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THE CONSEQUENCES OF MOVEMENT PARTICPATION: A COMPARATIVE
STUDY ON THE ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE OF SELECTED STUDENT
ACTIVISTS AND STUDENT NON- ACTIVISTS AROUND THE AREAS OF
UNIVERSITY BELT
Submitted to the
Sociology Section
Social Science Departmentin Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements in
Thesis Writing
for the degree of
Bachelor of Arts in Sociology
by
Rosechelan Charity G. Acorda
University of Santo Tomas
Faculty of Arts and Letters
Sociology Program
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made its mark in countries such as France, the Czech Republic, Latin America since the early
1920s, as well as those in Africa, and Asia, particularly the Philippines.
The youth, refusing to be stilled, have decided to have a say on their future. Catalysts to
this urge would be, first, youthful freedom and interest brightly aflame and not dulled by
apprehensiveness over job stability and family problems (Catedral, 2006). Second is idealism.
Unlike the tired and frustrated old man who has undergone lifes harsh realities, the not-so-
experienced youth will pursue his dream even against all odds. Third, the still growing youth,
unable to contain vibrant energy, shows forth his impulsiveness and impatience. Making him an
eager beaver, willing to go where no man has gone before, so to speak. And finally, modern
knowledge and sophistication is rampant among the studentry.
With these, they have become concerned with more than just petty problems. They have
developed a keen awareness of society, environment, government, and human rights. Student
Activism is also a major concern of our society, since, our society is facing many political,
economic, and social problems, Studentry is a major force in making a difference for our society.
But we also need to seek for assessment on how students are put into these kind of activities that
involves both physical and intellectual capacity.
We may ask now, if all these student activists are aware of what they are doing. We may
also ask, if what are their intentions and what are the issues involved in doing these social
activities.
The researcher will try to develop empirical linkages between movement participation
and the academic performance of student activists and non- activists.
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Statement of the Problem:
The study will attempt to determine how movement participation affect and influence the
academic performance of students around the University Belt. This study is devoted and is still
centered on the actors rather than the system.
How does movement participation affect the academic performance of student activists in
areas of University Belt?
With this is mind, the study aimed to:
1. To identify students who are active in mobilizations2. To determine the effects of mobilizations on student activists academic performance3. To understand the situation that student activists undergo with regards to their academic
performance
4. To view the connection of roles of student activists in different aspect of their lives5. To determine the relationship between mobilization and academic performance of student
activists while controlling for the length of the participation of student activists in the
streets of Metro Manila.
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Scope and Limitation:
The study will primary be focused on exploring and identifying the effects and factors of
student activists participation on movements and on their academic performance, particularly
the researcher will collect the data needed from selected student activists around University Belt
area.
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Theoretical Framework:
Symbolic Interactionism of George Herbert Mead (The Act)
Social Role Volarizations Theory of Wolfensberger
Motivational Theory of Frederick Herzberger
Basis of the Theories that will be applied to the study:
Macro Factors (opportunity,
Structures, etc.)
Micro Factors (incentives, Individual Protest/
Frames, etc. ) mobilizing activities
Pre-existing events
The basic structure of theories of social movements and protest (Opp, 2009)
Protest event/social movement
1 3
2a
2b
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Theory of Rational Action/ Collective Action
The theory of collective action is one of the theoretical perspectives in the field of social
movements and protest. It is based on Oslons seminal work (Olson 1965 as cited in Opp 2009).
This perspective is the only one that uses explicitly rational choice theory (RCT) to generate
hypotheses that explain specific social phenomena. In this theory the preferences of individual
actors (student activists) are conditions for their behavior. In other words, individual behavior is
goal-oriented or, put differently, an individuals interests are a determinant of his or her
behavior. The next proposition reads that the behavior depends on the constraints or,
equivalently, behavioral opportunities the individual is faced with.
Constraints are any phenomena that impede the individuals goal attainment, whereas
opportunitiesare any phenomena that promote the individuals goal attainment.
The theory of dissonance and balance are theories deduced from the rational action
theory. This theory are focusing in the relations between cognitive elements which are
constituents of a mental model or, equivalently, cognitive structure. Since the subject of the
study is focused on the academic performance of activists and non- activists students, the theory
of dissonance and balance are suited for the validation of the data that will be gathered in the
latter part of this study. The theories state conditions specifying when which types of changes are
likely. Olson assumes that individuals are rational and self-interested. Rational as defined by
Oslon, means that individuals behavior is governed by its costs and benefits and that individuals
do what is best for them. In other words, individuals maximize their utility.
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The theory of collective action is concerned with a collectivity of individual actors who
have a common interest (Oslon 1965 as cited by Opp 2009). Olson defines this term in the
following way:
A common, collective, or public good is here defined as any good such that, if any person
Xi in a group X1,Xi...,Xn consumes it, it cannot feasibly be withheld from others in
that group.
The researcher will try to associate and link the interconnections of concepts found in this
study. However, the theories that will be used will serve as guide and validate the concepts that
will be gathered throughout the study.
Social Role Valorization Theory by Wolf Wolfensberger
According to Wolfensberger 1995, social role valorization theory is the application of
what science can tell us about the enablement, establishment, enhancement, maintenance, and/or
defense of valued social roles for people. This is an applicable theory for the study since activism
is often stigmatized is a doctrine of vigorous and aggressive practice in achieving goals for the society
(Shclummp, 2001). The words, vigorous and aggressive are words that can be identified and stigmatized
for devalued social roles.
The major goal of Social Role Valorization is to create or support socially valued roles
for people in their society, because if a person holds valued social roles, that person is highly
likely to receive from society those good things in life that are available to that society, and that
can be conveyed by it, or at least the opportunities for obtaining these.
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In other words, all sorts of good things that other people are able to convey are almost
automatically apt to be accorded to a person who holds societally valued roles, at least within the
resources and norms of his/her society. All individuals in a specific society, have certain roles
and functions that they carry out (Taliping, 1997- 1998).
Social Role Valorization Theory is especially relevant to two classes of people in society:
those who are already societally devalued, and those who are at heightened risk of becoming
devalued. Thus, SRV is primarily a response to the historically universal phenomenon of social
devaluation, and especially societal devaluation. In any society, there are groups and classes
who are at value-risk or already devalued in and by their society or some of its sub-systems.
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Conceptual Framework:
Mobilizations, Students, Academic Performance, University Belt,
This study will be focused, on the consequences of movement participation of student
activists but to make the interconnections of the idea of the academic performance of student
activists, they will be tantamount to student non-activists.
AcademicsMovement
Participation
Student
Activists
Student
Non-Activists
P
E
R
F
O
R
M
A
N
C
E
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CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES
To the Filipino youth
whose passion for reforms
was a constant source of inspiration
This research tackles about the issues and effects of youth activism among students who
are involved in mobilizations and the like. This chapter seeks to answer the following questions
which will be used in the whole research. What were the motivations, similarities of demands
and patterns of strategies perceivable in the demonstrations in mobilizations involving the
Filipino youth. This will also tackles about the historical roots of student activism in the
Philippines.
Motivations. There is indicated an intensification of interests and participation in matters
political. Students seem to have taken the stand that Filipinos themselves are mainly, if not
solely, responsible in the task of nation building. This responsibility extends to both the internal
and external affairs of the country. (Santiago, 1972) According to the conducted study of
Santiago, the findings tend to indicate an increasing sensitivity on the part of the students in
matters that affect basic human dignity and rights, and a tendency to be outraged by practices
that violate these. Students are likewise concerned with conditions that directly affect their lives
as students. This growing concern is particularly perceivable in demonstrations during the 60s.
There are evidences that tend to indicate that students can be made instruments in causes the
responsibility of which normally, legitimately and ethically belongs to other quarters. Student
demonstrations have demanded from government authorities, for instance, the release of funds
for state colleges and universities, for school buildings, for the operation of government
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hospitals- a task that logically should be done by school or hospital administrators. There are
indications that students are not immune to suggestions or influences from people or groups who
stand to benefit one way or another from the direction that students movements take. The
demonstrations protesting against harassment or withdrawal of confidence in some public
officials, seeking the release of unprogrammed appropriations and funds for retirees, bewailing
the interference of the Iglesia ni Cristo groups in politics, asking the appointment or recall of
the appointments of government officials, endorsing the candidacy of some political candidates,
and the lobbying of some professors and students for the status quo of Republic Act No. 1881
despite numerous demonstrations for its repeal, support the belief that certain classified
information must have been made available to the students by parties who were privy to these
matters or those who directly stood to be benefited. Some demonstrations that were intended for
the discussion of a specific issue became multi-issue rallies. This can be taken to indicate that
students can get carried away beyond their original imaginations.
Some student demonstrations in school campuses in the Philippines seem to have been
inspired by the successes of other demonstrations. The youth in general do not show any kind of
ideological orientations. Their demonstrations were spontaneous reactions in certain issues.
There are few leaders who seem to have long-standing and sustained interest in student
demonstrations and organizations. They started as student leaders then became known advisers
of student organizations or still actively involve themselves in demonstrations. Some student
leaders have been student for years.
History. After the despotic Queen Isabela II of Spain was overthrown by Generals Primo and
Serrano in 1868, a more liberal Governor General, Carlos Maria dela Torre, was assigned to the
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Philipines on June 23, 1869. De la Tores grant of freedom of speech and of the press to Filipinos
encouraged them to aspire for reforms. It was during the term of Governor General De la Torre
that the first known nationalist student movement in the Philippines was organized by group of
Filipino students of the University of Santo Tomas. The society was called Juventud Escolar
Liberal (Young Liberal Students) to whom Dr. Jose P. Rizal dedicated his famous poem A La
Juventud Filipina (To the Filipino Youth). Felipe Buencamino, Sr. was the societys president.
Some of the active members were Paciano Rizal, Gregorio Mapa, Manuel de Leon, Gregorio
Sanciangco, Ramon Soriano, Hermogenes del Rosario, and Pablo Luciano. It was also during the
administration of Governor dela Torre that Filipino student first began to discuss openly public
issues of the day, voicing their praise or criticism on the state of affairs and administration of
government in their country without fear of reprisal. (Santiago 1972). The long-drawn
campaign for reform succeeded immeasurably in rousing the Indios from lethargy and instilling
to their political consciousness the Western-developed ideology of nationalism.
The ilustrado reformists were strongly influenced by the nationalistic movements then
sweeping Europe including Spain itself, and were generally carried away in their eloquence and
articulateness by the vogue and provocative nationalistic ideas and emotions, particularly the
emphasis on racial pride and common heritage. Stirred by hangover of early 19th
century
Romanticism, the reformists produced a body of nationalistic writings and works of art, as in the
novels of Jose Rizal and Pedro Paterno, the speeches of Graciano Lopez Jaena, the essays of
Marcelo H. Del Pilar; and in the epical art of Juan Luna, particularly his famous painting of the
Blood Compact between Legazpi and sikatuna which portrayed the unspoiled glory of a
Philippine pre-colonial past, the free and daring spirit of pre-Spanish ancestors (reminiscent of
Jean Jacques Rousseaus noble savage entering in to a social contract with the Spanish
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conquistadors) and the landscapes of Felix Resurrecion Hidalgo presenting the pristine and
pastoral beauty of the Philippine countryside. (Sevilla, 1997)
Movements. Filipino youth have frequently participated in events that have shaped
national directions. The first youth organizations were established in the country during the
American peaceful colonization period, with youth political parties formed during the 1930s
and 1940s. A national student organization, Kabataang Makabayan (KM), was formed in 1964.
During the turbulent decade of the 1960s, splinter groupsfor example the Malayang
Pagkakaisa ng kabataang Pilipino (MPKP) and the Samahan ng Demokratikong Kabataan (SDK)
broke away from KM (NYC 1997b). Other more moderate youth groups also formed in the
1960s, predominantly along religious lines. Such moderate groups campaigned on issues such
as reducing the voting age to 18 years and provision of a Magna Carta of Students Rights.
Although considered moderate in their leanings, the students held parallel protests coinciding
with those of peasants, workers and more radical students.
In 1970 and 1971, radical and moderate organizations such as KM, SDK, the MPKP and
the National Union of Students (NUS) launched protest activities against the Marcos regime in
campuses and communities nationwide. Young intellectuals vowed solidarity with the
impoverished Filipino masses, some pursuing the revolutionary path being waged in the
countryside by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CCP). In the South, the Moro National
Liberation Front (MNLF), led by a young Muslim intellectual, challenged the highly centralist
administration. By 1972, President Marcos declared martial law and the burgeoning peoples
movement were suppressed. Soon after the military crackdown many student activists went
abroad or underground, with a long period of silence in the communities and campuses. Through
the Marcos Administration, one generation of young politicians was bypassed, owing to the
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absence of democratic elections. In 1975, the President issued a decree creating the Kabataang
Barangay (KB), which became the governments youth arm. This organization failed to develop
youth as a democratic force so many other cause-oriented youth groups emerged. Youth action in
the 1980s saw student groups rally around the issue of academic freedom.
When martial law was lifted, student groups were involved in a series of negotiations
with education and defense officials, calling for academic freedom and for recalling military
detachments from school premises. In order to coordinate the action of various groups and
student councils, the Student Leaders Forum (SLF) was established in 1983. Other militant and
moderate groups also formed after martial law was lifted. After the people power revolt in 1986,
militant student activism was reduced.
Youth became more involved in the affairs of government, shifting their focus to work
from the inside. Many people-power inspired youth groups formed, such as Laka ng
Sambayanan, Lasak ng kabataang Pilipino (LKP), Volunteers for Popular Democracy, and
Movement for the Advancement of Student Power (MASP) (NYC 1997b). In June 1986, a
government-sponsored KB study group recommended that the KB be abolished and replaced
with a national youth commission. They also recommended the establishment of a national youth
assembly, confederation of youth organizations and youth representation in the government. In
response, the government abolished the KB National Secretariat and organized national youth
consultations. A meeting in 1997 brought together some 400 youth leaders who drew up 42
resolutions covering issues such as students rights, education, land reform, tuition fees,
womens issues, human rights, US military bases and peace. The delegates also reaffirmed the
recommendations made earlier by the KB study group. The Aquino Administration established
the Presidential Council for Youth Affairs (PCYA), which had much more limited powers and
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functions than the youth commission that students had envisaged. The representation of youth in
Congress between 1988 and 1990 contributed to the introduction of the 1991 Local Government
Code (LGC) that outlined the election process forbarangay SK representatives.
It was not until enactment of Republic Act 8044, the Youth in National Building Act of
1995, that a legislative framework was introduced to promote youth welfare and development.
The Youth in Nation Building Act mandated the establishment of the National Youth
Commission (NYC),
To serve as the governments direct link to youth in terms of policy and programme
formulation and implementation. Filipino youth have been quite successful in lobbying for a
greater political voice, despite the fragmentation that exists among various youth organizations.
Coalition building is required now that mechanisms and structures have been put in place so that
increased participation of Filipino youth in socio-political life can be facilitated.
Social Class and Protest. In the late 1960s, the class composition of the student movements was
abundantly clear: participation was concentrated in the upper-middle classes. Movement activists
have been shown to come predominantly from upper-middle class backgrounds and to have
higher level education than non participants (Braungart 1972; Fendrich & Krauss 1978; Learly &
Mazur 1978 as cited in Sherkat and Blocket 1994)
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Chapter 3
METHODOLOGY
3.1 INTRODUCTION
In this chapter the research methodology used in the study is described. The
geographical area or the locale of the study, the study design and the population and sample are
described. The instrument and procedure used to collect the data are also described.
3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN
A qualitative comparative approach will be followed in this study. According to
Creswell (2002), qualitative approach is largely an investigative process where the researcher
gradually makes sense of a social phenomenon by contrasting, comparing, replicating,
cataloguing and classifying the object of the study. Marshall and Rossman (1989 as cited in
Creswell (2002) suggest that this entails immersion in the everyday life of the setting chosen for
the study; the researcher enters the informants world and through ongoing interaction, seeks the
informants perspectives and meanings. The study will use the comparative research design
procedure.
3.3 DATA GATHERING PROCEDURE
Locale of the Study
The study will be done in the premise of University Belt, on the Universities of
Santo Tomas, Centro Escolar, San Beda, San Sebastian, Arrelano, Far Eastern.
Sample
Selected Students from the said University will be part of the Sample.
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Data Gathering Instruments and Procedure
The researcher will be used as the primary instrument in the data
gathering. A questionnaire will be chosen as data collection instrument. A questionnaire is a
printed self-report form designed to elicit information that can be obtained through the written
responses of the subjects. The information obtained through a questionnaire is similar to that by
an interview, but the questions tend to have less depth (Burns & Grove, 1993).
Data will be collected with the aid of questionnaires primarily the questionnaires to be
used: Activism Orientation Scale to know students' involvement in activism, and likewise some
other questionnaires will be used in the data collection to know the academic performance of the
students. Questionnaires were decided upon because of the following:
- They ensured a high response rate as the questionnaires were distributed to respondents
to complete and were collected personally by the researcher.
- They required less time and energy to administer.
- There was less opportunity for bias as they were presented in a consistent manner.
- All of the items in the questionnaires were closed-ended, which made it easier to
compare the responses to each item.
Apart from the advantages that have been listed above, questionnaires have their
weaknesses; for example, there is the question of validity and accuracy (Burns & Grove, 1993).
The subjects might not reflect their true opinions but might answer what they think will please
the researcher, and valuable information may be lost as answers are usually brief.
A sense of confidentiality was ensured during data collection as findings could not be
linked to specific respondents. After the data was collected it was organized and analyzed. Data
were entered onto the computer as presented by the respondents. For the analysis of the
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questionnaires, Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) or the Microsoft Excel will be
used.
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