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Time and MindThe Journal of Archaeology, Consciousness and Culture

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Psychoactive Substances in Prehistoric Times:Examining the Archaeological Evidence

Elisa Guerra-Doce

To cite this article: Elisa Guerra-Doce (2015) Psychoactive Substances in Prehistoric Times:Examining the Archaeological Evidence, Time and Mind, 8:1, 91-112

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1751696X.2014.993244

Published online: 02 Jan 2015.

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Psychoactive Substances inPrehistoric Times: Examiningthe Archaeological Evidence

Elisa Guerra-Doce*

Department of Prehistory and Archaeology, Facultad de Filosofa yLetras, Universidad de Valladolid, Plaza del Campus s/n, 47011Valladolid, Spain

(Received 16 August 2014; accepted 12 September 2014)

The relationship between humans and psychoactive substances can betraced back over millennia. This paper aims to provide a comprehensiveoverview of the consumption of drug plants and fermented beverages inprehistoric times by drawing upon some archaeological examples world-wide that illustrate the early use of these substances. The archaeologicalevidence of psychoactive substances is assessed in the light of someindicators that should be taken into consideration when examining thistype of data.

Keywords: psychoactive substances; prehistory; methodology; contexts;ritual

IntroductionIf the doors of perception were cleansedevery thing would appear to man as it is,Infinite. For man has closed himself up, tillhe sees all things thro narrow chinks of hiscavern.

This quote, taken from WilliamBlakes poem The Marriage of Heaven

and Hell (1790), inspired the title of thebook The Doors of Perception (1954) byAldous Huxley, which describes hisexperiences when taking mescaline, theactive principle of the hallucinogenicpeyote cactus. Huxley was one of thefirst modern authors to discuss the rela-tionship between religious experiencesand drugs,1 which he further explored in

*Email: elisa.guerra@uva.es

Time & Mind, 2015Vol. 8, No. 1, 91112, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1751696X.2014.993244

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others of his works. At that time, duringthe late 1950s and throughout the 1960s,extensive research and experimentationwas being conducted on many hallucino-genic drugs, mainly LSD and psilocybin aswell as mescaline (Escohotado 1998),and a number of researchers from differ-ent fields, for the most part psychiatristsand scholars of religious studies, startedto assess the mystical potential of psyche-delic drugs (Braden 1967; Clark 1968,1969, 1970; Kellenberger 1978; Learyand Clark 1963; Pahnke 1963, 1966,1970; Watts 1968, 1970). A conferencewas even held to examine this issue(Salman and Prince 1967).

Once the initial rejection of thoseclaiming that drug-induced experiencesare not the same as religious mysticalexperiences (for instance, Zaehner1957, 1972) was overcome, attentionwas drawn to the study of the role ofmind-altering substances in the origins ofsome religions (La Barre 1970, [1972]1990; Smith 1964). All this provided thebasis for recognizing the profound impactthat hallucinogenic drugs have made onreligions around the world and through-out history (Allegro 1970; Wasson 1961,1968; Wasson, Hofmann, and Ruck1978; Wasson et al. 1986), somethingthat is firmly supported today by anincreasing number of psychologists, phi-losophers, theologians, scholars of reli-gious studies, and anthropologists,among other professionals (Forte 1997;Harris 2001; Nichols and Chemels 2006;Roberts 2001, 2006, 2012; Roberts andHruby n.d.; Shannon 2002; Smith 2000).Thus, the ritual use of these substanceswithin religious contexts in the past iswidely accepted today.

All over the world, traditional socie-ties continue to use mind-altering agentsfor magico-spiritual and healing purposes;

the archaeological evidence indicates thatthe origins of such use might be tracedback to prehistory (Devereux [1997]2008). The aim of this paper is preciselyto explore the consumption of thesesubstances in prehistoric times.Obviously this brief paper cannot providean exhaustive description of drug plantsand fermented beverages in WorldPrehistory. Rather, by drawing upon anumber of examples from differentregions worldwide, it seeks to illustrate,first, the early date at which humansbegan to use psychoactive substances;and second, the connection betweenthese substances and the earliest religiousexperiences, based on the contexts ofdeposition.

Tracing the Origins of the Useof Psychoactive Substances inTraditional Societies: TheArchaeological EvidenceThe deliberate induction of altered statesof consciousness (ASC) plays a key role inthe belief systems of traditional societiesall over the world.2 This became moreevident after the cross-cultural surveys car-ried out by the anthropologist ErikaBourguignon, who studied 488 societies(57% of the worlds ethnographic socie-ties) and discovered that 437 (90%), werereported to have incorporated ASC intofundamental belief systems. She con-cluded that the capacity to experience anASC seems to be a basic psychobiologicalcompetence of human beings(Bourguignon 1973). It has even beenclaimed that ASC were likely involved infacilitating the social development of moresymbolic forms of life and mind (Froese,Woodward, and Ikegami 2014).

These practices, which seem to becentral in human evolution, may be

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accomplished in many different ways,such as auditory stimulation, exposureto extreme temperatures, food restric-tions, dehydration, sleep deprivation,breathing techniques, extreme physicalexercise, meditation, or through the con-sumption of psychoactive agents(Winkelman 2010; Morris 2006, 20).Not all experiences of transcendenceare, therefore, attained via the use ofpsychoactive substances, as in manysocieties, people enter ASC without theaid of these substances (such as the Plainsand Columbia Plateau Indians, who spendconsiderable time in isolation with nofood). But also for many other societiesdrug plants are the preferred means toenter ASC.

Psychoactive substances act primarilyupon the central nervous system, wherethey affect brain function, resulting in tem-porary changes in perception, mood, con-sciousness, cognition, and behavior. Theyinclude many substances with differentphysiological effects, such as hallucinogens,alcohol, or stimulants, among others.

Among all world regions, theAmericas rank first in terms of the abun-dance and variety of psychoactive plants(Schultes [1972] 1990). It was there, initi-ally in Mesoamerica and the Amazonasbasin where, from the early twentiethcentury, anthropologists and ethnobota-nists started to conduct fieldwork in ruralareas in order to study the consumptionof mind-altering products within theirnative cultural contexts (Furst [1972]1990b). Several centuries earlier, whenthe Spanish first arrived in America, theywere astounded to find such a wide vari-ety of plants being used for both medic-inal and religious purposes. Someaccounts of the Spanish chroniclers inthe fifteenth and sixteenth centuriesalready mention these practices.

During the Second Voyage (14931496), Christopher Columbus himselfobserved that the Taino, the aboriginalinhabitants of the island of Hispaniola(Haiti and the Dominican Republic),inhaled a hallucinogenic powder throughthe nostrils by means of a bifurcatedtube. Although the original account islost, Columbus son Ferdinand recordedthe very words of the Admiral:

I was able to discover neither idolatry norany other sect among them, although alltheir kings, who are many, not only inEspaola but also in all the other islandsand on the mainland, each have a houseapart from the village, in which there isnothing except some wooden imagescarved in relief which are called cemis;nor is there anything done in such ahouse for any other object or serviceexcept for these cemis, by means of akind of ceremony and prayer whichthey go to make in it as we go tochurches. In this house they have a finelywrought table, round like a wooden dishin which is some powder which is placedby them on the heads of these cemis inperforming a certain ceremony; then witha cane that has two branches which theyplace in their nostrils, they snuff up thisdust. The words that they say none ofour people understand. With this pow-der they lose consciousness and becomelike drunken men. (Bourne s translation,as quoted in Wassen 1967, 235).

During the same Second Voyage theAdmiral Columbus commissioned FriarRamn Pan to investigate the religiousbeliefs of the Taino Indians. On variousoccasions in his Relacin Acerca de lasAntigedades de los Indios (An Account ofthe Antiquities of the Indians) (Pan 1999),this priest details the inhalation of thissnuff, called cohoba which, we knownow, was prepared from the seeds ofthe tree Anadenanthera peregrina in con-nection with religious ceremonies and

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medical practices. Similarly, BishopBartolom de las Casas, who eye-wit-nessed several ceremonies of the cohobaat the beginning of the sixteenth century,offers vivid accounts of the snuff itself andthe paraphernalia relating to its prepara-tion and inhalation in Apologtica historiasummaria de las gentes destas Indias(Apologetic Summary History of the Peopleof These Indies) (Oliver 2009; Wassen1967).

Among the earliest writers to mentionpeyote was Friar Bernardino de Sahagn, atthe end of the sixteenth century. In severalchapters of his Historia General de las Cosasde Nueva Espaa (General History of theThings of New Spain), he described thepeyote use among the Chichimeca, a nativegroup inhabiting the north of Mexico:

There is another herb like tunas of theearth. It is called Peiotl. It is white. It isfound in the north country. Those whoeat or drink it see visions either frightfulor laughable. This intoxication lasts twoor three days and then ceases. It is acommon food of the Chichimeca, for itsustains them and gives them courage tofight and not feel fear nor hunger northirst. And they say that it protectsthem from all danger. Book 11, Ch. 7(in Schultes, and Hofmann 1980, 194).

Sahagn also witnessed and recordedmagic mushroom ceremonies inMexico (that is, rituals centered on theuse of psilocybin mushrooms), andreported about these ceremonies inseveral chapters of his book (Wasson1961). Likewise other early chroniclersof America also refer to coca, tobacco,morning glory seeds, and mescal beans,among other psychoactive plants (Ott1993). These accounts, written fromthe outsider s point of view, oftenapply the same pejorative thinking with

respect to these mysterious substances.As Ripinksy-Naxon (1993, 163) pointedout in relation to the descriptions of flyagaric by early travelers to Siberia inthe seventeenth century:

Unfortunately, having no proper frame ofreference, very few of the early travelerswere in a position to recognize the dif-ference between intoxication and halluci-nation or a visionary experience, andconsequently many of the early narra-tives, informing on the use of hallucino-gens, describe this practice in a ratherdegenerate light.

Although they do demonstrate thatthese indigenous groups were using psy-choactive plants, these ethnographicaccounts do not permit an accurateassessment of how long they had beendoing so. However, archaeology mayshed some light on this issue. Four differ-ent categories of archaeological data canpotentially be used to trace the origins ofthe consumption of inebriating sub-stances within societies lacking writtenrecords, as I have put forward elsewhere(Guerra-Doce 2014):

Macrofossil remains (desiccated,burned or waterlogged wood,leaves, fruits, or seeds) of psy-choactive plants

Psychoactive alkaloids in archaeo-logical artefacts and skeletalremains from prehistoric times

Residues suggestive of alcoholicbeverages

Artistic depictions of mood-alteringplant species and drinking scenes/artistic depictions inspired by ASC

Generally speaking, it is most likely thatthe use of psychoactive plants pre-datesthe use of fermented beverages, since

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many of the former are consumed in rawform. The production of alcoholic drinksin traditional societies is based on thefermentation of sugar-rich fruits, sincethe concentration of the naturally-occur-ring ethanol increases throughout theripening process. It is interesting to notethat there are reports of wild animalsshowing signs of inebriation after theintentional consumption of over-ripefruits (Siegel 1989). Similar behaviorshave been documented among many pri-mates and early hominids in search of themood-altering properties of ethanol(Dudley 2004). Therefore the attractionto alcohol among humans may be rootedin the evolutionary history of primates(Stephens and Dudley 2004). The pro-duction of alcoholic drinks on even asmall scale, however, seems to haverequired certain technological develop-ments. At the present time, there is nodirect evidence of the production of fer-mented beverages before the inventionof pottery during the Neolithic, althoughthe technological and technical prerequi-sites of brewing were well established inthe Natufian of the Near East (Hayden,Canuel, and Shanse 2013).

Direct evidence of alcoholic drinks inthe past is based on the identification ofcertain residues in the inner walls ofarchaeological vessels. Traces of the ori-ginal contents of ancient pottery, whichare invisible to the naked eye, may havebeen absorbed within the porous cera-mic matrix of the vessels and may bedetected and chemically identified bythe use of a wide range of analyticaltechniques, principally the combinationof chromatographic procedures (gaschromatography or liquid chromatogra-phy) with mass spectrometry (GC/MSand LC/MS). While it is not always pos-sible to accurately identify the original

contents, some biomarkers are highlysuggestive of fermented beverages,mainly beer, fruit wines, and mead(Guerra Doce 2014; McGovern 2009).

The earliest chemically confirmedalcoholic drink in the world to date wasmade of wild fruits. Residues adhering tosome potsherds found at the EarlyNeolithic village of Jiahu, in the YellowRiver Valley of China (Henan Province),ca. 70006600 BC point to a mixed fer-mented beverage of wild grapes or haw-thorn fruit (Crataegus sp.), rice (possibly adomesticated variety), and honey(McGovern et al. 2004). A number ofprehistoric sites throughout Eurasia,mainly tombs, have provided traces highlysuggestive of alcoholic drinks (Figure 1).Pottery vessels containing traces inter-preted as fermented beverages becomemore abundant in the archaeologicalrecord from the third millennium BConwards; however, there is no evidenceof large-scale production until the BronzeAge (Guerra Doce 2014). It is not knownexactly when the natives of Africa startedto produce the wide variety of fermenteddrinks that are consumed today, such asthe Ethiopian tej, the great diversity ofbeers, or palm wine, but beer brewing iswell documented in Predynastic Egypt bythe fourth millennium BC (McGovern2009).

In the New World, archaeologistsused to depend on indirect methods todefend the antiquity of the productionand consumption of fermented bev-erages in the Americas: historicalaccounts, depictions of drinking scenes,isotopic ratios of carbon on humanbones as an indication of maize con-sumption, and the occurrence of vesselsfor making, serving, and drinking liquids,similar to those used for chicha in Incatimes (Jennings 2014; Moore 1989).

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However, it has just been reported at thetime of this writing that the earliest directchemical evidence for the production ofthe alcoholic beverage pulque inMesoamerica, based on organic residuesrecovered from pottery vessels fromTeotihuacan, dates to c. AD 200550(Correa-Ascencio et al. 2014).

Taking into account that all theworld s staple cereals (barley, wheat,maize, rice, sorghum, millet) are suitablefor brewing, a question that arises iswhether the motivation for the domesti-cation of cereals in the first place wasbeer-brewing rather than bread-making(Braidwood et al. 1953; Katz and Voigt1986; McGovern 2009). For the timebeing, there is no conclusive archaeologi-cal evidence in support of this argument;it is therefore most likely that fermentedbeverages made with products notresulting from the farming economypre-date beer (Guerra Doce 2014;Hornsey 2003). Be that as it may, apartfrom the peoples in the Arctic, those in

Tierra del Fuego in South America, theNative American Indians in NorthAmerica, and probably the AustralianAborigines, almost every known culturehas produced its own alcoholic beverage,and these were quickly integrated into anumber of rituals (McGovern 2009).

As far as psychoactive plants are con-cerned, we have already noted that theiruse by humans may have had a greaterantiquity than that of alcohol. In theirsearch for food, early hominids mayhave come across certain plants andmushrooms with peculiar effects. Somescholars have even suggested thathumans have shared a co-evolutionaryrelationship with psychotropic plant sub-stances that is millions of years old, indi-cated by both the chemical-ecologicaladaptations that have evolved in mam-mals to metabolize psychotropic plantsubstances and the structure of plantdefensive chemicals that have evolvedto mimic the structure, and interferewith the function, of mammalian

Figure 1. Grave goods from the Beaker tomb of Perro Alto, at Fuente Olmedo, Valladolid, Spain,dated to the late third millennium BC. Residues suggestive of wheat beer have been found in thecarinated bowl (Delibes, Guerra, and Tresserras 2009). Photo: Courtesy of Museo Arqueolgicode Valladolid.

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neurotransmitters (Sullivan and Hagen2002). From this perspective, the searchfor intoxication should be better under-stood as a biological need common tohumans and animals, a basic drive similarto the need for food, water, and sex(Siegel 1989).

For most psychoactive plants that areso deeply-rooted in native communities,we lack chronological precision abouttheir earliest exploitation. However,despite the lack of direct evidence, theantiquity of their use is often taken forgranted. Pituri (Duboisia hopwoodii), anicotine-containing plant traditionallyexploited by the Australian Aborigines,offers a good example: As Aborigineshad lived in Australia for at least40,000 years before the arrival of colo-nists, the antiquity of the exploitation ofthese native plants may be considerable(Sullivan and Hagen 2002, 390). A similarargument has been made in relation tothe fly agaric mushroom (Amanita mus-caria) among the Finno-Ugrian tribes ofSiberia: In the land of classic shamanism the obvious candidate for being a hallu-cinogenic agent is a mushroom: the fly-agaric, probably known to the inhabitantsof that region from time immemorial(Czigny 1980, 213).

One of the earliest potential docu-ments of the occurrence of mood-alter-ing plants so far is that of a MiddlePalaeolithic burial cave at Shanidar, north-ern Iraq, ca. 60,000 BC. Around the ske-leton of an adult male aged between 30and 45 years, known as Shanidar IV orthe flower burial, palynological studiesrevealed the presence of a number ofmedicinal plant species including ephedra,a natural stimulant (Leroi-Gourhan1975). Consequently, this Neanderthalgrave was considered to be that of ashaman (Solecki 1975). Other scholars,

however, dispute the idea that theseplants were the result of a ritual deposi-tion, suggesting that the plant materialwas subsequently introduced into thecave by the activity of the Persian jird(Meriones persicus), as many bones ofthis gerbil-like rodent were found duringthe excavation of Shanidar (Sommer1999).

Thus, for the time being at least,direct evidence of the use of psychoac-tive plants is lacking throughout thePalaeolithic. This circumstance does notalter the fact that certain signs in UpperPalaeolithic art from Europe have beenexplained as resulting from ASC inducedby shamanic trances, possibly involvingthe use of drugs. This theory, put forwardby Lewis-Williams and Dowson (1988),is based on the principle that the neuro-logical structure of the brain of our spe-cies (Homo sapiens) has remainedunchanged since the Palaeolithic; conse-quently, the abstract patterns and visualhallucinations created under ASC areuniversal, since they are effects of thecentral nervous system. Certainly, geo-metric patterns and visual hallucinationsare experienced during all kinds of ASC(Sacks 2012). However, a systematicreview of that model claims that theonly trance states that are consistentwith those described by Lewis-Williamsand Dowson are drug-induced trancescaused by plants containing mescaline,LSD, or psilocybine. Of these three hal-lucinogens, only LSD (or more preciselythe ergot fungus)3 was found in Europe,but evidence for its deliberate ingestionduring the Palaeolithic is non-existent.No other hallucinogenic plant or fungusfound in Europe at that time provides asuitable candidate, as any visions thesemay produce are inconsistent withLewis-Williams and Dowsons model

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(Helveston and Bahn, 2002; Helvestonet al. 2003).

In any case, there is also accurate anddirect evidence of the antiquity of somedrug plants:

Betel chewing: although somearchaeobotanical data suggest thatthis habit might date as far back as13000 BP in Southeast Asia, theoldest dental remains with the dis-tinctive reddish-brown betelstains come from a burial pit inthe Duyong Cave on Palawanisland in the southern Philippinesdating to 2660 cal BC(Zumbroich 20072008). Betelstains can be confused with teethblackening, a custom consisting ofthe intentional staining of the teethfor aesthetic reasons that has beendocumented in many betel chew-ing cultures of Southeast Asia andthe Pacific Islands (Linh 1998).Chemical analyses on some ofthese distinctive reddish stains inthe dentitions of individuals exca-vated from the Bronze Age siteNui Nap, Thanh Hoa province,Vietnam indicate that these teethwere stained by way of betel nut.This suggests that residues of betelnut were deliberately applied tothe teeth; however, it cannot beruled out that this was done foraesthetic reasons (Oxenham et al.2002).

San Pedro cactus: today this halluci-nogenic cactus is consumed inAndean South America, principallyin northern Peru, in the course ofhealing ceremonies. The earliestevidence of its use is found inGuitarrero Cave, in the Callejnde Huaylas valley of Per. Pollen

and macrofossil remains of thecactus were found in the oldestoccupation levels dated between8600 and 5600 BC, and a sampleof the cactus itself was dated to68006200 BC (Lynch 1980). SanPedro was also a frequentlydepicted motif in religious scenesof a number of Preincaic cultures(Feldman Gracia 2006; Glass-Coffin 2010).

Mescal bean: ceremonial caches ofseeds of Sophora secundiflora havebeen found in all occupationallevels of the Desert Culture rock-shelters and caves in southernTexas and northern Mexico, fromthe end of the ninth millenniumBC to AD 1000 (Adovasio andFry 1976). Apart from its use as ahallucinogenic drug, mescal beanshave been used extensively forornamental purposes (Merrill1977); however, its associationwith the peyote cactus in thosearchaeological sites and its ethno-graphically documented use invision-seeking ceremonies prac-ticed by a number of Indian tribesprovide a strong argument for itsearly use as a drug (Schultes 1998).

Peyote: besides the above men-tioned data, in Shumla Cave No.5 on the Rio Grande, Texas,peyote remains are associatedwith items of material culture simi-lar to paraphernalia used in peyoteceremonies by various aboriginalgroups, include rasping sticksmade from either bone or wood,a rattle made from deer scapula, apouch and reed tubes containingcedar incense, and feather plumes(Boyd and Dering 1996). Althoughit has been reported that this

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context has been radiocarbondated to 7000 BP, this informationhas been questioned; two recentradiocarbon dates of peyote but-tons from this site correspond tothe interval 37803660 BC(EL-Seedi et al. 2005).

Opium poppy: Among the psychoac-tive flora of the Old World, opiumpoppy stands out for the abundanceof data concerning its use in the past(Merlin 1984). The Neolithic site ofLa Marmotta, Italy, dating to themid-sixth millennium BC, has providedthe oldest archaeobotanical remainsso far (Merlin 2003). Its domestica-tion is thought to have started duringthe sixth millennium BC in theWestern Mediterranean (Bakels1982), from where it spread to therest of the continent to reach north-west Europe by the end of the sixthmillennium BC (Salavert 2010)(Figure 2). A large amount ofarchaeological sites from prehistoricEurope have provided capsules andseeds of opium poppy (Guerra-Doce 2006). Apart from its use asa food plant, there is also uncon-tested evidence for the exploitationof its narcotic properties. Not onlywere remains of a capsule found inthe dental calculus of a male burial atthe variscite mines of Gav,Barcelona, Spain, dating to thefourth millennium BC, but traces ofopiates were also detected in hisskeleton as well as in the bones ofanother male adult (Juan-Tresserrasand Villalba 1999). Most of the evi-dence for the ritual use of the opiumpoppy is found in the EasternMediterranean during the BronzeAge, mainly in the form of artisticdepictions of religious scenes

including unequivocal representa-tions of the poppy heads(Askitopoulou, Ramoutsaki, andKonsolaki 2002; Gabra 1956;Kritikos and Papadaki 1967a,1967b). At that time opium prepara-tions were traded in juglets corre-sponding to the Base-ring ware fromCyprus to Egypt and the Levant(Merrillees 1962), as confirmed byresidue analysis on some of thesevessels (Bisset, Bruhn, and Zenk1996; Koschel 1996; Merrillees1968).

Coca: Chewing coca in SouthAmerica began by at least 8000cal BP as evidenced by the discov-ery of coca leaves and pieces ofcalcite which is used by chewersto bring out the alkaloids from theleaves in house floors in theNanchoc Valley, Peru, at aboutthe same time as systematic farm-ing was taking off in the region(Dillehay et al. 2010). Direct evi-dence for coca chewing inPrehistoric South America is alsofound in dental remains (Indriatiand Buikstra 2001) and human-mummy hair (Cartmell et al.1994; Rivera et al. 2005) of indivi-duals from different pre-hispaniccultures.

Cannabis: the earliest human use ofcannabis appears to have occurredin the steppe regions of CentralAsia (Merlin 2003). Neolithic farm-ing communities of China culti-vated hemp from the late 5thmillennium BC for a variety ofuses: textile plant, rope and cor-dage confection, food crop, oilextraction, medicinal plant, and hal-lucinogenic drug (Li 1973). InEastern Europe and Russia, there

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is evidence of the use of hemp inthe burial rites from the third mil-lennium BC, as indicated by theoccurrence of charred seeds(Sherratt 1991) or phytoliths ofCannabis in pottery vessels(Shishlina et al. 2007).

Hallucinogenic nightshade plants: agreat number of Solanaceae plantshave been (and still are) tradition-ally exploited as folk medicines andhallucinogens all around the world(Ott 1993). In the Americas theywere used by a number of tribes inprehispanic times, mainly in ritualceremonies aimed to communi-cate with the spirit world; in theOld World Datura metel has beenceremonially used in China andIndia for many centuries (Schultesand Hofmann 1979, 1980).Certain species were connectedto European witchcraft inMedieval and Early Modern times(Harner 1973b). Archaeobotanicalremains of hallucinogenic night-shade plants (including Datura stra-monium, often considered to benative to the New World) havebeen reported in PrehistoricEurope (Guerra Doce 2006), andthere is direct evidence of their useas drugs. The detection of the alka-loid hyoscyamine and traces sug-gestive of barley beer in a BellBeaker from a burial cave inCalvari dAmposta, Tarragona,Spain, dated to the third millen-nium BC, have been interpretedas a hallucinogenic beer that wasconsumed during the mortuaryceremonies (Fbregas 2001). Thesame residues have been found ina vessel deposited in a Vacceantomb, second century BC, at the

cemetery of Las Ruedas, Valladolid,corresponding to a male adult(Sanz and Velasco 2003).

Tobacco: the question of the originsof tobacco use in the Americas iscomplicated by a lack of archaeo-botanical evidence. It is assumedthat the tobacco plant was nativeto South America, from where itspread to the rest of the conti-nents. Smoking pipes have beenfound in northwestern Argentinain archaeological sites dated as farback as 2100 BC; chemical analysesof residues found on some ofthem suggest that they were usedto consume either tobacco orsome other hallucinogenic plants.Nicotine has been found in thehair of prehispanic mummies fromdifferent cultural periods(Echeverra and Niemeyer 2013).In North America, the oldestsmoking pipes date to the secondmillennium BC (Rafferty and Mann2004), although they could haveserved for the consumption ofother native plants. Indeed, theearliest detection of nicotinedecay products in a pipe dates to300 BC (Rafferty 2006).

Hallucinogenic snuffs: Yopo, a snuffprepared from the seeds ofAnadenanthera peregrina, was widelyused in much of the Caribbean(where it was known as cohoba) atthe time of the Spanish Conquest.Today, its use persists only in theOrinoco basin (Schultes 1998, 5).The oldest implements related tothe inhalation of the powder areceramic inhaling bowls; lumines-cence dating (TL and OSL) ofsome of the pieces recovered at anumber of sites in the Caribbean

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have been dated to 500 BC(Fitzpatrick et al. 2009). In SouthAmerica, a similar drug is preparedfrom Anadenanthera colubrina.Smoking pipes from NW Argentinaand associated Anadenanthera seeds,dated to c. 2130 BC, represent themost ancient use of this snuff inSouth America, as confirmed bychemical analysis of the pipe materialwhich indicated the presence ofdimethyltryptamine, an alkaloid pre-sent in the genus Anadenanthera(Torres 1996, 1998).

Hallucinogenic mushrooms: the anti-quity of sacred mushroom cults inMesoamerica is now widelyaccepted thanks to iconographicdata, among which the so-calledmushrooms stones stand out fortheir abundance. These are smallstone sculptures crowned with anumbrella-shaped top, found at anumber of prehispanic sites inGuatemala, Mexico, Honduras,and El Salvador, which have beendated between 500 BC and AD900 (De Borhegyi 1963; Schultes1998). In the Old World, data onthe use of hallucinogenic mush-rooms in prehistoric times aremore elusive and are mainlybased on iconographic evidence(for references, see Guerra Doce2014). Apart from the traditionaluse of Amanita muscaria among anumber of Siberian tribes, there isalso evidence for its use in Europein the past (Fericgl 1994b;Samorini 2001). As for indicationsof psilocybin-containing fungi inprehistoric Europe, the mush-room-like pictographs depicted inthe Selva Pascuala mural paintings,at Villar del Humo (Cuenca, Spain),

corresponding to the Iberian sche-matic tradition, may representPsilocybe hispanica (Akers et al.2011).

All this illustrates how early native peoplesexploited the psychoactive plants locallyavailable. Even though some data may be

Figure 2. A prehispanic mushroom stonefrom Guatemala depicting a girl or goddessemerging from the stipe holding a metate orgrinding stone. (Drawing: Paul Devereux.)

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subject to interpretation, since the mereoccurrence of remains of a drug or itsvegetal source does not definitely provethe use as drugs, some evidence stronglysupports this point. In any case, as soon asthe above mentioned and other drugplants were first consumed, there is unin-terrupted evidence for such use over cen-turies, and occasionally, the relationshipthat began in prehistoric times has contin-ued into the present day.

Ethnographic studies have long beenexploring the place of fermented bev-erages (beer, fruit wines, rice wine, mead,koumiss, pulque, chicha, among manyothers) and psychoactive plants, not onlyhallucinogenic but also narcotic and stimu-lant (peyote cactus, morning glories seeds,sacred mushrooms, ayahuasca or yajebrew, cohoba, Virola snuffs, coca, tobacco,mescal beans, San Pedro cactus, iboga,betel, kat, pituri, cannabis, nightshadeplants, opium poppy, and ephedra, justto offer a few examples) within traditionalsocieties in every corner of the planet,above all in the Americas. A detailed listof the publications on these substanceswould go beyond the scope of thispaper. We therefore address the inter-ested reader to some works that havemade a considerable effort to show acomprehensive picture of the consump-tion of these psychoactive agents from ananthropological perspective, either drugplants (Dobkin De Ros 1984; Fericgl1994a; Furst 1976, [1972] 1990a;Goodman, Lovejoy, and Sherratt 1995;Harner 1973a; Merlin 1984; Ott 1993;Rtsch 2005; Rudgley 1993, 1998;Schultes and Hofmann 1979; Wasson1961; Wasson and Wasson 1957) oralcohol (De Garine and De Garine 2001;Dietler 2006; Douglas 1987; Everett,Waddell, and Heath 1976; Heath 1995,2000; Sherratt 1987).

One aspect that all these studiesunderline is that native communities haveintegrated these substances into theirsocial, religious, and medicinal practices,making their use beneficial to the society.4

For this reason, hallucinogenic drug plantsin traditional societies are treated with thegreatest respect, often becoming sacred.Not only are they used as sacraments inmany cultures, but they are also the objectof direct worship, as they are frequentlyconsidered to be a vegetal incarnation ofthe deities: the Plants of the Gods, as R. E.Schultes and A. Hofmann (1979) referredto them, or the Flesh of the Gods, quotingthe title of a book edited by P. T. Furst([1972] 1990a). Thus, it seemed inap-propriate to refer to these plants usingcertain terms with pejorative connotationsor others that are also applied to thesynthetic substances associated with thecounterculture of the 1960s. In 1979, agroup of ethnobotanists and scholars ofreligion therefore coined the neologismentheogen to refer to those vision-produ-cing drugs that figure in shamanic or reli-gious rites, although in a looser sense theterm can also be applied to other drugs,both natural and artificial, that inducealterations of consciousness similar tothose documented for ritual ingestion oftraditional entheogens (Ruck et al. 1979).The objections and misinterpretations ofthis neologism compelled J. Ott, one ofthe coiners, to explain it at length: entheo-gen thus means literally becoming divinewithin, not generating the divine within(Ott 1996, 205).

But in prehistoric times it is moredifficult to assess the role that these sub-stances played. In the next section, wewill look at certain indications that canhelp clarify the occurrence of drug plantsin archaeological sites, in absence of theadvice of coetaneous consumers.

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Assessing the ArchaeologicalEvidenceTracing the origins of psychoactive plantswithin prehistoric societies constitutes achallenge. This type of study frequentlydraws upon the examination of as manysources of information as possible from amultidisciplinary approach, such asarchaeological data, iconographic evi-dence, ethnographic accounts, ethnobo-tany, folk tradition, and chemical analysis,among others (Devereux [1997] 2008;Guerra Doce 2006, 2014; Kritikos andPapadaki 1967a, 1967b; Li 1973; Merlin1984, 2003; Schultes 1998; Schultes andHofmann 1979; Sherratt 1991, 1995;Rudgley 1993, 1995, 1998; Torres 1996;Zumbroich 20072008). However, allthese sources of information are notalways available to archaeologists, whomost often rely solely on archaeobotani-cal data and chemical analyses.

Archaeobotanical reports can notethe occurrence of certain species withpsychoactive properties among theplant assemblages of archaeologicalsites, but inaccurate interpretations canresult in erroneous claims about theuse of these plants as drugs. Whenexamining this type of evidence, it isnecessary to bear in mind the followingpoints: first, the very presence of aplant with psychoactive properties isnot, on its own, an indicator of theexploitation of those properties; sec-ond, additional explanations must alsobe taken into consideration (humansmay have used the plant for other pur-poses, it may have served as animalfodder, or it may represent unintention-ally harvested weeds); finally, the cir-cumstances of deposition can clarifywhether we are dealing with an undis-turbed context (Guerra-Doce andLpez Sez 2006).

We tentatively suggest here a seriesof indicators that should be taken intoconsideration when interpreting the pre-sence of psychoactive plants in prehisto-ric sites:

Circumstances of deposition. The caseof the Middle Palaeolithic site of Shanidar,previously mentioned, illustrates theimportance of verifying whether one isdealing with a disturbed context.

Accurate botanical identification. In theNeolithic ceremonial centre at Balfarg/Balbirnie, near Glenrothes, Fife, Scotland,it was reported that a hallucinogenic beerwas consumed; this interpretation wasbased on the identification of cereal--based residues as well as pollen andseeds of black henbane (Hyoscyamusniger) on Late Neolithic pottery inten-tionally buried in pits excavated at oneof the Balfarg Riding School timber struc-tures in the first half of the third millen-nium BC (Barclay and Russell-White1993). These structures have been inter-preted as fenced enclosures, protecting amortuary platform where, supposedly,the dead would be laid out to bedefleshed before burial. Thus, henbanewould have transferred hallucinogenicproperties to the porridge-like substancefound in that pot, and this substancewould have been ingested as part of theburial rites. A re-examination of the pot-sherds from Balfarg, however, failed tofind any traces of henbane or any otherpoisonous plants (Long et al. 1999,2000). A similar case can be mentionedin relation to the Bronze Age temples ofGonur south and Togolok 21, located inthe Kara Kurum desert of Turkmenistan.Although it has been claimed that pollenand macrofossil remains of ephedra andmarijuana were found within ceramicvessels deposited in some privaterooms, suggesting that psychoactive

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drinks were consumed in these religiouscenters (Sarianidi 1994), a more recentre-examination of the vessels has failed toconfirm the occurrence of any psychoac-tive plant in the pots (Bakels 2003).

Other uses of the psychoactive plantsapart from drugs. Other uses of some plantspecies with psychoactive properties couldhave occurred during prehistoric times. Wehave already mentioned this in relation tomescal beans and hemp, but there are othercases as well. For instance, the opium poppyservedmany purposes. In theNeolithic lake-dwelling site of Robenhausen, Switzerland, apiece of a poppy-seed cake suggests its useas a food plant (Keller1866); and opiumpoppy seeds were added as temper to theclay used to produce one of the pots foundat the Neolithic site of Vaux-et-Borset,Belgium (Bakels, Constantin, and Hauzeur1992).

Analysis of the archaeological contexts.The type of context (settlement, tomb,ritual area, etc.) and the associated materialculture are decisive when interpreting anyarchaeological item. Apart from the recov-ery of the drugs themselves (or their vege-tal source) from well-dated archaeologicalcontexts, in the cases in which certain arti-facts are required for preparing and con-suming them, their occurrence can also betaken as indicators of the use of a specificdrug

Confirmed chemical results. The detec-tion of psychoactive components onskeletal remains and drug-related parapher-nalia, the so-called Archaeology ofAlkaloids (Rafferty 2007), constitutes solidsupport for the consumption of drugs inancient times. However, the results aresometimes questionable, and subject tointerpretation.

Thus, the data supporting the detectionof nicotine, cocaine, and THC in Egyptianmummies (Balabanova, Parsche, and Pirsig

1992) should be better understood asmodern contaminations due to the use offungicides and insecticides containing thosesubstances for conservation purposes dur-ing the nineteenth century, instead of anindication of the consumption of tobacco,coca, and hemp by Ancient Egyptians(Buckland and Panagiotalopulu 2001).

Despite some controversial cases,there are enough data illustrating theuse of psychoactive plants among prehis-toric societies almost all around theworld. If it therefore seems clear thatthey were used, what were they usedfor? An excellent review of the socialuses of psychoactive substances in pre-industrial cultures can be found in apaper by the late Professor AndrewSherratt, one of first scholars to studydrug plants and alcohol in PrehistoricEurope. Among the main questions thathe highlighted are the following (Sherratt1995, 1517):

The use of psychoactive productscovers a spectrum of practices(religious, medical, and secular)

Frequently their use is regulatedand even under the control of aminority, defined by gender, status,wealth, or a combination of allthree, due to the potential ofthese substances to accrue sym-bolic meanings

Substances causing marked beha-vioural alteration may be powerfulsymbols of access to esotericknowledge and communicationwith other worlds, mainly in smallcommunities or in societies wherepolitical power is in the process offormation

The psychological experience ofthese substances is itself culturallyconstructed to a large extent

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Archaeologically, the different usesgiven to these substances can be inferredfrom the contexts of deposition and theassociated material culture. Not surprisinglymost evidence for psychoactive plants inprehistoric times is found in sites linked toritual activity, such as tombs and ceremo-nial sites (Guerra Doce 2006).

Concluding RemarksAll around the world, archaeological dataconcerning psychoactive substancesstrongly suggest the great antiquity ofhumankinds ritual use of these sub-stances. It seems, at least in the case ofentheogens, that their potent effects,especially the generation of vivid images,may have facilitated the enhancement ofour cognitive capacity and played a criti-cal role in the consequent developmentof symbolic culture by acting as cognitivetools (Tupper 2002). As R. E. Schultes(1998, 6), one of the most reputed scho-lars in the field of psychoactive ethnobo-tany, has stated:

When the unearthly and inexplicablyweird physical and psychic effects ofthese few plants were experienced, itdid not take long for primitive societiesto regard them as sacred elements of theflora, and their use eventually fell into theprovince of the shamans or medicinemen who explained their effects asproof that these species were the homeof spirits or spiritual forces enabling manthrough various hallucinations to com-municate with ancestors or with spiritsin the outer realms.

Certainly archaeology, ethnographicaccounts, early travelers descriptions, andiconographic evidence confirm the earlyconnection between drug plants andrituals. In prehistoric times entheogens

became so integrated into the beliefs ofmost societies that their use was institutio-nalized to the point where communicationwith the spiritual world for many of themwas recurrently attained with the aid ofthese mind-altering agents (Guerra Doce2014).

Entheogens have thus played a vitalrole in the belief systems of many pre-historic communities, and they were alsomedicinal remedies. Consequently, theywere not a menace to society but bene-ficial to it, as they were used for sociallyconstructive purposes. Today, theongoing debate about whether psy-choactive substances are beneficial orharmful to individuals and society is stilla very controversial issue. Consideringthe failures of the war on drugs, perhapsour modern societies should look intothe past and learn something from theprimitive so that we might find out howto maximize the potential benefits andminimize the potential for harm of sub-stances that humans have been using formillennia.

AcknowledgmentsI would like to thank John Baker for inviting meto contribute to Time & Mind. He kindly helpedme smooth out some rough edges, and offeredvaluable comments and suggestions. The authorwould also like to thank the anonymousreviewers for their constructive and helpfulcomments.

Notes1. The French theologian Philippe de Flice

might have been the first scholar to high-light the sacramental use of psychoactivesubstances, but his ideas did not reach thegeneral public. In his book Poisons sacrs,ivresses Divines, which was first published in1936, he put forward the hypothesis thatthe use of psychotropic substances is dee-ply embedded in human culture, and that it

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is intrinsically intertwined in a most basichuman instinct: The search for transcen-dence. Thus, he proposed, the use of psy-chotropic substances is at the roots ofperhaps all religions (Shannon 2002, 86).

2. For a deeper insight into ASC, the inter-ested reader is referred to Revonsuo, Kallio,and Sikka 2009; Tart 1990; and Zinberg1977.

3. Ergot (Claviceps purpurea) is a parasitic fun-gus usually on rye and various grasses. Mostof the natural ergot alkaloids are derivativesof lysergic acid, and many possess pro-nounced psychotomimetic activity(Schultes and Hofmann 1980).

4. Such usage is in sharp contrast to present-day practice, when drug-taking is an end initself, often an act of rejection of societalvalues, a protest against culture, society andits taboos. It is also a rejection of the longhistory of sanctioned and controlled druguse to achieve recognised cultural objec-tives (Michaelis 1990, 101).

Notes on contributorElisa Guerra-Doce is Associate Professor ofPrehistory at the University of Valladolid, Spain.Her PhD project focused on archaeological evi-dence for the use psychoactive substances inEuropean Prehistory: Las Drogas en la Prehistoria(Bellaterra, 2006), and since then she has pub-lished several papers on drug plants and fermentedbeverages as book chapters and journal articles(the most recent one will shortly appear in theJournal of Archaeological Method and Theory, alreadyavailable online). Apart from compiling data aboutthe use of these substances in EuropeanPrehistory, she is particularly interested in explor-ing the cultural significance of this practice. Atpresent time she is also conducting research onthe Beaker phenomenon, the Archaeology of salt,as well as the Neolithization of the southwest areaof the Iberian Northern plateau.

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AbstractIntroductionTracing the Origins of the Use of Psychoactive Substances in Traditional Societies: The Archaeological EvidenceAssessing the Archaeological EvidenceConcluding RemarksAcknowledgmentsNotesNotes on ContributorReferences