A presentation by Dr. Sujata Mukhopadhyay Professor and Head Dept. of Journalism and Mass Communication HMM College for Women
Transcript
A presentation by Dr. Sujata Mukhopadhyay Professor and Head
Dept. of Journalism and Mass Communication HMM College for
Women
1. This is the first time that Indian public opinion has gained
such tremendous mileage 2. Instead of 3 main parties there are 4
main parties fighting elections independently. 3. First time where
congress has been steeped in controversies and scams. 4. Importance
of regional parties have gained supreme importance.. 5. Cityzen
journalism along with mass media played a great role in social
consciousness 6. Role of Social media.
CHARACTERISTICS OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS In most cases, the
relationship between parties and interest groups is not so direct.
They often take positions that are opposed to each other. Yet they
are in dialogue and negotiation. Movement groups have raised new
issues that have been taken up by political parties. Most of the
new leadership of political parties comes from interest or movement
groups.
Sometimes political parties grow out of movement. For example,
when the Assam movement led by strudents against the foreigners
came to an end, it led to the formation of the Asom Gana Parishad.
The roots of parties like the DMK and the AIADMK in Tamil Nadu can
be traced to a long drawn social reformation movement during the
30s and the 40s
In some instances the pressure groups are either formed or led
by the leaders of political parties. For example, most trade unions
and student organizations are either established by or affiliated
to one major political party and most of the leaders are either
activists or leaders of party.
While internet groups and movements do not directly engage in
party politics, they seek to exert influence on political parties.
Most of the movement groups take a political stance without being a
political party. They have political ideology on major issues. The
relationship between political parties and pressure groups can take
different forms direct or indirect.
Business groups often employ professional lobbyists. Some
persons from pressure groups may participate in official bodies and
communicatees that offer advice to the government. They often
organise protest activity like strikes or disrupting govt.
programes. Workers organisations etc. organise such movements to
put pressure on the govt to fulfill their demands.
They try to gain public support and sympathy for their goals
and their activity by carrying out information campaigns,
organising meetings, etc. most of these groups try to influence the
media into giving more attention to these issues
Has political background a long history before and after
independence, played a great role in national consciousness. Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh has been at the middle of many
controversies. Rahul Gandhi portrayed as the new leader, young,
charming, elite and sophisticated
Brand Mamata
THE AAM AADMI PARTY
CASE STUDIES 1. AAP 2.Nirbhaya Rape Case 3. Nido Taniam case 4.
Saradha Scam 5. Narmada Bachao Andolan 6.Maoist movement in
Chattisgarrhh 7.Lalgarh Movement 8. Tehelka Case 9. Asaram bapu
case 10. Everyday molestations
As is well known, the Aam Aadmi party is the brainchild of
Arvind kejriwal. The party was formed after Kejriwal split with
team Anna regarding the question of forming a party The Jan Lokpal
Bill was introduced and passed Arvind Kejriwal became the CM of
Delhi beating the BJP Thus started a new movement, a social
movement never seen before. Educated men and women, mostly from the
IITs joined the movement, which gained heavy momentum in the
different states.
NIRBHAYA RAPE CASE
The victims, a 23-year-old woman and a male friend, were on
their way home on the night of 16 December 2012 after watching the
film Life of Pi in Saket, South Delhi. They boarded an off-duty
charter bus at Munirka for Dwarka that was being driven by
joyriders at about 9:30 pm (IST). There were only six others on the
bus, including the driver. One of the men, a minor, had called for
passengers telling them that the bus was going towards their
destination.The woman's friend became suspicious when the bus
deviated from its normal route and its doors were shut. When he
objected, the group of six men already on board, including the
driver, taunted the couple, asking what they were doing alone at
such a late hour. The partially clothed victims were found on the
road by a passerby at around 11 pm (IST). The passerby phoned the
Delhi Police, who took the couple to Safdarjung Hospital, where the
female victim was given emergency treatment and placed on
mechanical ventilation. She was found with injury marks, including
numerous bite marks, all over her body. According to reports, one
of the accused men admitted to having seen a rope-like object,
assumed to be her intestines, being pulled out of the woman by the
other assailants on the bus. Two blood-stained metal rods were
retrieved from the bus and medical staff confirmed that "it was
penetration by this that caused massive damage to her genitals,
uterus and intestines".
When the woman's friend tried to intervene, he was beaten,
gagged and knocked unconscious with an iron rod. The men then
dragged the woman to the rear of the bus, beating her with the rod
and raping her while the bus driver continued to drive. Medical
reports later said that the woman suffered serious injuries to her
abdomen, intestines and genitals due to the assault, and doctors
said that the damage indicated that a blunt object (suspected to be
the iron rod) may have been used.
That rod was later described by police as being a rusted, L-
shaped implement of the type used as a wheel jack handle. According
to police reports the woman attempted to fight off her assailants,
biting three of the attackers and leaving bite marks on the accused
men. After the beatings and rape ended, the attackers threw both
victims from the moving bus. Then the bus driver allegedly tried to
drive the bus over the woman, but she was pulled aside by her male
friend. One of the perpetrators later cleaned the vehicle to remove
evidence. Police impounded it the next day.
RA PE!RAPE!
Protests at Raisina Hill, Rajpath, New Delhi Public protests
took place in New Delhi on 21 December 2012 at India Gate and
Raisina Hill, the latter being the location of both the Parliament
of India and Rashtrapati Bhavan, the official residence of the
President of India. Thousands of protesters clashed with police and
battled Rapid Action Force units. Demonstrators were lathi charged,
shot with water cannon and tear gas shells, and arrested.
Similar protests occurred throughout the country. More than 600
women belonging to various organisations demonstrated in Bangalore.
Thousands of people silently marched in Kolkata.Protests occurred
online as well on the social networking sites Facebook and
WhatsApp, with users replacing their profile images with a black
dot symbol.Tens of thousands signed an online petition protesting
the incident. Yoga guru Baba Ramdev and former Army chief General
Vijay Kumar Singh were among the demonstrators who clashed with
Delhi Police at Jantar Mantar. On 24 December, activist Rajesh
Gangwar started a hunger strike, saying about the accused men, "If
my death shakes the system and gets them hanged, I am ready to
die".Gangwar ended his fast after 14 days, saying, "My fight to
demand a strict law against rape will be continued in the future...
I have dedicated myself for this cause".
Nido Taniam, a student from Arunachal Pradesh was beaten up
mercilessly near Lajpat nagar in Delhi on January 29th , 2014. He
had gone there with his friends to a sweet shop, when the
shopkeeper started mocking him for his hairstyle. Nido responded by
breaking the glass door of the shop, and the incident escalated.
This incident started a movement against racism, where other
students from the north east came together and unitedly fought for
cause. However, the severity of the incident proves how the
government had so long neglected the north eastern part of the
country. Moreover, severe state repression was unleashed and racism
was promoted in a covert way. The movement gained momentum, as
students of the north east vented out their grievances against the
government. This as not an isolated crime, but a pattern of
discrimination was there all through, especially regarding th
people from the north east.
Operation Lalgarh was an armed operation in India against the
Maoists who have been active in organising a tribal movement
alongside a group called the People's Committee Against Police
Atrocities (PCAPA). The operation was organised by the police and
security forces in Lalgarh, Paschim Medinipur, West Bengal to
restore law and order in the area and flush out the Maoists.The
area of operation is said to be expanded to 18 police stations in
the three Maoist affected districts of Paschim Medinipur, Bankura
and Purulia
The incident has its root in an incident on 2 November 2008. On
the way back from laying the foundation stone of Jindal steel plant
at Shalboni, the convoy of the chief minister of West Bengal
Buddhadeb Bhattacharya and then central ministers Ram Vilas Paswan
and Jitin Prasada came under a landmine attack by the Maoists.
Though the ministers were unharmed, it hit a police jeep in the
convoy and six policemen were grievously injured. The CPI(Maoist)
in a press release accepted the responsibility of the explosion and
stated clearly that they were opposed to the steel plant on tribal
land and that the target of the explosion was Buddhadeb
Bhattacharya. In the aftermath of the assassination attempt, the
West Bengal Police carried out raids across the Lalgarh area. Due
to the influence by ruling party [ [CPI (Marxist)] ], the police
atrocities, indiscriminate raids and brutal beatings, resulting in
serious injuries to many people, mainly women. People have been
subjected to beatings, torture, molestation of women and false
cases.
The police quickly understood the extent of mobilization that
the adivasis have made and started making false promises about the
imminent release of those arrested including the 3 school students.
The police thought of buying some time with these lies, hoping that
the mass will disperse with time. But the adivasi crowd around the
Police Station only got thicker. Support and solidarity from
surrounding and far off adivasi villages started pouring in. The
otherwise omnipresent leaders of political parties were not allowed
to negotiate. The adivasis were rather happy about this as in the
past the interference of these leaders in any mass protests have
always resulted in confusion and withdrawing of the protests with
unknown negotiations behind closed door meetings. This time the
adivasis chose their representatives from amongst themselves who
were communicators rather than leaders and took no decision on
behalf of the mass but only communicated them. Soon the police
understood that the adivasis were in no mood to return without a
result and they disclosed that nothing was in their hands because
the ones arrested had already been transferred to Midnapore jail
the previous day.
The road to Lalgarh from Medinipur and Jhargram had been
blocked at several places with large felled trees. The repeated
liesby the Lalgarh police infuriated the mass who decided not to
depend on the police for any results and to build up a movement to
force the release of those illegally detained. They decided to
prevent the deployment of reinforcement of police and paramilitary
as previously many adivasi movements have been brutally crushed
using paramilitary force. Thus roads were dug up and blocked at
several places by felled trees. This has uncanny resemblance to the
Nandigram movement remained at the headlines throughout 2007 March
to December. The Lalgarh village is connected with Jhargram and
Medinipur towns by roads which are bordered on both sides by sparse
to moderate forests. the roads have been dug up or blocked by trees
at least in 25 places.
The movement had no conventional leadership and often entire
village population sat together and discussed for hours as to the
steps to be taken in the movement. Men, women, youth, students all
took part in these grand meetings. The traditional leaders were not
stripped of the respect that they usually received but were given
no more weight than anyone else at the meetings. A forum was thus
launched which had no conventional political color and which united
the entire adivasi society for a common cause after a long time. It
gained immense popularity and most mainstream parties and their
mass bases vanished altogether. Village committees Each Village
formed a committee of 10 representatives who would with committees
of other villages to communicate the decision of the masses of one
village to another. Each committee further had two persons who had
to be available at all times in case of urgent meetings at short
notices
Adivasi women have come forward in a big way to carry forth
this movement. Each 10 persons committee has 5 women members. This
involvement of women came naturally to the adivasis who have a more
equal society when it comes to gender. The participation of women
in meetings and rallies are also remarkable. The atrocities over
the women of Lalgarh have been excessive, and the women since then
never attend rallies unarmed. They bring along whatever is at hand.
Bows, arrows, knives, swords, scythes, axes, sticks, brooms and so
on. The attack on the dawn of 5 November has been most brutal on
the women[9] with one of them losing her sight, as the butt of a
police rifle landed on it. Another woman of Lalgarh was manhandled
and left unconscious in broad daylight as she tried preventing the
police who dragged away her husband who happens to be a local
Jharkhand Party leader while they were buying medicines. All this
adding to the severe torture and repression of women have led to
the present consolidation of the adivasi women, or so they
claim.
The Saradha Group financial scandal is a financial scam that
was caused by the collapse of a Ponzi scheme run by Saradha Group,
a consortium of Indian companies that was believed to be running a
wide variety of collective investment schemes (popularly but
incorrectly referred to as chit fund). The relatively prosperous
rural economy of West Bengal had previously relied on small savings
schemes run by Indian Postal Service. However, low rates of
interest in the 1980s and '90s encouraged the rise of several Ponzi
schemes in speculative ventures such as Sanchayita Investments,
Overland Investment Company, Verona Credit and Commercial
Investment Company. Together, these scams eliminated close to 10
billion INR in investor wealth. Saradha Group changed its methods
of raising capital. In West Bengal, Jharkhand, Assam and
Chattisgarh, it now ran variations of collective investment schemes
(CIS), such as tourism packages, forward travel and hotel booking
timeshare credit transfer, real estate, infrastructure finance, and
motorcycle manufacturing.The investors were rarely informed about
the true nature of the investments. Instead, many investors were
told only that they would get high returns after a fixed
period.
Saradha Group also recruited Kunal Ghosh, another Trinamool
Congress Member of parliament, to act as the CEO of the media
group.[40] Under Kunal Ghosh, the group went on a spree of buying
and establishing local television channels and newspapers. By 2013
it employed over 1500 journalists and owned eight newspapers in
five languages: Bengal Post, Seven Sisters Post (English dailies),
Kalom (Bengali daily), Prabhat Varta (Hindi daily),[41] Ajir Dainik
Baturi (Assamese daily),[42] Sakalbela, Azad Hind[43] and Parama
(Bengali dailies). It also owned two Bengali news channels (Tara
Newz and Channel 10), two Bengali general entertainment channels
(Tara Muzic and Tara Bangla) and one FM radio station. In January
2013, the cash inflow of Saradha Group was less than its cash
payouts for the first time. This outcome is inevitable in a Ponzi
scheme that is allowed to run full course. Although Sudipta Sen
tried to calm uneasy depositors and agents,the tide had irrevocably
turned. In a letter dated 6 April 2013, Sudipto Sen wrote a 18-page
confessional letter to the Central Bureau of Investigation, in
which he admitted that he had paid large sums of money to several
politicians.He also stated that TMC leader Kunal Ghosh had forced
him to enter into money-losing media ventures and blackmailed him
into selling one of his channels at below market price.
Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) is a social movement consisting of
adivasis, farmers, environmentalists, and human rights activists
against a number of large dams being built across the Narmada
river. The river flows through the states of Gujarat, and Madhya
Pradesh in India. Sardar Sarovar Dam in Gujarat is one of the
biggest dams on the river and was one of the first focal points of
the movement. Friends of River Narmada is the unofficial website of
the NBA. Their mode of campaign includes hunger strikes and
garnering support from film and art personalities (notably
Bollywood actor Aamir Khan). Narmada Bachao Andolan, with its
leading spokespersons Medha Patkar and Baba Amte, received the
Right Livelihood Award in 1991. Post-1947, investigations were
carried out to evaluate mechanisms for using water from the Narmada
River,[1] which flows into the Arabian Sea after passing through
the states of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat. Due to inter-state
differences in implementing schemes and sharing of water, the
Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal was constituted by the Government
of India on 6 October 1969 to adjudicate over the disputes
Medha Patkar noticed was that the people who were going to be
affected were given no information but for the offer for
rehabilitation. Due to this, the villagers had many questions from
why their permission was not taken to whether a good assessment on
the ensuing destruction was taken. Furthermore, the officials
related to the project had no answers to their questions. While
World Bank, the financing agency for this project, came into the
picture, Patkar approached the Ministry of Environment to seek
clarifications. She realized, after seeking answers from the
ministry, that the project was not sanctioned at all and wondered
as to how funds were even sanctioned by the World Bank. After
several studies, they realized that the officials had overlooked
the post-project problems. Thereafter, she organized a 36-day
solidarity march among the neighboring states of the Narmada valley
from Madhya Pradesh to the Sardar Sarovar dam site. She said that
the march was "a path symbolizing the long path of struggle (both
immediate and long-term) that [they] really had". The march was
resisted by the police, who according to Patkar were "caning the
marchers and arresting them and tearing the clothes off women
activists"
While Medha Patkar established Narmada Bachao Andolan in 1989,
all these groups joined this national coalition of environmental
and human rights activists, scientists, academics and
project-affected people with a non-violent approach. Using the
right to fasting, she undertook a 22-day fast that almost took her
life. [9] In 1991, Patkar's actions led to an unprecedented
independent review by the World Bank.[9] The Morse Commission,
appointed in June 1991 at the recommendation of World Bank
President Barber Conable, conducted its first independent review of
a World Bank project. She undertook a similar fast in 1993 and
resisted evacuation from the dam site. [9] In 1994, the Bachao
Andolan office was attacked reportedly by a couple of political
parties, where Patkar and other activists were physically assaulted
and verbally abused. In protest, a few NBA activists and she began
a fast; 20 days later, they were arrested and forcibly fed
intravenously. Amongst the major celebrities who have shown their
support for Narmada Bachao Andolan are Booker Prize winner
Arundhati Roy and Aamir Khan. 1994 saw the launch of Narmada: A
Valley Rises, by filmmaker Ali Kazimi. It documents the five-week
Sangharsh Yatra of 1991. The film went on to win several awards and
is considered by many to be a classic on the issue. In 1996,
veteran documentary filmmaker, Anand Patwardhan, made an
award-winning documentary: A Narmada Diary.
Tehelka means sensationalism. It was started in 2000 by Tarun
Tejpal and Bahal. First came out as a newspaper and then as a
magazine from 2003. Gained im portance after the Sting operation of
different cricketers in the match fixing scandal. The again the
operation West End where a fake arms deal was unearthed. In 2013
December Tejpal resigned from editorship for a period of 6 months
due to a sexual harrassment allegation against him by an intern.
THiNK Fest" was started in 2011 as an annual literary festival and
promoted as an event of Telekha. This program is run by an
organisation called Thinkworks Pvt Ltd, a company owned by Tejpal,
his sister Neena and Chaudhury. The organisers said that it was
"India's most thought-provoking platform for ideas from across the
globe" which brought together brilliant, cutting-edge minds from
across all the key disciplines that impact human affairs.It
features Bollywood actors, global thinkers, sessions on new
technology.
In 2007, they released footage, which was filmed over six
months, showing several BJP politicians admitting they had a role
in attacking the Muslim community during the 2002 Gujarat violence.
In the video, the right-wing organisation Bajrang Dal convener Babu
Bajrangi, said that a mob which he had led, killed 91 Muslim men
and women at Naroda Patiya; they then raped a pregnant women, slit
open her womb and threw both the foetus and her into a fire. On 23
July 2009, when police in Manipur claimed they had killed a
suspected militant who had shot at them, Tehelka released 12
photographs which proved that it was a fake encounter. Those showed
the police pushing an unarmed person, who was their suspect, into a
pharmacy and later carried him out dead. In 2010, they captured on
camera, right-wing organisation Sri Ram Sena leader Pramod Muthalik
and other members, where Muthalik agreed vandalise an art
exhibition in exchange for money. The organisation was seen
accepting INR10000 (US$160) as a donation from a Tehelka reporter,
who posed as the artist wanting publicity.
The sexual assault allegations against Tejpal in November 2013,
received intense public attention and media scrutiny because
Tehelka had previously been involved in highlighting the issue of
sexual violence in India, including in a special issue on the topic
in February 2013.There were protests against Tejpal by supporters
of the BJP and its allies.Shoma Chaudhury's handling of this case
was also criticised