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    The parliamentary system may not succeed here

    The Commonwealth government under President Quezon was inaugurated on Nov. 15, 195. The

    president!s term o" si# years was accepted as neither too long nor too short. $s the years passed swi"tly,

    Quezon thought si# years was too short. %e as&ed 'pea&er (ose )ulo to initiate an amendment to the

    Constitution to create a Congress consisting o" a 'enate and %ouse o" *epresentatives to replace theNational $ssem+ly and e#tend the presidential term to a ma#imum o" two "ouryear terms. -n ashington,

    /C Quezon!s term was against e#tended +y resolution o" the 0' Congress.

    Unassailable integrity

    -n a parliamentary "orm o" government the term limit is decided +y parliament and its coalition o" parties. -n

    225, $ngela 3er&el was elected chancellor o" 4ermany "or her unassaila+le integrity. -n the 0nited

    ingdom /avid Cameron was elected prime minister in 212 to lead a coalition government.

    Can we amend the Constitution and adopt a parliamentary "orm o" government as in 4ermany, 0, and

    (apan6 e can +ut we need to organize a true and strong party system. e re"er to /avid Cameron as the

    Conservative Party leader and Prime 3inister. 7ur Congress o" 92 %ouse mem+ers and 8 senators can

    +ecome a parliament o" 18 mem+ers. 'ome "our or "ive political parties or coalition o" parties will compete

    to win a maority o" 18 mem+ers.

    Fast count

    The "our or "ive political parties will "irst choose their leaders +e"ore heading to a parliamentary election in

    18 constituencies or districts. :lection o" 3Ps ;3em+ers o" Parliament< in most countries under the

    parliamentary system is held once in "ive years. -n one constituency, the voters will write only one name on

    the +allot. -n our system we have a long +allot "or the national and local o""icials and the counting o" votes

    may ta&e days to complete. =ast 3ay, the Conservative Party won a maority and the results were made

    &nown in a matter o" hours.

    We need a strong party

    /espite our e#perience in politics o" more than 122 years, shi"ting to a parliamentary system may not reap

    the e#pected success. e need to +uild a strong party whose mem+ers have the discipline and loyalty

    shown +y 4erman, >ritish, and (apanese political parties, when crossing party lines may +e re"erred to as

    the moral e?uivalent o" treason.

    3ost political writers re"er to the parliamentary system as a government +y parties. @ilipinos are not used to

    selecting their leaders +y indirect means. They vote, directly "or president, vice president, senators, %ouse

    mem+ers, and local o""icials.

    Our habit to go to court

    The prime minister is chosen +y the party mem+ers and a"ter a parliamentary election he represents the

    party in Parliament. -" his party wins a maority in Parliament, he +ecomes the prime minister or head o" the

    government.

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    To most @ilipinos who ma&e it a ha+it to ?uestion acts o" Congress, they may not "ind the same remedy in

    the courts under a parliamentary system. >ritish courts cannot nulli"y an act o" Parliament and courts lac&

    the power to review acts o" Parliament.

    Not a party

    7ur socalled parties li&e the =P, NP, and 0N$ are not the same political parties that can support a

    parliamentary government. The three are nonper"orming "actions without a list o" +ona"ide mem+ers.

    Parliamentary democracy in the Philippines would bea very bad idea

    (1) Will a change in the constitution get rid of the corrupt system we have

    at the moment?

    The idea that a superficial alteration of the political system could heal a rotten

    political culture could only take root in a country as addicted to the quick fix

    as the Philippines. The President herself does not believe it, and hardly

    mentioned political reform until it became politically expedient for her to do

    so. The country does not believe it—that much was clear as long ago as

    September !!" when a quarter of a million people gathered in #i$al Park to

    protest then President #amos%s &cha'cha( )charter change* plans. +s has been

    said over and over again, it is not the system that is rotten but the political

    class that runs it.

    )2) Will a parliamentary system make the Philippines more like the

    “progressive” neighours identified y the president in her state of the

    nation speech?

    The parliamentary flower takes on the flavour of the ground in which it is

    planted. The president was not clear which &progressive( neighbours she was

    referring to, but let%s take alaysia and Singapore as examples.

    -n alaysia, the system is largely driven by the executive branch. This was

    particularly the case in the last decade of ahathir ohamed%s prime

    ministership, when he rarely attended sessions of parliament, which was ust

    democratic window dressing for autocratic rule.

    -n Singapore, as we all know, there is only ever one point of view. This

    dogmatic democracy is reflected in the parliament, where the Parliamentary+ction Party )P+P* holds a maority the si$e of which has rarely, if ever, been

    achieved in other countries. /aving obliterated the 0orker%s Party and its

    courageous leader 1.2. 1eyeratnam, in the late !34s the P+P found itself in

    the ludicrous situation of holding every single seat in the Singapore parliament.

    The solution5 +ppointed &opposition( Ps of course. +ppointed by whom5

    +ppointed by the people they are supposed to &oppose(6 - am not kidding,

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    that%s what they did and, you know what, it wasn%t such a bad idea. + friend of

    mine. 0alter 0oon, was one of the first of the appointed opposition Ps and

    served with distinction for a number of years. Still, let7s be honest, although a

    Philippine parliament will face many problems, lack of an opposition is unlikely

    to be one of them.

    -n the end it is not the seed that matters, but the ground in which it planted,

    and as for the stony ground in the Philippines -%ll leave you to fill in the blanks.

    8n8y p8l8t8cs

    98ons

    :8nas8ies

    ;8lm s8ars

    4? of the seats, or

    because he or she has worked a deal with smaller parties so they will support

    his or her party and thereby enable coalition government*. =ow, given the

    balimbing nature of Philipine politics do you think that will be end of the story5

    @f course not6 Politicians from minority parties holding the balance of power

    will be in an enormously powerful position, ust like Ps from the religiousparties that often hold the balance in -srael, another parliamentary democracy.

    -n -srael, where political principles are more important than money, this means

    minority religious parties are able to exact political concessions from the larger

    party, usually Aikud, in the coalition )more settlements on the 0est 2ank, that

    sort of thing*. -n the Philippines the political class wouldn%t know a principle if

    it umped up and bit it in the bottom, so the pay'off will be settlements in the

    /amptons or other desirable neighbourhoods.

    +nd who will pay to preserve these fragile political groupings5 9ot a mirror

    handy5

    Aet%s say that that a particular politician holds out for a price that is so

    outrageous even the most unscrupulous prime minister baulks at it. The

    government then &falls(, usually through a no'confidence vote. @ther parties

    scuttle around like cra$y trying to patch together strange and disparate

    coalitions. Sometimes they succeed, usually they fail. /ouse prices in the

    /amptons rise.

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    -f all this activity proves fruitless there will be an election, in the hope that

    this will &clear the air( and strengthen one party or another so another can be

    formed. There will be almost no notice periodB in 2ritain, for example, an

    election takes place C weeks after it is called. 0hich leads to my next point.

    (") Will elections e free# fair and well run under a parliamentary system?

    +re you kidding5 -n ay !!3 Domelec knew that the next election would be in

    ay E44F. -t had si$ years to prepare for elections that turned out to be a

    complete disaster )the chaotic conduct of which led directly to the current

    crisis*. The Philippines% performance in the E44F election was a national

    embarrassment, particularly when compared with the smoothly conducted

    elections in -ndia )C times larger* the same year. =ow if this was the result

    when the election date was known six years in advance, what is going to

    happen when Domelec has three weeks in which to prepare5

    )%) Will a parliamentary system lead to stronger political parties and a move

    away from personality&driven politics?This argument is often put forward by proponents of the parliamentary systembut - am unconvinced. 0e live in a tacky, soundbite, T

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    different points of view on the phone tapes over the past few weeks is a sign of 

    its flexibility and strength, not its weakness. There was public concern and the

    system allowed that to be expressed in well'organi$ed rallies, with no violence

    )apart from a minor dust'up in Debu* and, so far as - know, no arrests. The

    public concern has, however, not been sufficient to threaten the administration

    in any way and so proceedings have followed the procedures allowed for in theconstitution. 0hat is wrong with that5

    (*) +o nothing needs to e changed?Domelec needs to be changed. Gverything flows from that. :iverting attention

    from this open sore on the body politic by promoting comprehensive and

    unnecessary change is not the way to go.

    +bove all, results need to reported immediately, not two months after the

    election. This can be done without expensive computer systems. -n the HK

    elections last year the first results were reported ", minutes after the close of 

    polling — and that was a hand count.-f the Philippines is able to enoy free, fair and fast elections, many of its

    current political problems will heal themselves. #eforming Domelec rather than

    engaging in grandiose constitutional change is where the country should be

    going. -n my view, anyway.

    Parliamentary system not for Philippines:

    The wherefores

    The raging debate in the Philippines today has to do with the proposition that the presidential system of

    government has dismally failed and should now be replaced by parliamentary rule. The warrior advocatesof the parliamentary system have gone to war. Largely by stealth, crimson propaganda and conspiratorialcunning, (and without any popular multipartisan debate on the matter), the House approved Resolutiono. !" last #arch. $ith %enate participation, they would now convo&e a 'onstituent ssembly in thefastest possible time to effect the switch from presidential to parliamentary in #ay*une +- through anational referendum this year.

    They now assure us that with the approaching demise of the presidential system, the Philippines will be ridof perennial roadbloc&s to economic progress, rid of a chronic political stalemate paralying every effort tounclog national disunity and achieve in the shortest possible time unity and a robust sense of nationalpurpose. Hallelu/ah0 The 'onss (diminutive of 'onstituent ssembly) will provide the vision. Theincoming parliament in +-, by virtue of elections to a unicameral legislature, will provide the stairway topolitical and economic heaven.

    $e are now constantly being bambooled with the argument that if the Philippines is far behind many ofits neighbor countries in 1ast and %outheast sia, it is because they have a parliamentary system. nd we2ilipinos, imbeciles that we are, have stuc& over the generations to an outmoded presidential system. Thissystem, we are told, has brought us nothing but mass poverty, corruption on an unprecedented scale,crime and violence that could have only come from the lowest pits of Hades.

    $ith this twocolumn series, we intend to demolish these arguments and further e3pose 'onss for whatit really is 456 Pearl Harbor in disguise. 7r better still, an ugly coup in the ma&ing. This is what ma&es itdoubly frightening. 2irst, it e3ploits the 'onstitution to inflict the swindle on the citienry that what it isdoing is for the nation456s good. %econd, the members of 'onss will be the nation456s suprememasters starting mid+-. 'an you beat that8 Today, as almost all national surveys show, 'ongress is the

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    lowest man on the totem pole of institutional popularity.

    Their members are among the most hated and despised of the human species in our country. Today, li&e%ir $alter Raleigh, they would spread their coats on the muddied ground for the citienry to cross over torcadia. They would be #oses. They would be our liberators.

    9ut let me substantially begin by tracing the lineaments of parliamentary government.

    :t all began in 9ritain. 2rom there it became a model for 2rance and other 1uropean countries in the !;thcentury. nd also 'anada, :ndia, ustralia, and wherever the , islands suddenlybecoming a ?nation? after throwing bac& the abuses of 'astilian %pain. $e were a ?nation? again after

    dmiral =eorge @ewey came over and the Aan&ee doughboys slaughtered about a million 2ilipinos in theconBuest of this country. 7ur conBuerors never really emancipated us, in the sense of rescuing us fromour millennial poverty and misery and installing their institutions here. They got what they wanted as allconBuerors always get what they want.

    %ure, we had the #alolos Republic in !;C;. Had it not been upended by merican colonialism, we wouldhave presumably installed a parliamentary government. $here would it have led to if the mericans didnot come8 Here, we are in the lotus land of mighthavebeen. $e probably would have been reconBueredby another imperialist country /ust the same.

    $hat are or were the essential features of parliamentary government as conceived by 9ritain8

    They are, among others, rule of law, the supremacy of a popularlyelected parliament, collectiveresponsibility of the 'abinet (e3ecutive to Parliament) and a tradition of stable, program or policyorientedpolitical parties (Prof. 7livia 'aoili, Legislative and 13ecutive Relations in the Philippines and the

    Parliamentary lternatives). Read that again. %table, policyoriented or programoriented political parties.

    $ithout such parties as an ideological glue parliamentary government in the Philippines would be acolossal sham.

    @o not tell me La&as

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    $ho will countervail8 Duis custodiet ipsos custodes8 $ho will guard the guardians8 $ho will protect thenation from his new breed of brigands who have more to do with Long *ohn %ilver and his pirates than the@eclaration of Human Rights8 t least, in the presidential system, a chief e3ecutive with courage,integrity, and unfailing resolve, separately elected from 'ongress, and an alert /udiciary can countervailagainst a corrupt 'ongress. :n a parliamentary government as envisioned by 'onss, the unicameralassembly is a constant pigsty, its leavings those of ttila and the Huns after they all peed and emptied onthe Rhone.

    ow, about our neighbor countries succeeding economically because they have a parliamentarygovernment. That456s what 'onss is foisting, isn456t it8 That456s a laugh.

    They succeeded not because they had parliamentary but because they dreamed early in the +th century,and wor&ed li&e a driven demon to achieve their dream. They succeeded because their culture was

    different from ours, a building culture, an entrepreneurial culture, a community culture. They would notallow merica and the $est to widen the gap. They sent tens, if not hundreds, of thousands of their beststudents to the

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    Ta&e the case of %outh Forea in the late 456s. =en. Par& 'hunghee smashed his &nuc&les into thecrayBuilt free enterprise system spawned by his predecessor %yngman Rhee and favored by the

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    Parliamentary8 :t didn456t even come as a sneee.

    The lesson to be drawn by the Philippines is that the 9ritish parliamentary system or other li&e systems ishardly the political model for our country. :t too& ?law and order? + years to mature in 1ngland. :ts lawswere drawn from many revolts, many wars, myriad political clashes, the granite rebel face of 7liver'romwell, as history came li&e a tempest, where 9ritish culture shifted with the changing faces of theeconomy. There is another thing. The records state there is no country in the world with a presidentialsystem of government that ever switched to parliamentary. :t is the other way round. Parliamentary

    switching to presidential. $e could become the first.

    The other lesson to be drawn is that our survival and eventual progress as a nation will have to &een tothe sian model. 7r models. The $estern parliamentary model will not succeed here. Their ethos is notours, their culture is not ours and their history is not ours. $e are a special breed, drawn from the tribalculture of LapuLapu in the !"th century, 'hristianied but nonetheless abused by %pain, then our

    ilustrado elite brainwashed to accept the free trade blandishments of an imperial merica.

    sia has moved rapidly forward. $e have hardly grown since then.

    : have that dread feeling that indecent rush to install a parliamentary government in the Philippines is aleap not only into the dar& but unmitigated disaster. :t is propelled more by greed and ambition on the

    part of the oligarchy than an honest heart, the prod of patriotism, scholarly wor& and historical research.:t is already obvious by this time that what has devastated the 2ilipinos as a people for more than a half acentury is not their system of government 456 but their unchanging culture.

    $e have a culture heavily resistant to development for many reasons.

    $e have a lousy wor& ethic still to banish the legend of *uan Tamad. $e have a predominant 'atholicreligion accused rightly or wrongly of erecting bric& walls to national riches and prosperity because that is

    supposed to be a big sin. The rewards will come in heaven. 7ur leadership care only for coupons notchange. $e don456t trust anybody e3cept members of our family. $hat is precisely needed fordevelopment is community trust, a communal reaching out for the networ& of business and financialbondings that economic progress reBuires. $e are too frolicprone and fiestaprone. $e abhor longrangegoals and programs that will ma&e us sweat li&e a pac& horse. $e want to en/oy life now, and not sacrificefor tomorrow. $e have turned our bac& on progressive education, without which we will forever be

    chained to poverty. $e have no discipline.

    7ur leaders must understand that while indeed change is needed and even imperative, they more thananybody else have to change. nd soon.

    nd that change reBuires a contrite comedown for the high and mighty who see& to perpetuate theirstatus and hardly care if the overwhelming ma/ority of 2ilipinos are dirt poor. s of now, they have nosocial conscience. They are very much unli&e the 9ill =ates456, the Ted Turners, the Roc&efellers,#organs, 2ords, the Harrimans who donate billions to the sic&, the impoverished and the needy, the racialminorities. nd set up philanthropic foundations in their name.

    The noted 9ritish professor of government, P.%. 2iner mentioned the Philippines twice in hisboo& Comparative Government . :n the chapter ?2a456ade@emocracy?, he said that governments li&e ours?are manipulated and violated by a historic oligarchy as to stay in office.? :n such a fa456ade democracy,

    ?the reality is a loose confederation of bosses who by reason of their social and economic status candeliver the vote.? This is also called ?clientelist democracy? or ?patronage politics?. 2iner addsI ?:ncountries as disparate as :ndia, the Philippines, the Lebanon and %omalia 456 the bases of politicalallegiance, and the issues of politics, tend to be those of local and primary units. :n such countries, thestructure of political party affiliation is clientelist.?

    9ut now that culture has shot to the top in identifying and classifying countries 456 enclosing the wor&s of

    top political scientists, economists, social anthropologists 456 let us Buote @avid Landes (The $ealth andPoverty of ations)I ?Protestantism promoted the rise of modern capitalism. Protestantism did this, $ebersaid, not by easing or abolishing those aspects of the Roman faith that had deterred free economic activity(the prohibition of usury, for e3ample) but by defining an ethic of everyday behavior that conducted toeconomic success.?

    'ulture again. $herever they are in the world, *ews and 'hinese always e3cel. :t is less their system ofgovernment but their culture, which is a divine whiplash on their character, their striving to be the best,their reaching out to each other, their utter dedication to education. $hen : was studying for my mastersin political science in Paris, the brightest students were almost always :sraelis. They had a passion tolearn, learn, and learn. :n merica, there are at least ", 'hinese at any time of day in the best

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    graduate and elite schools enrolled in science, technology, advanced math, engineering. Learn, learn, andlearn.

    The bul& of 2ilipinos are Roman 'atholics. re we therefore consigned 456 because of our culture 456 tothe languid state of losers and laggards in an sia starting to boom with wealth and plenty8 They have the'onfucian culture and the sian values. $e don456t have them.

    The answer is no.

    'ulture is not froen once and for all. Li&e anything else, culture shifts and changes, sheds the negative,borrows the creative and the positive. %pain and Portugal, once the 'atholic economic outcasts of 1urope,realied the only way they could survive was change. %o they /oined the 1uropean 1conomic 'ommunity,whose economic targets were tough, longterm and bruising. ow %pain and Portugal can boast they rodethe economic tiger and triumphed. %o did 'atholic 2rance much earlier largely on the proddings of the

    legendary *ean #onnet, an outstanding thin&er, planner, ideologue, a top llied adviser in the %econd$orld $ar. %o did Roman 'atholicism ad/ust speedily in Protestantdominated merica. %o did sia456seconomic tigers when they dismantled their feudal system posthaste to embrace capitalism andmodernity. :n all cases, it was the leadership that decided.

    9ut we must warn the hour is nigh.

    7ur political elite, our oligarchy must soon undergo an agoniing reappraisal 456 then ma&e the toughdecisions. There has to be a substantial redistribution of the national income 456 of wealth. s of now,

    about ! cent of the rich and affluent corner more than percent of the national income. That isscandalous. They must learn to share by paying their ta3es, by subsidiing education for the poor, byengaging in social amelioration pro/ects and schemes, by outright donations to the poorest and mostunderprivileged, for their health, their advanced schooling, upgrading of wor& s&ills, the removal oramelioration of slums, rinsing #etro #anila of its ugliness, its torpor, improving the public and private

    school systems. 9uilding par&s, recreation centers.

    Their reputation as of always is living lu3uriously in gated communities li&e 2orbes Par&, @asmari456as,yala labang, and to hell with the poor, to hell with the rest of the country.

    fter all, they can go to confession and all their sins are forgiven. This is not 'hristianity. This is reliving

    the hell of preparliamentary 1ngland, of feudal 2rance before the Revolution of !>;C where thousands ofthe manorial and industrial rich were beheaded, of preReformation 1urope where passage to heavencould be bought and some popes themselves lived disgraceful lives. $e 2ilipinos after all are now in the+!st century and the wonders of broadcast media ma&e us aware of what is happening in the world. $e&now. nd yet we are strapped in inaction, shoved to some big hole where we cling alone and only to =od

    and the Jirgin #ary. nd not to our inner resources, talents and originality to unloc& the 2ilipino genius.

    $e have to smash an inert, paralyed, nonperforming, infuriating culture whose motto isI #a&a&araos dintayo. yos lang.

    : have no illusions that %pea&er *ose de Jenecia, after reading everything : have said on the sub/ect, willretreat or retract. They are an almost irresistible force in a wea& and so far helpless nation, a powerfulspearhead of the oligarchy determined to install the parliamentary system by hoo& or by croo&. Powercorrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely.

    : can only warn them they are playing with fire. nd laying waste the future of our children and theirchildren in turn. The parliamentary system is not a solution at all. :t is a grab for power under the guise of change. #ore than percent of our people live below the poverty line, and they ache terribly for reforms,for a new group of visionary leaders, for that shaft of political lightning that leads to @amascus. Theywould perhaps appreciate and agree if the members of 'ongress who would constitute a 'onstituent

    ssembly vote themselves out of the unicameral assembly proposed to be elected in +-. Aes. 2orswear

    membership. That would convince the citienry they are noble, serious and sincere. 9ut as things stand,they would be the first to barge into a parliamentary government. nd profit handsomely.

    :f they fail, and : am almost sure they will fail, they would have poured the additional fuel social unrestneeds to e3plode. :n such a situation, they agitate a powerhungry military, already ascendant as the solepolitical power in violenceprone #indanao. Tin&ering with the constitution when the country is at thecrossroads is li&e playing with a tic&ing bomb in the schoolyard when the children are at play. That isghoulish.

    : have said my piece. : say again what we need is not regime change, or change to parliamentary, but achange in our culture, a change in our hearts and minds, in our nature, in our character. The nation heals

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    best when it heals it456s poor and downtrodden. $e need a pealing of bells in the night that we might allwa&e up. :f we don456t, what difference is there 456 really8 9etween those who colonied and conBueredus, and robbed us of our pride and dignity, and our present masters, the 2ilipino rich and powerful8 Theytoo would tighten our chains and laugh uproariously and scornfully when the rest of the nation prays.

    Aes, they would continue to play =od. nd we as& them, even implore them to change 456 soon. :f theydon456t, nothing really stands still for all time. The ultimate earthly bomb is &nowledge. 7nce the 2ilipinoshave this in their hands, and move in the streets, there will be unshirted hell to pay. 7ur culture will ta&e a

    different turn 456 and the eternal child becomes man.

    Drawbacks of theParliamentary System ofGovernment – Essay

    -n spite o" the many practical merits o" the system some o+ections have +een

    urged against it. -t has +een argued that Parliamentary system violates the

    theory o" 'eparation o" Powers and, accordingly, it cannot commend itsel".

    Com+ination o" e#ecutive and legislative "unctions in the same set o" individuals

    leads to tyranny. 'idgwic&, while admitting the undenia+le gain o" harmony

    +etween these two chie" organs o" government, maintains that it is Ato +e

    purchased +y serious draw+ac&s.B

    3inisters, he says, are lia+le to +e distracted "rom their e#ecutive duties +y the

    wor& o" preparing legislative measures and carrying them through parliament

    while parliament is tempted away "rom legislative pro+lems +y interesting

    ?uestions o" current administration in which, especially in "oreign a""airs, it is

    lia+le to inter"ere to an e#cessive e#tent.B

    The advantages o" the division o" government into di""erent departments are,

    thus, Alost in the "usion or con"usion o" legislative and e#ecutive "unctions.B This

    criticism, however, does not seem to +e valid.

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    Practical e#perience tells us that colla+oration +etween the e#ecutive and

    legislative powers is essential "or the well+eing o" the 'tates. These

    departments cannot +e divided into watertight compartments.

    The theory o" the 'eparation o" Powers, in its traditional and conse?uently rigid

    "orm, is inconceiva+le and inoperative. hile the same men may +e at once

    mem+ers o" the legislature and the e#ecutive, their "unctions in the two roles are

    distinct.

    -t is "urther pointed out that the Parliamentary system is unsta+le. The

    government has no "i#ed li"e. -t remains in o""ice only so long as it can retain

    parliamentary maority which is su+ect to the vagaries o" the representatives,

    particularly Ai" dominant maority in the representative cham+er is either small or

    wanting in cohesion and in the latter case it is also lia+le to +e upset +y a new

    com+ination o" parties in the cham+er aided perhaps +y personal intrigues i" the

    opportunity "or the com+ination is s&ill"ully chosen so that the newly"ormed

    maority is not reversed on an appeal to the country.B

    The uncertainty in the tenure o" o""ice, the critics maintain, provides no incentive

    to the party in power to adopt a "arsighted and consistent policy. Nor does it

    venture to em+ar& upon dura+le proects. $ new 3inistry which assumes o""ice is

    sure to reverse the policy o" the de"eated 3inistry, "or it comes in with its own

    de"inite policy and programme.

    -t may, however, +e said that much o" the a+ove criticism is true only in countries

    with multiple political parties where the lease o" li"e o" the ca+inet is short and

    precarious. Countries, li&e 4reat >ritain, having dual party system in practice, do

    not demonstrate such a state o" a""airs as dual party system is really the true

    +asis o" parliamentary democracy.

    -t is sometimes deplored that the Ca+inet system divides the country into two

    antagonistic sets o" men, those who strive their utmost to get things done and

    those who do their utmost to o+struct.

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    The 7ppositions under the Ca+inet government must oppose tooth and nail all

    measures sponsored +y the government, irrespective o" their practical utility.

    'ometimes governmental policy is su+ected to such a scathing criticism, that it

    proves detrimental to national solidarity and prestige.

    hen 7pposition indiscriminately opposes what the government may say or

    propose, it retards the progress o" the country and it, also, amounts to national

    wastage, +oth o" money and time.

    The antagonism +etween the parties is not con"ined to the legislature alone.

    They &eep the country in a spirit o" commotion and turmoil. $s >ryce puts it, Athe

    system intensi"ies the spirit o" party and &eeps it always on the +oil.

    :ven i" there are no important issues o" policy +e"ore the nation there are always

    the o""ices to +e "ought "or. 7ne party holds them, the other desires them, and

    the con"lict is unending, "or immediately a"ter a de"eat the +eaten party +egins its

    campaign to dislodge the victors. -t is li&e the incessant +attle descri+ed as going

    on in the +lood vessels +etween the red corpuscles and the invading micro+es.B

    >ut the "act is otherwise. The essential "eature o" Parliamentary democracy is a

    certain degree o" moderation among the political parties, or what may +edescri+ed as political "or+earance. The minority agrees that the maority should

    govern and the maority agrees that the minority must criticise.

    The 7pposition is the prospective government and it understands and o+serves

    the rules o" the game, as the maority does. The government so arranges the

    parliamentary programme as to give due opportunity to the 7pposition to discuss

    and criticise its actions. The government even +ecomes wiser +y that criticism

    and arrives at a compromise.

    This is the essence o" discussion and Parliamentary system succeeds par

    e#cellence in this respect. The situation o" ruthless opposition prevails only when

    e#tremist and antidemocratic "orces gain a su+stantial mem+ership in the

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    legislature which they proceed to terrorise and ridicule. >ut this is not the way o"

    Parliamentary system.

    Ahatever +e the "orm o" government,B says 4uerin, Aa regime is democratic

    when the will to social cooperation o" its mem+ers is stronger and more

    spontaneous than its anarchical impulses.B

    Parliamentary system recognises and welcomes di""erences and it provides the

    machinery "or their e#pression. >ut these di""erences must not go so "ar as to

    ma&e the wor& o" government impossi+le. -" such things are allowed to happen,

    as they do in some o" the states -ndia, it is the end o" parliamentary democracy.

     $gain, Ca+inet system is said to +e ine""icient +ecause it is a government +yamateurs. The headship o" di""erent departments o" government is entrusted to

    persons who may not +e "amiliar even with the rudiments o" administration A$

    youth must pass,B as ?uoted earlier, Aan e#amination in $rithmetic +e"ore he can

    hold a second class cler&ship in the Treasury +ut a Chancellor o" the :#che?uer

    may +e a middleaged man o" the world who has "orgotten what little he ever

    learnt a+out "igures at :ton or 7#"ord, and is innocently an#ious to &now the

    meaning o" those little "irst dots when con"ronted with Treasury accounts wor&ed

    out in decimals.B

    /israeli, while "orming a 3inistry, o""ered the >oard o" Trade to a man who

    wanted instead the =ocal 4overnment >oard. A-t does not matter,B said /israeli, A-

    suppose you &now as much a+out trade as the "irst =ord o" the $dmiralty &nows

    a+out ships.B

    /r. >aldev Pra&ash was the @inance 3inister in the Puna+ 4overnment, +ut with

    everything to learn a+out pu+lic "inance "or the whole o" his li"e /r. Pra&ash had

    +elonged to the medical pro"ession.

    The Prime 3inister is not concerned in the choice o" 3inisters with their aptitudes

    and &nowledge o" the departments they have to preside over. %is choice is

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    seriously limited +y political considerations, the "oremost o" which is the

    preservation o" a sta+le parliamentary maority.

    %ence, the amateur who o+tains o""ice is not always a gi"ted amateur. Aea&

    men, incompetents, are sometimes appointed to o""ice or to inappropriate

    departments, out o" such consideration o" popularity, sometimes gained or "aded

    a decade or more ago, or through the personal esteem or "riendship o" the Prime

    3inister.B

     $nd once in o""ice, the maor part o" their time is devoted to Parliament and

    ca+inet meetings, social and other political activities and in nursing their

    constituencies. Nor does the +rie" and precarious tenure o" their o""ice leave any

    stimulus "or them to learn the departmental technicalities. The result is, as the

    critics say, that Ca+inet government is a government +y ine""icient who are mere

    tools in the hands o" their permanent civil servants.

    >ut this is not a correct appreciation o" the Parliamentary system. -ts essence is

    the responsi+ility o" 3inisters to the legislature. -t is, no dou+t, pre"era+le to

    appoint a 3inister who is well in"ormed a+out the wor&ing o" the department over

    which he presides. >ut it does not mean that he should +e an e#pert.

    The +usiness o" the 3inister is not to do the wor& o" the department. %e is only to

    see that it wor&s properly and consistently with the declared policy o" the

    government. -n "act, there are many advantages i" the head o" the department is

    an amateur.

     $ layman sees the department as a whole and his appraisal o" the pro+lem

    re?uiring solution is entirely di""erent "rom that o" an e#pert. AThe ca+inetB,

    according to *amsay 3ac/onald, Ais the +ridge lin&ing up the people with the

    e#pert, oining principle to practice. -ts "unction is to trans"orm the message sent

    along sensory nerves. -t does not &eep the departments going it &eeps them

    going in a certain direction.B

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     $nother serious di""iculty o" the Parliamentary system is the evergrowing size o"

    the ca+inet in every country. Ca+inets have grown everywhere too large "or

    prompt and e""ective discussion and decision.

    The huge amount o" wor& to +e done +y the Ca+inet and the tremendous +urden

    on each 3inister departmentally, parliamentary, electorally, and socially leaves

    very little margin o" time "or serious thought on any su+ect +eyond the immediate

    tas&.

    Then, participation in international con"erences imposes on several 3inisters,

    particularly on the Prime 3inister, the @oreign 3inister, and the @inance 3inister,

    rather long occasional a+sences "rom current duties o" administration at home.

     $ll ta&en together, the period o" o""ice o" 3inisters, as %erman @iner o+serves, is

    a period o" practical wor&, not o" reconsideration and survey.

    The o+vious result is, as the critics point out, a deep and continued reliance on

    the administrative services. >ureaucracy under the circumstances, according to

    *amsay 3uir, Athrives under the cloa& o" ministerial responsi+ility.B

    hatever +e the usti"ication o" criticism, there is no denying the "act that the

    necessity o" reducing the size o" the ca+inet is +eing "elt in every country and in>ritain it was reduced in 198D to si#teen mem+ers only, and so was the size o"

    Churchill!s Ca+inet in 1951.

     $nthony :den continued the practice when he "ormed his government in 3ay

    1955 and 3acmillan "ollowed :den a"ter the latter!s resignation. -t is now the

    usual norm in >ritain and -ndia, too, has "ollowed more or less the same pattern.

     $mery has suggested that no ca+inet should e#ceed si# or seven ministers. >ut

    this is not a practical num+er considering vast e#pansion in the activities o" the

    'tate and other political compulsions to a parliamentary system o" government.

    Parliamentary system, its critics maintain, has degenerated into a party

    government in which political power is monopolised +y the maority party. 'o long

    as parliamentary maority is assured, it assumes dictatorial powers.

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    The minority party is completely le"t out o" active participation in the government

    and the nation is deprived o" the talented persons who might +e +elonging to the

    minority party. Pu+lic opinion has no sweep over the policies o" the government.

    The critics, thus, very o"ten allege that 4reat >ritain practices a "orm o"

    Aple+iscitary democracyB in which people vote Eyes! or Eno! on the record o" the

    government in general +ut are deprived o" any share in the A"ormulation o" the

    individual policies.B

    The charge o" dictatorship o" the Ca+inet is not ?uite +aseless. >ut there is a

    redeeming "eature too. =owell correctly says, Ai" the parliamentary system has

    made the Ca+inet o" the day autocratic, it is an autocracy e#erted with the utmost

    pu+licity under a constant "ire o" criticism.B Ca+inet government provides its own

    sa"eguards and accounta+ility to the electorate is the primary constitutional

    sa"eguard.

    -t is argued that the pressure and comple#ity o" the a""airs o" a modem

    government have led to certain changes in the manner o" operation o" ca+inet

    government. The ca+inet has +een regarded as the centre o" governmental

    coordination and o" policyma&ing, and as +eing collectively responsi+le "or all

    decisions on maor issues and approver o" all other decisions.

    >ut the seemingly great power o" the ca+inet and its control over all policy

    matters is ?uali"ied +y three "actors. The "irst is the e#istence o" politically more

    power"ul individuals within the ca+inet who constitute a hierarchy o" their own

    and try to overlord the ca+inet and the various ministries and departments. The

    second is the development o" a structure o" ca+inet committees.

    These ca+inet committees are the real decisionma&ing +odies within the

    spheres assigned to them. $nd a+ove all is the ascendancy o" the Prime 3inister 

    to unprecedented heights. %e no longer remains primus inter pares. %e generally

    "ormulates the policy o" the government and o"ten ta&es decisions without

    consulting the whole ca+inet.

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    *amsay 3uir has said that the dictatorship o" ca+inet in the last resort means the

    dictatorship o" the Prime 3inister. The Prime 3inister ma&es and unma&es the

    government, shu""les his pac& as and when he li&es, may advise dissolution o"

    Parliament and +eing leader o" the party may ta&e disciplinary action against the

    mem+ers o" his party who "lout the party whip and do not toe the line o" the Prime

    3inister.

    >ut it must not +e "orgotten that the Prime 3inister!s position is +ound up with the

    party. %is prestige, no dou+t, is one o" the elements that ma&e "or the success o"

    the party. %e is also responsi+le "or party cohesion. >ut without his party the

    Prime 3inister is nothing. hatever he is and whatever he can claim to +e is due

    to what the party has made him.

    7nce the party disowns him, he meets the "ate o" *amsay 3ac/onald. ithin

    the ca+inet he cannot do that entire he wishes to do. %e must listen to and

    respect the opinions o" his colleagues. -t is essential "or the Prime 3inister to

    retain the loyalties o" his political "riends who owe him a personal as well as party

    allegiance.

    =as&i e#plains, AThe parliamentary system is conducted on the vital hypothesis

    that no man is indispensa+le and its daily operation is a constant and salutary

    remainder to the Prime 3inister that his "ortune depends upon the recognition o"

    this truth.B

    @inally, Ca+inet government is charged with lac& o" promptness in deciding and

    ta&ing immediate action in times o" national crisis or emergency. -n emergency

    promptness and vigour o" initiative are essential "or success. >ut a ca+inet

    consists o" a large num+er o" 3inisters, which need many minds to +e consulted.

     $ ?uic& and decisive opinion cannot, accordingly, +e secured. 3oreover, a

    ca+inet under the parliamentary system with its divided responsi+ility, open

    discussions, and shi"ting maorities can hardly +e e#pected to ta&e prompt, united

    and vigorous decisions.

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    These o+ections are also not +orne +y "acts. orld ar -- had "ully

    demonstrated how ca+inet government withstood the test o" time. -n -ndia, too,

    there is ca+inet government, +oth at the Centre and in the states. %ow

    success"ully the Central and the state governments grappled with the re"ugee

    and other postpartition pro+lems are now a matter o" contemporary history.

     The Presidential Form of Government in thePhilippines: A Critique 

    By Aquilino Q. Pimentel, Jr. Senator, Republic of the Philippines

    I would like to thank the International Idea and the National Autonomous University of 

    e!i"o for kindly invitin# me to present a "ritique of the presidential form of #overnment $ased on our e!perien"e in the %epu$li" of the Philippines&

    'istori"ally( we have had no other form of #overnment than the presidential one thathas #overned us sin"e we re"overed our independen"e from the United )tates of Ameri"a in *+,-&

    Indeed( even $efore we #ot $a"k our independen"e( as a Commonwealth under theprote"tion of the U&)&( from *+./ until *+,-( we had a president as the head of the#overnment and of the )tate*& 0arlier( as our forefathers fou#ht for our freedom as anation a#ainst the )pain( they also tried to institute a #overnment that was headed$y a president&

     Today( we 1nd the presidential form of #overnment ho$$led $y "ertain institutionalweaknesses&

    Tripartite system

    2ur Constitution mandates that we follow a tripartite system of #overnan"e wherethe powers of #overnment are distri$uted amon# three ma3or $ran"hes( namely( the0!e"utive 4epartment headed $y the President5 the 6e#islative 4epartment whi"hhas two houses( the 'ouse of %epresentatives and the )enate( and the 7udi"iary ontop of whi"h is the )upreme Court&

     The three $ran"hes are supposed to $e "o8equal& And they are supposed to "he"k

    one another so that o9"ial a$uses are "ur$ed and the ri#hts and li$erties of thepeople are prote"ted&

    Weak Institutions

    In our e!perien"e( however( weak politi"al parties( weak 3udi"ial stru"tures and weakle#islatures have all "ontri$uted to the emer#in# phenomenon of an imperialpresiden"y& This "hara"teriation of the presiden"y as an imperial one simply meansthat in the "onte!t of the politi"al stru"ture now o$tainin# in our "ountry( the

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    president tends to overwhelm the other two "o8equal $ran"hes( the le#islature andthe 3udi"iary&

     The weak politi"al parties fail to a"t as a sieve a#ainst the surfa"in# of medio"repersonalities "ontendin# for the presiden"y& Instead of insurin# that only the $est andthe $ri#htest should have the opportunity to serve as the president of the nation(

    they "ater to the passions of the day and a$et the ele"tion of the person who "an$est deliver patrona#e $ene1ts to them&

     The weak parties also produ"e weak mem$ers of the le#islature who tend to #ratifythe $ase wishes of their "onstituents rather than work for the #ood of the nation&

    Dominant Force

    Ne#atively( the "umulative e;e"t of the weaknesses adverted to makes the presidentnot only primus inter pares amon# the supposedly "o8equal $ran"hes of #overnment$ut the dominant for"e in the entire politi"al spe"trum of the "ountry&

    And positively( the "onstitutional power of appointment the president has over thema3or fun"tionaries of #overnment from the "a$inet ministers or se"retaries as we"all them $a"k home to the am$assadors( to the o9"ials of "onstitutional $odies likethe 2m$udsman and the Commission on 'uman %i#hts( to military o9"ers from therank of "olonel to the top poli"e o9"ers to the re#ional dire"tors runnin# #overnmento9"es and to the dire"tors of #overnment8owned "orporations makes him or her asuperpower in the politi"al 1rmament of the nation& In a word( the president has lotsof favors to hand out to whoever is willin# to $ow down to his or her wishes& Underpresent "ir"umstan"es( and in a developin# "ountry like ours( sad to say( wheelin#and dealin# for personal advanta#e tend to $e"ome the norm to land a #overnmentposition rather than the e!"eption&

    )in"e it is the president( for e!ample( who appoints all mem$ers of the 7udi"iary from

    the lowest trial "ourt to the )upreme Court( it is not surprisin# that sometimes thee!er"ise of 3udi"ial power #ets tainted $y politi"al pressure&

    2n paper( the le#islature is vested with the power to "he"k presidential appointments$ut $e"ause of the weaknesses earlier adverted to $y and lar#e the president #ets toappoint his or her personal supporters to "hoi"e positions in the politi"al arm of the#overnment or even to 3udi"ial seats&

    The president & legislature

    In tryin# to e!plain the dynami"s of the push and pull of power $etween the presidentand the le#islature( we have to "larify that the %epu$li" of the Philippines is amultiparty demo"ra"y under a presidential form of #overnment&

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    Constitution( it is the le#islature that ena"ts a national $ud#et& The moneys( thus(appropriated may( however( only $e dis$ursed $y authority of the president& In our"ase now as opposition mem$ers of the )enate( we 1nd the releases of funds forpro3e"ts that we re"ommend di9"ult to "ome $y& It was not so $efore the presentadministration&

    Impact of Constitution

     To repeat( the Constitution is supposed to limit the powers of the presiden"y in thesame way that it is e!pe"ted to re#ulate the le#islature&

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    #o on& Indonesia is another "ountry with a parliamentary system& It=s former primeminister )uhartoD was em$roiled in massive "orruption s"andals involvin#em$element of $illions of dollars& Pakistan is another "ountry with a parliamentarysystem that is ruled $y a di"tator Perve usharafD( who is also "urrently mired in"orruption "har#es& The "ountry is in turmoil at the moment&

     Eou see( there are 3ust few e!amples of nations with parliamentary #overnments&

     The fa"t of the pro$lem is the horri$le and rampant "orruption in Philippine politi"s& Itis very "lear that every Philippine politi"ian=s intention of runnin# for any #overnmentseat is to use his position to enri"h himself on"e ele"ted to o9"e& It is ironi" thatevery politi"ian spends massively for his politi"al "ampai#ns that runs in millionsupon millions of pesosD( 3ust to #et ele"ted to a #overnment post that o;ers only somany thousands of pesos in monthly salary& >hyB& The answer is very o$vious&

    Unless every Philippine politi"ian #ets rid of this "orrupt and sel1sh mindset( and thela"k of a""ounta$ility and transparen"y for his a"tions( then the Philippines will"ontinue to #o down the a$yss& And no system of #overnment( no matter what formthis system would $e( will ever work for the $ene1t of every Filipino&

     There are a lot of thin#s to "onsider(espe"ially here in the Philippines& If you would tryto study the stru"tures of $oth form of #overnments parliamentary and presidential(whi"h is what we have nowD( they $oth have advanta#es and disadvanta#es of theirown& )o $asi"ally( either "an $e a #ood form( $ut it depends mainly on the leadersand the people itself&

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    known $efore the ele"tion( possi$ly makin# the ele"tion as mu"h a$out the person asthe party $ehind him or her&

    Another ma3or "riti"ism of the parliamentary system lies pre"isely in its purportedadvanta#e: that there is no truly independent $ody to oppose and veto le#islationpassed $y the parliament( and therefore no su$stantial "he"k on le#islative power&

    Conversely( $e"ause of the la"k of inherent separation of powers( some $elieve that aparliamentary system "an pla"e too mu"h power in the e!e"utive entity( leadin# tothe feelin# that the le#islature or 3udi"iary have little s"ope to administer "he"ks or$alan"es on the e!e"utive& 'owever( most parliamentary systems are $i"ameral( withan upper house desi#ned to "he"k the power of the lower from whi"h the e!e"utive"omesD&

    Althou#h it is possi$le to have a powerful prime minister( as

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     The authority is vested in a parliament and there is no "lear "ut in

    separation of powers $etween the e!e"utive and le#islative $ran"hes(

    leadin# to a la"k of the "he"ks and $alan"es found in a presidential

    repu$li"& In a parliamentary system( people vote the mem$ers of the

    parliament and from the mem$ers of the parliament they will vote for

    their prime minister and the vote of no "on1den"e "an $e done $y the

    mem$ers of the parliament if they thou#ht that the prime minister is

    not "apa$le enou#h to lead& There are many advanta#es of a

    parliamentary systyem& First is that it is easierand qui"ker to to pass

    le#islation with in a parliamentary system& This is $e"ause the

    e!e"utive $ran"h is dependent upon the dire"t or indire"t support of

    the le#islative $ran"h and often in"ludes mem$ers of the le#islative&

    )e"ond( the >orld $ank study found that parliamentary systems are

    asso"iated with lower "orruptions& 6astly( parties in parliamentary

    system have had mu"h ti#hter idelo#y than in presidentialsystem&There are also "riti"ism of parliamentarism and the main

    "riti"ism of many parliamentary system is that the head of the

    #overnment "annot $e dire"tly voted $y the people& In presidential

    system( the presidents is dire"tly "hosen $y the people ( or $y a set of

    ele"tors dire"tly "hosen $y the people $ut in a parliamentary system

    the prime minister is ele"ted $y the party leadership& There are also

    many kinds of parliamentary system like the

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    prin"iple in presidential system is that the di;eren"e $etween

    le#islative and e!e"utive $ran"hes of #overnment& The e!e"utive(

    le#islative and 3udi"iary are performin# their own duty and this is the

    separation of power $ut they must "he"k ea"h other to make sure if

    the other $ran"hes is performin# their 3o$ properly and this is the

    "he"k and $alan"e&

      There are many di;eren"e $etween parliamentary and

    presidential system and they have their own disadvanta#es and

    advanta#es& )ome of our #overnment o9"ials are pursuin# for

    presidential to parliament and others are "ontented&


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