their egree
ofcompetitiveness.74he moreparties hich xistwithin system,presumablyhemore ompetitivet s. Yet theproliferationf partiesusuallymeans hedispersionf organizationnd leadershipalentsand the xistencef a largenumber f weakparties.f sufficiente.sourcesreavailableosupportmore han newell-organizedarty,this s all to thegood.Butmostmodernizingountries ill be welloff fthey ancreateustone strong artyrganization.n modernizeing systems,artynstitutionalizationsually aries nversely ithparty ompetitiveness.odernizingtateswithmultipartyystemsaremuchmore nstablendprone omilitarynterventionhanmod-ernizingtates ith neparty, ith ne dominantarty,r with woparties. he most nstableystemsnd thosemost rone omilitary
TABLE 3. DISTRIBUTION OF COUPS AND Coup ATTEMPTSIN MODERNIZING COUNTRIES SINCE INDEPENDENCE
Type of Number f Countries ithCoupsPoliticalystem Countries Number Per cent
No effectivearties I7 I4 83SOURCE: Figures re somewhat evised nd adaptedfrom he similar able n Fred
R. von der Mehden,Politicsof the DevelopingNations (Englewood Cliffs,N.J.,i964), 65.
interventionrethemultipartyystemsnd theno-partyystems.heweak nstitutionalizationfpartiesn themultipartyystemmakesthat ystemxtremelyragile. he stepfrommanyparties o no
partiesndfrom opartiesomany artiess an easy ne. n theirinstitutionaleakness,heno-partyystemndthemultipartyystemcloselyesembleachother.
74See James . Coleman,n Almond nd Coleman, ds.,Politics f theDevelopingAreas,Conclusion;PhillipsCutright,NationalPoliticalDevelopment:ts Measure,ment nd Social Correlates,"n NelsonW. Polsby,RobertA. Dentler, nd Paul A.Smith, ds.,Politics nd SocialLife (Boston 963), 569-82;von derMehden, oliticsof the DevelopingNations, 4-64.
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The Bolshevikoncept f thepolitical artys directlyelevanto
modernizingountries.t provides consciousnd explicitnswerotheproblemf mobilizations. nstitutionalization.he Communistsactivelyttempto expand olitical articipation.t the sametimethey re themost nergeticnd intenseontemporarytudentsfdeTocqueville'sart fassociatingogether."heir pecialtysorganiza-tion, heir oal themobilizationf themassesnto heir rganizations.For themmobilizationnd organizationo hand n hand."Thereareonly wokinds f political asks," leading hinese ommunist
theoristas said: "one s the askof propagandand education,heothersthe ask forganization."75he partys nitiallyhighlyelectgroup f thosewhohave chieved heproper egree f revolutionaryconsciousness.t expands raduallys it s able o winthe upportndparticipationf others. eripheral rganizationsnd front roupsproviden organizationaladderforthe gradualmobilizationndindoctrinationfthosewho n due course ecome ull-fledgedarty
members.f thepolitical truggleakes he form f revolutionarywar,mobilizationccurs n a gradual erritorialasis s village ftervillage hifts n status romhostile ontrol o contestedrea toguerrillareatobase area.The theorys selective obilization;hepoliticalnvolvementf masseswhohavenotreached he properlevelof revolutionaryonsciousnessan onlybenefiteaction. he"opportunist"enshevik,eninwarned, striveso proceed romthebottompward, nd,therefore,hereverossiblend as faraspossible, pholdsutonomismnd democracy'.. ." The Bolshevik,on theother and, strivesoproceed romhetop downward,ndupholdsn extensionf therightsnd powers fthecentern rela-tion otheparts."76
Communistoctrinehus ecognizesheneedtobalancemobiliza-tion ndorganizationnd stressesheparty s thekeytopoliticalstability.heAmericanpproach,n the ther and, ends o gnore
therequirementsfpolitical rganizationnd to deprecatehe m-portancefparty. mericanttitudesrerootednthe econdary,n-strumentaloleofpartyn theAmericanonstitutionalystem.naddition,mericanistasteorpoliticseadsto an emphasisn the
75Ai Ssu-chi, uoted in FrederickT. C. Yu, "Communicationsnd Politics nCommunist hina," n Pye,ed., Communicationsnd PoliticalDevelopment,6i-62.
76 V. I. Lenin, One Step Forward,Two StepsBack (The Crisis n Our Party), nCollectedWorks Fineberg nd Jochel rans., ondon 96i), 396-97.
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output aspectsof the political system.The stress, s Lucian Pyehas pointed ut,has beenon theefficientdministratoratherhanthewily politician.77id missions dvisegovernmentsn administrative
organizationnd economicplanning, ut seldomdo they dvise po-litical eaders n how to create strong arty. o meet theproblemsof nterestggregation,mericans ave resortedo a varietyf alterna-tivesto political rganization. omeAmericans ave urgedthat themilitary,s the trongestrganizationn manymodernizingountries,should assumea major role in the responsibilitiesf government.78At timesAmericanpolicy has reliedon individualpolitical eaders,suchas Magsaysay, iem,or AyubKhan. Alternatively,heAmericangovernmentas stresseddherenceo particulartructuralorms, uchas free lections.
All of these approaches re doomed to failure.Neithermilitaryjuntasnor charismaticersonalitiesor freeelections an be a long-term ubstituteoreffectiveolitical rganization.harismaticeadersare reluctanto substitutearty ontrol orpersonal ontrol.Militaryofficersre usually venmore explicitlynti-party.hey contrasthe
venal partypolitics f the civilianswith thehonestdevotion o thenationof themilitary.Military oups and militaryuntasmay spurmodernization,ut theycannotproducea stablepoliticalorder. n-steadofrelyingnthemilitary, merican olicy houldbe directedothe creationwithinmodernizingountries fat leastone strong on-Communist oliticalparty.f sucha party lready xists nd is in adominant osition, upport f thatparty houldbe thekeystone fpolicy.Where political ife is fragmented nd manysmall parties
exist,Americanbacking shouldgo to the strongest f the partieswhosegoals are compatiblewithours.If it is a choicebetweenpartyand a personality,hoose the party:better he Baath thanNasser.Where no parties xist nd the governmentwhether radi-tional,military,r charismatic) s reasonably ooperativewith theUnitedStates,Americanmilitary,conomic, nd technical ssistanceshould e conditionedponthegovernment'saking ffortso develop
a strongupporting arty rganization.Severalyears go Guy Paukerwarned hat What is mosturgently
77 Pye,Politics, ersonalitynd Nation Building, 97-30I; and Pye, "The PolicyImplicationsf Social Change in Non-Western ocieties" M.I.T. CenterforInter-nationalStudies,Cambridge957, mimeo.), 69-80.
78 GuyJ. Pauker, Southeast sia as a ProblemArea in the Next Decade," WorldPolitics, i (April 959), 325-45; Lucian W. Pye, "Armiesn the Process f PoliticalModernization,"n JohnJ. Johnson,d., The Role of theMilitaryn UnderdevelopedCountriesPrinceton962), 69-go.
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neededn Southeastsia odays organizationaltrength."79rganiza-tional trengths also themosturgent eed n southern sia,theMiddle ast,Africa,ndLatinAmerica. nless hat eed s metwith
