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Conversations with the Dead: Quevedo and Statius, Annotation and Imitation
Author(s): Hilaire Kallendorf and Craig KallendorfSource: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 63 (2000), pp. 131-168Published by: The Warburg InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/751524 .
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CONVERSATIONS
WITH THE DEAD:
QUEVEDO
AND
STATIUS,
ANNOTATION
AND
IMITATION*
Hilaire
Kallendorf
and
Craig Kallendorf
Retired in the peace of these deserts
With few
books,
but learned
ones,
I
live
in
conversation with the
dead,
And
I
listen with
my eyes
to the
deceased...'
A
lthough
the
poet,
satirist,
humanist and
patriot
Francisco
de
Quevedo
(1580-1645)
may
have owned
as
many
as five thousand
books,
only
sixteen volumes
bearing
his
signature
have been found
to
date.2 Some
of
them are
annotated,"
allowing
us on
occasion
to witness
Quevedo's
responses
to his
literary predecessors
as he
began
to
shape
his
*
We would like to thank the
following
scholars at
Princeton for their assistance with various
aspects
of
this
project:
Steve
Ferguson,
Alban
Forcione,
Anthony
Grafton,
Paul Needham and Ronald Surtz. We would
also like to thank the Readers of this
Journal
for
their comments on an earlier
draft,
and
Ian
Donaldson
and
Jos6
Martinez-Torrej6n
for
bibliographical
advice.
In
addition,
we wish
to thank Fausto
Roldin
at the
Fundaci6n
Bartolom6
March Servera
for
his kind assist-
ance.
Finally,
we are
grateful
to the
Woodrow
Wilson
Foundation for the Goheen Prize awarded to Hilaire
Kallendorf,
which funded travel to
Naples
to
study
Quevedo's
manuscript
in
the Biblioteca Nazionale.
i. 'Retirado en la
paz
de estos desiertos
/
con
pocos,
pero
doctos
librosjuntos,
/vivo
en conversaci6n con
los
difuntos,
/y
escucho
con
mis
ojos
a
los
muertos...'
Francisco de
Quevedo
y
Villegas,
'Desde la torre'
(c.
1637),
in
his
Poesia
original completa,
d.
J.
M.
Blecua,
Barcelona
1996,
p.
98,
no.
131.
2.
In
the
years
after his
death,
Quevedo's
library
was broken
up
and
ultimately
dispersed.
While he was
imprisoned
in
the convent
of
San Marcos
in
Le6n for
four
years,
after
the Count-Duke
Olivares accused
him
of being an enemy of the Spanish government and a
confidante of
France,
his books were
kept
in
the care
of Francisco de
Oviedo,
Juan
de Molina and a cleric
named Guerrero. On
18
and
19
April
1646,
Pedro
Aldrete,
the
designated
heir
to
Quevedo's
books and
papers,
took
away
176
books,
some of
which he
may
have sold. The
remaining
books were
probably
at
Quevedo's
estate,
La Torre de
Juan
Abad,
or
in
the
possession
of the Duke of
Medinaceli,
in
whose house
Quevedo
had
stayed
before his
imprisonment.
In
April
1647,
part
of
Quevedo's
library
went from
Madrid
to
Seville and then on to
Sanlficar
to the
Duke
of
Medinaceli,
who
had sent
for
the
books
of
his
dead
friend.
They
remained
in
Sanlficar
until
1697,
when
the convent
of
San Martin
in
Madrid
purchased 1471
books which had been in
the duke's
library;
but there is
no
way
of
telling
how
many
had been in
Quevedo's
collection and
how
many
had
entered the
library
from
other
sources.
In
the
20oth
century
Bartolom6
March
acquired
some
of
the books
directly
from
the
Medina-
celi
family,
part
of
whose
library
he
bought
before
he
established
the Fundaci6n March.
Some
of
the
books
from
the convent of
San Martin went to the
Biblioteca
Nacional,
Madrid.
See
F. C. R.
Maldonado,
'Algunos
datos sobre la
composici6n
y dispersi6n
de la
biblioteca
de
Quevedo',
Homenaje
a la
memoria de Don
Antonio
Rodriguez-Mon-ino,
91io-i97o,
Madrid
1975,
PP-
405-
28;
A.
Martinengo,
La
astrologia
en
la
obra de
Quevedo:
Una
clave
de
lectura,
Madrid
1983,
pp.
173-4;
and
'Testa-
mento
y
codicilo de
Francisco de
Quevedo
Villegas',
Quevedo y
su
familia
en
setecientos documentos
notariales
(1567-1724),
ed.
J.
O.
Crosby
and P.
Jauralde
Pou,
Madrid
1992,
p.
357.
Fifteen volumes
bearing
Quevedo's
signature
are listed
in
Maldonado,
pp.
406-7
n.
6;
to
this
list should be
added the work
by
Aristotle
discussed
by
L.
L6pez Grigera
in
Anotaciones
de
Quevedo
a
la
Retdrica
de
Arist6teles,
Salamanca
1998.
3.
Fourteen of
these annotated
volumes are
printed
editions of
other
authors:
Pindar,
Aristophanes,
Aristotle,
Theodosius
of
Tripoli,
Seneca, Florus, Dante,
Thomas
More,
Flaminio
Nobili,
Giovanni
Battista
Armenini,
Fernando de
Herrera,
Joseph Scaliger,
Gabriele Zinano
and Petrus
Antonius. Two
more
volumes
bearing
Quevedo's
autograph
notes are
versions
(one
a
copyist's manuscript,
one a
printed
edition)
of
his
own Carta a Luis
XIII.
These
notes
presumably
reflect,
at least
in
large part,
additions and
corrections
to his
own text.
Only
a few of
Quevedo's
annotations
have been
published
and
discussed.
In
JOURNAL
OF THE
WARBURG AND
COURTAULD
INSTITUTES,
LXIII,
2000
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132
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF AND
CRAIG
KALLENDORF
own works in
conversation with his
sources.
We are now able
to add a
seventeenth book
to this
list-a
1502
Aldine Statius
in
the
Princeton
University Library-which
along
with
Quevedo's
signature
also
contains a
significant
number of annotations in
his
hand.4
Scholars have previously concluded that Quevedo must have known Statius. Editors
from
Pedro
Aldrete
to
Jose
Manuel
Blecua,
for
example,
have
cited
parallels
between
Statius's Thebaid
and two or
three
of
Quevedo's
poems;5
and Ricardo
Senabre has discussed
the
relationship
between the
Thebaid
and
Quevedo's
'Poema
heroico a Cristo
resucitado'
at some
length."
Statius's Silvae
are also a
logical
source for
Quevedo's
own
Silvas.
James
the first
Aguilar
edition of
Quevedo's
Obras
completas
(Madrid
1932),
Luis
Astrana
Marin
included most
of
Quevedo's
annotations to
Fray
Juan
de Herrera and
Seneca and some marginalia from his copy of Flaminio
Nobili's Trattato
dell'amore
hunmano.
These
annotations
were
excluded,
however,
from
the second
Aguilar
edition
(1941-3).
For
Quevedo's
annotated
copy
of
Dante's Divine
Comedy
see
R.
Cacho
Casal,
'Quevedo
y
su lectura de la Divina
commedia',
Voz
y
letra,
Ix,
1998,
PP. 53-75.
H.
Ettinghausen, 'Quevedo Marginalia:
His
Copy
of
Florus's
"Epitome"',
Modern
Language
Review,
lix,
1964,
PP-
391-8,
transcribes
all
of
the
marginalia
in
Quevedo's
Florus and shows
how
these
annotations
reveal
their
author's nationalistic sentiments.
In
Quevedo's
Defensa
de
Epicuro
(Barcelona
1635),
many
quotations
from
Seneca
correspond
to
passages
which
he had marked
'Epicuro'
in
his
copy
of Seneca's
Opera;
see
Ettinghausen,
p.
393.
P.
Komanecky,
'Quevedo's
Notes on
Herrera',
Bulletin
of
Hispanic
Studies,
III,
1975,
pp.
123-33,
shows how
Quevedo's
marginalia
in his
copy
of Herrera's
poetry prove
that
he
used this
material when
he
wrote the
prologue
to his own edition
of
Francisco de
la
Torre's works. For brief
discussions
of other books
bearing
Quevedo's
signature
and at
least one
of
his
marginal
notes see also F.
L6pez
Estrada,
'Quevedo
y
la
Utopia
de
Tomis
Moro',
Artas
del
Congreso
Internarional
de
Hispanistas,
Mexico
City
1967,
pp.
403-9;
P.
Astrom,
'Un
volume
de
la
bibliotheque
de
Quevedo',
Bulletin du Musie
hongrois
des beaux-arts,
Budapest
1959,
pp.
34-8:
and
M.
Gendreau-Massaloux,
'Humanisme et
mathematiques:
Quevedo
lecteur de
Th6odose
de
Tripoli',
L
'Humanisme
dans les
lettres
espa-
gnoles: Colloque
international
d'ftudes humnanistes
(Tours
1976),
Paris
1979, pp. 311-26
(this
last article assumes
some
marginal
annotations to
be
Quevedo's
which,
upon
examination of
the
plates,
we find
not to
be
his;
for
a
similar criticism see F.
de
Quevedo,
Virtud
militante:
Contra las
quatro pestes
del
mundo,
invidia,
ingratitud,
sober-
bia,
avarizia,
ed.
A.
Rey,
Santiago
de
Compostela
1985,
p.
65
n.
10
bis).
Finally,
see the
splendid
discussion of
Quevedo's annotations to Aristotle's Rhetoric
in
L6pez
Grigera
(as
in
n.
2).
4.
Statius,
Sylvarum
libri
quinque,
Thebaidos libri
duo-
decim,
Achilleidos
duo,
Venice
15o2;
Princeton,
University
Library,
shelf-mark
Ex
2926.1502;
all
quotations
from
Statius will be taken from
this volume. The fate of the
book after
Quevedo's
death is known at least
in
part:
it went to the convent of San Martin, as is proven by
'C.
1566'
on
the
title-page
of
the
Orthographia,
where
Quevedo
also
signed
his name
(see
Fig.
68).
For
a
book
of
Quevedo's
bearing
a similar
marking
see his
copy
of
J. J.
Scaliger,
Yvonis
Villiomari Aremorici.
In
loros
contro-
versos R. Titii
Animnadversorum
iber;
[Heidelberg] 159-7,
now
Madrid,
Biblioteca
Nacional
R/23842
(cited
by
Maldonado,
as
in
n.
2,
p.
4o7
n.
6);
other
examples
are
R/3693,
R/3oo-o
and
R/642.
The
library
stamp
is
mostly undecipherable
but
begins
with
'BIBL',
an ab-
breviation
of
'Biblioteca',
and ends
with
'n'.
We
do not
believe the
'n'
could be the last letter of
'S.
Martin',
since none of the
four
books in
the Biblioteca Nacional
in
Madrid which
belonged
to
Quevedo
and were
in the
Convento de San
Martin
bears a similar
stamp.
We
do
not
know
precisely
when the book
came
into the hands
of
Junius
Spencer Morgan
(1867-1932),
whose name
also ends
with
'n'
but who did not use a
library
stamp
for
the volumes
in
his collection. The book bears the
library
accession number
'169437'
and
the
date
stamp
'December
10,
1902'
on
sig.
a2r,
which at
least
tells
us
when
Morgan,
nephew
of
the financier and a
major
benefactor
of
Princeton
University Library,
donated it.
5.
See Francisco de
Quevedo,
Obra
poitica,
ed.
J.
M.
Blecua,
3
vols,
Madrid
1969--7
1
,
pp.
458,
672.
6.
Although
Quevedo
does not
appear
to have
imitated Statius's
epic
directly
as
he
did the
Silvae,
scholars
had
already begun
to
surmise that
Quevedo
must
have read the
Thebaid and
that
certain
meta-
phors
from it
influenced two or three of his
poems.
R.
Senabre,
'De
Quevedo
a
Estacio',
in II
Homenaje
a
Quevedo
(Actas
de
la
II
Academia Literaria Renacen-
tista),
ed.
V.
Garcia
de la
Concha,
Salamanca
1982,
pp.
315-22, speculates
about
Quevedo's
sonnets
'Al
bast6n
que
le vistes en la
mano',
'NVes
con
el
polvo
de la lid
sangrienta...?'
and
'Es
una dulce
voz
tan
poderosa'.
Senabre
is
definitely
on
the
wrong
track
in
his conjecture that Quevedo might have used
a
Spanish
translation of
Statius's
Thebaid
by Juan
de
Arjona.
But
he
is
right
both
generally
about the
'cristianizaci6n
de
temas,
mitos e ideas de
origen pagano
caracteristica
de
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QUEVEDO
AND STATIUS
133
0.
Crosby
and
Lia Schwartz
have
provided
a definitive
analysis
of the close
relationship
between Statius's 'Somnus' and
Quevedo's
imitation,
'El
suefio';
and Manuel
Angel
Candelas Colodr6n has
recently suggested
(though
without
offering proof
or
elaboration)
that four other silvas by Quevedo might have had Statian models.7 The discovery of
Quevedo's
annotated
copy
of Statius confirms such
conclusions;
but it also
permits
us to
pursue
the
matter at
greater
length
than was
possible
previously.
It is difficult to
say exactly
when
or
where
Quevedo
acquired
the Princeton
volume,"
but a
survey
of the
writings
of
Quevedo
and
his
contemporaries
reveals that he had
a
longstanding
interest
in
Statius
and his
poetry.
We
know
from
Lope
de
Vega's
detailed
description
of the
literary atmosphere
at court
in
16o8-9
that in this
early, philologically
oriented
phase
of
his
career,
Quevedo
made
no secret of his ambitious
project
of
imitating
Statius.
In
a letter
in
verse
from
16o8
or
the
beginning
of
16og,
to
Gregorio
de
Angulo,
the
regidor
of
Toledo,
Lope
wrote:
You will see another
Francisco,
who renews
With a more divine
style
than that of Statius
The
Silvas,
where he
already
tries to
surpass
him.
If I
had
here the wit
for
it,
or the
space,
I
would
paint
Quevedo
for
you,
but
I
cannot
..."
In
Quevedo's
Anacreon
castellano,
inished about this same
time,
Statius
figures prominent-
ly
in
a list of undervalued classical
poets:
'Homer,
Vergil,
Statius and
Hesiod,
of
whom
Anacre6n
says tacitly
that
many
praise
them,
and few understand
them,
and
fewer read
them,
because
they
lack
the
beauty, joyfulness
and
brevity
of the
lyric poets
...'10
Six
silvas
of
Quevedo
appear
in
the
Segunda parte
de las
flores
de
poetas
ilustres
collected
by
Juan
Quevedo'
and
specifically
about
Quevedo's
borrowings
from
the
Thebaid.
More
recent,
but
also
misguided,
speculation
about
which
edition
of
Statius
Quevedo
might
have used
may
be
found in
P.
Jauralde
Pou,
'Las
silvas de
Quevedo',
La
silva,
ed. B.
L6pez
Bueno,
Seville
and
C6rdoba
1991, p. 171.
7.
See
J.
O.
Crosby
and
L.
Schwartz,
'La
silva
"El
suefio" de
Quevedo:
Genesis
y
revisiones',
Bulletin
of
Hispanic
Studies,
LXIII,
1986,
pp.
111-26;
M. A. Candelas
Colodr6n,
Las silvas de
Quevedo, Vigo
1997,
p.
i15.
Candelas
Colodr6n's discussion is
brief,
amounting
to
just
one
page
within
his
chapter
on
Quevedo's
sources
(he
also identifies
Horace,
Seneca,
Theocritus,
Vergil,
Propertius
and
Petronius).
He
compares
Quevedo's
'Este de
los demas sitios Narciso' to
Statius's
Silvae,
1.3,
'Villa Tiburtina Manilii
Vopisci';
Quevedo's
'De
tu
peso
vencido' to Statius's
Silvae,
11.3,
'Arbor Atedii
Melioris';
Quevedo's
'?C6mo
pudiera
ser hecho
pia-
doso'
to
Statius's
Silvae,
111.4,
'Capelli
Flavi
Earini';
and
Quevedo's
'Al tronco
y
a
la fuente' to
Statius's
Silvae,
II.4,
'Psittacus eiusdem'.
8. The
inventory
of his
father's books at the time
of
his death
(see
Crosby andJauralde
Pou,
as in n.
2,
pp.
240-1)
shows that
Quevedo
did not inherit his
copy
of
Statius
from him.
Quevedo
was made a
knight
of the
Order
of
Santiago
on
29
December
1617,
and,
accord-
ing
to Cacho Casal
(as
in
n.
3),
p.
6o,
henceforth he
always
signed
his
name
with
this title. We
may
thus
speculate
that he
acquired
the book
before the end
of
1617.
For more
speculation
regarding
his
acquisition
of the volume see
below,
n.
18.
9.
'Vereis otro
Francisco,
que
renueva
/
Con mis
divino estilo
que
el de Estacio / Las Silvas, donde
ya
A vencerle
prueba.
/
Si
aqui
tuviera
ingenio,
si
aqui
espacio,
/
Yo
os
pintara
i
Quevedo,
mas no
puedo...
Lope
Felix
de
Vega
y Carpio, 'Epistola
al
Doctor
Gregorio
de
Angulo,
Regidor
de
Toledo',
Colecci6n
de
obras no
dramdticas,
ed. C.
Rosell,
Madrid
1856,
pp.
416-
17.
The
letter was
first
published
in
Lope
de
Vega's
La
Filomena,
in
1621.
lo.
'Homero,
Virgilio,
Estacio
y
Hesfodo,
de
quien
ticitamente
dice
que
los
alaban
muchos,
y
los entien-
den
pocos, y
los
leen
menos,
por
faltarles
la hermosura
y alegria,
y
brevedad de
los
liricos...'
Cited
byJauralde
Pou, 'Las
silvas
de
Quevedo' (as
in n.
6), p. 173;
from
Francisco de
Quevedo,
Obras
completas,
ed.
F.
Buendia,
2
vols,
6th
edn,
Madrid
1932,
repr. 1974-8,
11,
Obras
en
verso,
p. 737-
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134
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF AND
CRAIG
KALLENDORF
Antonio
Calder6n.
We can infer
from
this that
Quevedo
had initiated
his
project
of
imi-
tating
Statius
in
or
before
161
1.11
The
next
contemporary
reference to
Quevedo's
silvas
appears
in
a brief sentence
in
Bartolome
Jimenez
Pat6n's Mercurius
Trismegistus
1618),
where the author alludes to 'Don Francisco de Quevedo in his seventh silva, to the man
who
was
digging
the
gold
mine.'12
Thus,
by
1618
there
were
at least
seven
silvas,
which
were
arranged
in
a deliberate
sequence.
This
dating
places
much of
Quevedo's
early
work on
the silvas
in his
Italian
period,
1613-18.
During
that time
he
was
part
of the
Accademia
degli
Oziosi in
Naples'3-an
appropriate setting
in
which to
work
on the
poems
of
the
Neapolitan
Statius.
Moreover,
Naples,
Biblioteca Nazionale MS
XIV.E.46,
the other document
pertinent
to
Quevedo's
silvas
identified
by
modern
scholars,
confirms this
chronology.14
Two-thirds
of
Quevedo's
silvas
appear
in this
codex,
though
not
in
their final
form,
for
there are
signs
of
authorial
revision,
a
process
that was
to
go
on for
decades.
In
1624,
after
his
return to
Spain,
Quevedo
wrote,
in
a
letter to Don
Juan
de la Sal:
'Let
them
carry
on,
for
I shall return on
account
of
my melancholy
to the
Silvas,
where
sentiment and
study help
me.'
15
We believe
that
Quevedo
was
referring
here
to
his own
poems
written
in
imitation
of
Statius. The
hypothesis
that
he
was
reading, annotating
and
imitating
Statius
during
this
period
is
strengthened by
a later reference to what
he
called
the
Silvas
of
Statius:
in
his
dedicatory
letter
(written
in
1629)
to
his edition
of
the works
of
Fray
Luis de
Le6n,
Quevedo
not
only
mentions
Silvae,
v.3,
but also
quotes
line
157.1"
His
work
on
the silvas
continued
during
his
final
years;
indeed,
it is well known that
in
1645,
as he
lay dying,
Quevedo
was still
collecting
and
revising
his
poems
for
publication.
It seems clear, then, that the poetry of Statius occupied Quevedo's attention for more
than
thirty-five
years.
Examination of the
ink
and
handwriting
of
the annotations in the
i1.
Calder6n's dedication
to the
Segunda
parte
de
las Flores de
poetas
ilustres
is
dated
24
December
161
i1.
The
manuscript
was
first
published
in
Seville
in
1896
by
Juan Quir6s
de
los Rfos and Francisco
Rodrfguez
Marfn;
references to
that
edition
in this article
retain
the
original orthography.
12.
'Don
Francisco
de
Queuedo
en su setima
Sylua,
al
que
cababa la mina de
oro'. This
reference
from
Jimenez Pat6n is quoted in M. del Carmen Rocha de
Sigler,
Francisco
de
Quevedo:
Cinco
silvas,
Salamanca
1994,
pp.
95-6,
a
refreshing
attempt
to view
Quevedo's
silvas
as a
unified
body
of
poetry.
See also
M.
A.
Candelas
Colodr6n,
'Las
silvas
de
Quevedo',
in
Estudios
sobre
Quevedo:
Quevedo
desde
Santiago
entre
dos
aniversarios,
ed.
S.
Fernandez
Mosquera, Santiago
de
Compostela
1995,
pp.
161-85.
13.
F. Fernandez
Murga,
'Francisco
de
Quevedo,
academico
ocioso',
in
Garcfa de
la
Concha,
ed.
(as
in
n.
6),
p.
51.
14.
Quevedo's
direct
involvement
in
the
production
of
this
manuscript
was established
by
H.
Ettinghausen,
'Un
nuevo manuscrito
aut6grafo
de
Quevedo',
Boletin
de la RealAcademia
Espaniola,
LII,
1972,
pp.
211-84.
The
manuscript
has been
profitably
used
by
Rocha
de
Sigler
(as
in n.
12).
We have
also examined
it
and
generally
agree
with
Ettinghausen's
conclusions;
but see
below,
p.
167,
Appendix
II no.
25,
and
pp.
167-8
note
t,
for
a
poem
which
appears
to have been lost from
it. It is
interesting
to
note
that
Jimenez
Pat6n's reference
to
Quevedo's
'seventh silva' matches the final
numbering
of the
Naples manuscript.
Could
Jimrnez
Pat6n
have
seen
this
manuscript,
or
perhaps
a
copy
of
it? We believe
it is likely that he did, and this piece of information in
turn further
helps
to date the
manuscript
to the
period
1613-18.
15. 'Vayan
adelante,
que yo
volvere
por
mi inelan-
colfa con las
Silvas,
donde
el sentimiento
y
el
estudio
hacen
algfin
esfuerzo
por
mi.' Francisco
de
Quevedo,
Epistola4io
completo,
ed. L. Astrana
Marfn,
Madrid
1946,
pp.
125-6.
16. 'Y
Estacio,
en el
libro V de las Silvas
(Epicedion
in
patrem),
hablando de
los
poetas,
cuando trata
de los
poetas,
cuando
trata de
Licofr6n,
que
fuie
quien
en
griego
ensefi6 esta
seta,
dice:
"Carmina
Battiadae
late-
brasqueLycophronis atri";
...
escondrijos
del
ennegrecido
Licofr6n.
No se
pudieron
estudiar
palabras
de
mayor
oprobio.'
Quevedo,
Epistolario
completo
(as
in
n.
15),
P-
224.
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QUEVEDO
AND STATIUS
135
Princeton volume
suggests
that all
of
the notes are
Quevedo's,
but that
they
were
not
all
entered at
the same time
(Figs
68-9).17
As
we shall
see,
several
of
the silvas most
closely
connected
to Statius are
among
the first
group, composed by
1611.
So it is
logical
to
conclude that at least some of the notes in the Princeton volume reflect the careful study
of Statius which must have
preceded
Quevedo's
initial efforts
to write his own
silvas.'8
If we turn now
to
what
Quevedo
wrote in his
copy
of
Statius
(see
Appendix
I,
pp.
157-65),
we
find
that
five
points
occupied
his
attention as he read.
First,
he
underlined the names
of the Greek
poets
cited
by
Statius
in
his
'Epicedion
in
patrem'
(Silvae,
v.3.153-8;
sig.
i3V).
Second,
he marked references
to
several Latin authors whose work could be
compared
with
the
Silvae-Pliny (sig.
a3V),
Horace
(sigs
a4v,
b2v),
Ovid
(sig.
a4v)
and Martial
(sig.
a5r). Third, he responded repeatedly to Stoic themes in the text. For example, Silvae,
11.3.66-9,
advocating
indifference
to
the
distractions
of
daily
life
and the
importance
of
inner
peace,
was marked
for
future use
(sig.
c8V).
Next to
a reference to
fortuna
in
Silvae,
v.1.135-7,
Quevedo
wrote
'queen' (sig.
h3V),
suggesting
an interest
in
'Queen'
Fortuna,
who threatens
the
internal calm
of
the Stoic
sage;19
this same
interest was carried
over
to
Silvae,
v.5.56-62,
which was also annotated
'queen'
(sig.
i7r).
Fourth,
we find a consistent
interest
in
Statius's
style.
In
many
cases
elegantly
phrased
passages
are
simply
underlined
in
the
text;
but sometimes
Quevedo
tells us more
precisely
what he
was
thinking
as he
read. At
Silvae,
1.3.47-8
(sig.
b2r),
his note
reads
'remarkably
and
poetically
and
elegantly
concerning sculpture';
and
in
the
poem
praising Crispinus,
Quevedo
responded
to
an
extended
simile
(Silvae,
v.2.21-7)
with
'beautiful
comparison'
(sig.
h6r).
Finally,
we
find
Quevedo,
a Christian
humanist,
seeking
to
synthesise
Christian and
classical
learning.
Let
17.
The
marginalia
in
the Princeton
volume show
many
distinctive features of
Quevedo's
handwriting:
the
peculiarities
of his
ligatures,
his
frequent capital-
isation
of
nouns even when
they
are not
proper
names,
his use of the letter
'i'
instead of
'y',
his
frequent
use
of
the
';',
and his
indifferent use of 'b' and
'v'.
For addi-
tional
plates
illustrating
the
peculiarities
of
Quevedo's
handwriting see Ettinghausen, 'Un nuevo manuscrito'
(as
in n.
14),
pls
I
and
3
after
p.
279.
18.
Since
Quevedo
was
occupied
with
his
imitation
of Statius before he
made
his
1613-18
trip
to
Italy,
we believe
he
probably bought
the
Princeton
volume
before
he
left
Spain
(see
also
above,
n.
8).
C.
Griffin,
'Aldus
Manutius'
Influence
in
the
Hispanic
World',
Aldus
Man utius and Renaissance Culture:
Essays
in
Memory
ofFranklin
D.
Muiphy,
ed. D.
S.
Zeidberg,
Florence
1998,
p.
323,
notes that at
least
one
copy
of well
over
half of
Aldus
Manutius's books can
be found somewhere in
Spain
today,
and most of
these books arrived
there
in
the
16th century.
Editions of
the Latin classics
were
normally
imported
from
abroad,
often
from
Venice,
rather than
printed
in
Spain
(see
Griffin,
p. 326;
also
F.
J.
Norton,
Printing
in
Spain
15o01-1520o,
Cambridge
1966,
pp.
127,
134-7;
and
idem,
A
Descriptive
Catalogue
of Printing
in
Spain
and
Portugal 1501-1520,
Cambridge
1978);
although
a law was
passed
in
1558
to
limit
book
imports
from
abroad,
the flow
of
Greek and
Latin
clas-
sics
never
stopped
(H.
Kamen,
The
Spanish
Inquisition:
A
Historical
Revision,
New Haven and London
1997, pp.
o13-6).
Since
his
Aldine
edition of
Statius was a cen-
turi'
old when
Quevedo
began
work on his silvas, it is
unlikely, though
just
possible,
that he
bought
it
new.
He
may
have
purchased
it at
a
public
auction
(on
the
importance
of
such auctions in
the
history
of book
own-
ership
see T.
J.
Dadson,
Libros,
lectores
y
lecturas,
Madrid
1998).
The
binding
of the
volume
is
described
by
Dr
Paul
Needham,
Scheide
Librarian at
Princeton
Univer-
sity,
as
goatskin,
probably Spanish,
mid-16th
century,
with
Renaissance
arabesque tooling,
parcel gilt,
edges
gilt
and
gauffered
with
knotwork
stamp,
with
traces
of
four leather ties. This
would
seem to
place
the book in
Spain
before
it
entered
Quevedo's
possession.
19. Seneca, Epistulae morales, xvI.4-5, EIxxiv.6-7, and
xcviii
passim;
see
also
idem,
Opera
quae
extant
omnia,
ed.
Justus
Lipsius,
4th
edn,
Antwerp
1652,
p.
xi
('Iudicium
super
Seneca');
and
Lipsius,
De
constantia,
1.6.
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136
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF
AND
CRAIG KALLENDORF
C
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RA
c-:IILii
0:
NistR•
aEX
A&
s
:vr.
ieii
C~VABi iAi
ro
-.
s
68.
Aldine Statius owned by
Quevedo
(Venice
1502,
Princeton
University LibraryEx
2926.1502).
Title
page
of the
Orthographia,
howing
Quevedo's
annotations
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BY PERMISSION
OF PRINCETON
UNIVERSITYLIBRARY
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QUEVEDO
AND
STATIUS
137
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Aldine Statius owned
by
Quevedo
(Princeton
University
Library
Ex
2926.1502).
Sig. a7r,
Statian
text and
Quevedo's
annotations
REPRODUCED BY
PERMISSION
OF
PRINCETON UNIVERSITYLIBRARY
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138
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF AND CRAIG KALLENDORF
us look
at each one of these
points
in
turn,
to see
why
Quevedo's
approach
to Statius was
so enthusiastic
as to
produce
comments
like 'marvel at the
ingenuity
of Statius'
(sig.
h7,
on
Silvae,
v.2.80).20
Medieval classicism was almost exclusively Latin, and it is worth recalling that Renais-
sance scholars
and writers were not
necessarily
competent
in
Greek."
Quevedo's
limited
knowledge
of
Greek was criticised
by
Luis
de
G6ngora
(1561-1627),
who
posed
awkward
questions
about
the
scholarship
on which
his Anacreon castellanorested.2 On
the
basis
of
Quevedo's
education and
his translation of
such
works
as the Greek
anthology,
pseudo-
Phocylides,
and Plutarch's life of
Marcus
Brutus,
the
majority
of
his
contemporaries
regu-
larly praised
his
Greek;'2
but
in
fact,
modern scholars have concluded
from a careful
study
of the Anacreon
hat
Quevedo
drew
regularly
on the versions of
his
predecessors
with few
scruples
and
little
discernment,
that he introduced new errors
into
his
rendering
of
the
text,
and that
his
scholarly conjectures
and initiatives
regarding
the Greek text were not
felicitous.24
Knowing
that
Quevedo's
Greek was weak
helps
us understand
how he decided
which
edition of Statius
to
buy;
for
in
addition to the text
from a
press
renowned for
its
scholarly
standards,
the
1502
Aldine edition
contains an
original
work
by
the scholar-
printer
himself,
the
Orthographia
et
flexus
dictionum
Graecarum
omnium
apud
Statium
cum
accentibus
et
generibus
ex
variis
utriusque linguae
autoribus. The inclusion
of the
Orthographia
undoubtedly
made
the Aldine edition
appealing
to
a reader like
Quevedo,
since
it consists
of
an index
of Greek words
and words
of Greek
origin
used
by
Statius,
especially
in the
Silvae,
along
with other
inflected
forms,
definitions and occasional
scholarly
observations.2-•
2o.
'Admira
Stacii
ingenium'.
'Admira'
is,
of
course,
the
familiar
imperative
in
Spanish,
not
Latin,
and
'Stacii'
reflects the influence
of the vernacular
on
Quevedo's
orthography.
For
his use of the vernacular
in his anno-
tations to the
Thebaid
ee
e.g.
sigs
slx
and
S22r
of the
Princeton volume.
But
as
Appendix
I
demonstrates,
most of his notes
to the Silvae were written
in
relatively
comprehensible
Latin.
21.
R.
Hexter,
'Aldus, Greek,
and
the
Shape
of the
"Classical
Corpus"',
in
Zeidberg,
ed.
(as
in n.
18),
pp.
143-6o0,
emphasises
the
importance
of
publishers
like
Aldus Manutius for
cementing
the
place
of Greek into
the
structure
of classical
studies as we know
the
field
today.
22.
G6ngora
initiated
his
criticisms
of
Quevedo's
Greek
in a sonnet
of
16og
which included
the words
'...
Con
cuidado
especial
vuestros
antojos
/
Dicen
que
quieren
traducir
al
griego,
/
No
aviendolo
mirado
vuestros
ojos'
(Obras
poeticas
de
D. Luis
de
(
Gigora,
New
York
1921,
repr.
1970,
III,
p.
3,
no.
427).
Quevedo
responded
angrily,
alluding
to
G6ngora's
alleged
Jew-
ish roots and
his
large
nose:
'Yo
te
untare
mis versos
con tocino
...
/Por
qud
censuras
tfi
la
lengua
griega/
siendo solo rabi de lajudia, / cosa que tu nariz aun no
lo
niega?'
(Blecua,
ed.,
as
in
n.
5,
III,
no.
829,
11.
1,
9-
1',
p.
238). G6ngora
answered
in his Romance
LXIV,
'FTbula
de Leandro
v
Hero',
which
begins:
'Aunque
entiendo
poco
griego,
/
En mis
gregaiescos
he hallado
/
Ciertos versos
de
Museo,
/
Ni
muy
duros
ni
muy
blandos...'
(Luis
de
G6ngora,
Poesias,
ed.
A.
Arroyo,
Mexico
City
1986, p.
67). Quevedo replied by
again
defending
his
Anacre6n,
but this time
he did not make
any
claims
regarding
his
own
knowledge
of Greek:
'...
Quien
te mete
entre los
griegos
/
aun
no siendo
tfi
troyano?
/
RPor
que
de
lo
que
no
has
visto
/
hablas
como
papagayo?
/
;Qul
te
hizo Anacreonte
/
en
los
versos
castellanos,
/
que
le alabas
cuando
mis
/
pre-
tendes
vituperallo?'
(Blecua,
ed.,
as
in
n.
5,
III,
no.
828,
11.
45-53,
P.
235).
All of these attacks are discussed in
S.
Benichou-Roubaud,
'Quevedo
helenista
(El
Anacre61n
castellano)',
Nueva revista
de
Jilologia
hispanica,
XIV. 1,
i960,
pp.
51-72
(52).
23.
Typical
of
early
praise
for
Quevedo's accomplish-
ments
as a Hellenist
is that
of his
editorJusepe
Antonio
GonzAlez de
Salas,
who
wrote
in
1648
that:
'Hasta
hoy
no conozco
poeta alguno
versado
mias,
en
los
que
viven,
de
hebreos,
griegos,
latinos
y
franceses;
de
cuyas
lenguas
... tuvo buena
noticia'
(cited
in
Benichou-Roubaud,
as
in
n.
22,
p.
51).
24.
See
J.
Sim6n
Diaz,
'El helenismo de
Quevedo
y
varias cuestiones mias',Revistadebibliografia acional,vI,
1945,
pp. 87-98; andJ.
O.
Crosby,
'Quevedo,
the Greek
Anthology,
and
Horace',
Romanrce
hilolog,,
xix,
ic96,
PP.
435-49.
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QUEVEDO
AND STATIUS
139
Quevedo clearly
knew and valued the canonical Golden
Age
Latin authors: Ovid's
mannerism
appealed
to
his
taste,
the
elegists
provided
material
for
his
descriptions
of
love,
the
Dido
story reappeared
in his 'Imitaci6n
de
Virgilio'
and even
Horace,
proponent
of a moderation foreign to Quevedo's fiery temperament, makes an occasional inter-
textual
appearance.26
While
three of the
five
cross-references
to Latin writers marked
in
the
Princeton
Aldine
are to Golden
Age
authors, however,
ideologically
and
stylistically,
Quevedo
was attracted
more
strongly
to the later
Juvenal,
Persius, Seneca, Martial,
Tacitus,
Lucan
and Petronius.
Statius,
of
course,
is one of these
later,
so-called
Silver
Age
authors;
and
seeing
him
in
this
company
helps
us to understand
why
Quevedo
was attracted
to
his
poetry.
For
example,
Quevedo's correspondence
with
Justus Lipsius
in
1604-527 encouraged
his
interest
in
Stoicism,
a common element
in
Silver
Age
literature,
especially
the
writings
of
Seneca.
Among
the
prominent
Stoic
themes
in
Statius's Silvae are
the
importance
of
universal
law and divine
providence,
the need to serve the
state,
the
supremacy
of
personal
merit over birth
and
immortality
as the
recompense
for the Stoic
sage.8"
These are the
themes to which
Quevedo
responded
in his
marginal
notes;
and
his
annotations
parallel
the well-documented
Stoic notions found
in
the other works which
occupied
him
during
the time that
he was
writing
and
revising
his
silvas.
His
early epitaph
for Carrillo
y
Soto-
mayor,
like
his
marginal
annotation
at
Silvae,
v. 1.135-7
(see
Appendix
I),
refers at least
obliquely
to
the
impact
of
fortuna
on
the
life of the
Stoic;29
and
the nexus
fortuna-
providentia-fatum
s
discussed
further
in
the Doctrina moral
(1612),
completed
just
before
Quevedo
left for
Italy.
His interest
in
these same
Stoic
themes continued
through
his
later writings, as even the titles show: for instance, De los remedios de cualquiera fortuna
(completed
1633,
published
1638), echoing
Petrarch's
Stoic-inspired
De
remediis
utriusque
fortunae,
and Providencia de Dios
(
1641-2)
.30
25.
C.
Vecce,
'Aldo e
l'invenzione
dell'Indice',
in
Zeidberg,
ed.
(as
in n.
18),
pp.
122-3,
discusses the
Orthographia
as
part
of Aldus's
larger
programme
to
equip
the texts
he
published
with
scholarly
tools
to
facilitate their use.
The
Orthographia
was
occasionally
considered valuable enough to be bound separately
and sold as a
book
in its own
right;
see
e.g. Maggs
Brothers,
Bibliographica Typographica (Catalogue 509),
London
1928,
p.
274,
no.
1634.
26. On
Quevedo's
knowledge
and use of
both Golden
Age
and Silver
Age
Latin
authors see
H.
Kallendorf,
'Francisco de
Quevedo (158o-1645)',
Centuriae
Latinae:
Cent
une
figures
humanistes de
la
Renaissance
aux Lumnires
offertes
a M.-M.
de
la
Garanderie,
ed.
C.
Nativel,
Geneva
[in
press].
27.
See Francisco de
Quevedo,
Epistolario completo
(as
in n.
15),
PP. 1-9,
125-30.
28. On Stoic themes
in
the Silvae see G.
Laguna-
Mariscal,
'Philosophical
Topics
in
Statius' Silvae: Sources
and
Aims',
Epicedion:
Hommage
at
P.
Papinius
Statius
96-
1996,
ed.
F.
Delarue,
S.
Georgacopoulou,
P.
Laurens
and
A.-M.
Taisne,
Poitiers
1996,
pp.
247-59.
By
con-
trast,
A.
Hardie,
Statius and the Silvae:
Poets,
Patrons
and
Epideixis
in the Graeco-Roman
World,
Liverpool
1983,
p.
176,
claims
that
Epicureanism
is the
only philoso-
phical
school
praised by
Statius.
This claim
strikes us as
clearly overstated, yet it is certainly true that there are
Epicurean
elements
present
in
Statius's
poetry
as
well
as Stoic ones. Both
Pollius
Felix and
Manilius
Vopiscus,
for
example,
are
described
as
Epicureans,
giving
the
poems
describing
their villas
(Silvae,
1.3
and
2.2)
a
clear
Epicurean colouring;
see
Hardie,
pp.
176-9;
and R. G.
M.
Nisbet,
'Felicitasat
Surrentum
(Statius,
Silvae
II,2)',
Journal
of
Roman
Studies,
LxvIII,
1978,
pp.
1-11.
29.
S. Fernandez
Mosquera
and
A. Azaustre
Galliana,
Indices
de la
poesia
de
Quevedo,
Barcelona
1993,
cite
6o
references
to
Fortuna
in
Quevedo's
poetry.
30o.
On
Quevedo's
Stoicism see A.
Rothe,
Quevedo
und
Seneca:
Untersuchungen
u
den
FriihschriftenQuevedos,
Geneva and Paris
1965;
and
H.
Ettinghausen,
Francisco
de
Quevedo
nd
the
Neostoic
Movement,
Oxford
1972.
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140
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF
AND CRAIG
KALLENDORF
Literary
mannerism,
the characteristic
style
of
Silver
Age
Latin,
has been described
as
learned
and
allusive,
tending
towards
far-fetched
expressions,
excessive
eulogy
and
artificial
conceits31-a
description
which
could be
applied
to
Quevedo's
poetry
as well.
It
should therefore not surprise us to see Quevedo marking a number of artfully turned
phrases
in
his
copy
of Statius
(see
Appendix
I:
Silvae,
1.2.130-3,
153-7,
185-7;
1.3.47-8,
82;
V.2.7,
80o).
In
the
end,
however,
there
is another
reason
why
Quevedo
was
so interested
in
Statius
-one so
important
to
him
that
he set it
out
in
his own
hand
on the
flyleaf
of his
book
(see
Fig.
68,
and
Appendix
I,
Title
page):
Don
Enrique
de Villena
in the
commentary
to
the translation
that
he made
of
Vergil
in
Spanish
for
the
King
of
Navarre
(a
book which
I
have
in
manuscript
in
my
library,
and
it is
excellent)
says, speak-
ing
of Statius:
and
at
the end he was
a
Christian,
knowing
he Catholic
ruth'.
How
Quevedo
came to
believe
that Statius
was
a
Christian,
and
what
this belief
might
have
meant
for his
understanding
of the
Silvae,
require
some
careful
analysis.
On the
basis
of what
is known
today,
there
is no
reason
to believe
that Statius
was
a
Christian;
and
the
temptation
is
simply
to dismiss
Quevedo's
statement
as the
result
of the same
kind
of
second-rate
scholarship
which
characterises
his
Anacre6n
castellano.32
et while
his knowl-
edge
of
Greek attracted
criticism
from
his
contemporaries,
Quevedo's
scholarly procedure
in other areas
generally
met the
usual standards
of his
day--that
is,
he
regularly
consulted
previously
published
texts
and
humanist
commentaries,
cited
parallel
passages
from
other
works
and
inserted
alternative
readings
into
the
margins
of his
books,
just
as we
see
him
doing with his copy of Statius.33In his Sueiio del infierno,Quevedo showed himself well
enough
informed
about the
details
of
contemporary
humanist
method
to condemn
Julius
Caesar
Scaliger
and
other humanists
of the
day
to
hell
for sins which
are
fundamentally
31.
J.
W.
Duff,
A
Literary
History
of
Rome in
the Silver
Age,
from
Tiberius
to
Hadrian,
ed. A.
M.
Duff,
New
York
1927, repr.
1964,
pp.
393-4.
J.-M.
Croisille,
'Stace,
peintre
de
realia',
in Delarue
et
al.,
eds
(as
in n.
28),
comes
to
a similar
conclusion
about
Statius's
style:
'L'artifice
regne
dans
son
oeuvre,
oil se
manifeste
le
goait
de
l'imitation,
qui refuse le primat du 'natura-
lisme'
et
qui
constitue
une
des
charact6ristiques
du
"mani6risme"'
(pp.
244-5).
The
importance
of Statius's
Silvae
for the
understanding
of
literary
mannerism
was
signalled
by
H.
Friedrich,
'Uber
die Silvae
des
Statius
(inbesondere
V,4
Somnus)
und
die
Frage
des literari-
schen
Manierismus',
Romanische
Literaturen,
Aufsiitze
I,
Frankreich,
Frankfurt
am
Main
1972, pp.
34-55
(first
publ.
1963). Oddly,
however,
even
though
Friedrich
devotes
an
entire
section
of
his
essay
to
'Somnus'
(pp.
48-55)
and
lists
at the
end
(p.
55)
a number
of Renais-
sance
and
Baroque
poets
who
imitated
this
poem,
he
does not
include
Quevedo.
32.
See
above,
p.
138
and
nn.
22,
24.
33.
See
above,
n.
3,
and
for Statius
Appendix
I
and
below,
passim.
Quevedo
is known
to have
been
less
rigorous
in his
scholarly
procedures
than the
leading
European
humanists
of his time.
For
example,
when
he
marked
up
corrections
to his
copy
of
Dante,
he
failed
to
realise that the
earlier
manuscript
from
which
he
had taken
them was
Emilio-Romagnan
in
origin
and
therefore
contained
dialect which
was
further
from
Dante's original Tuscan idiom than that of the printed
text
(see
Cacho
Casal,
as
in
n.
3,
p.
65).
In
another
example,
in
La
cuna
y
la
sepultura
Quevedo
used
quo-
tations
from
St
Augustine
which he
took from
Prosper
of
Aquitane's
compilation
Sententiae
ex
Augustino
deli-
batae;
in
fact,
he mistook
some
statements
of
Prosper
for those
of
Augustine;
see
S.
L6pez
Poza,
'Quevedo,
humanista
cristiano',
Quevedo
a nueva
luz: Escritura
y
politica,
Malaga
1997,
pp.
72-3.
On the
other
hand,
as
L6pez
Poza
notes
(pp.
68-9),
the
young
Quevedo
earned
the
respect
ofJustus
Lipsius,
who
praised
him
in
the course
of their
correspondence;
and as
Cacho
Casal
points
out
(p. 64),
his emendatio
ope
codicurm
using
a
codex
pervetustus,
although
unacceptable
today,
showed
considerable
philological
proficiency
for
his
place
and
time.
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QUEVEDO
AND STATIUS
141
philological.34
It
is, therefore,
reasonable
to
assume
that
Quevedo
arrived
at his belief
that
Statius was
a
Christian
by using
the
scholarly
resources
typical
of his
age.
Like
many
learned
men of the
Renaissance,
Quevedo
believed that
approximations
to Christian truth could be detected in some pagan literature: as he wrote in the introduc-
tion to his translation of
Pseudo-Phocylides:
'Thus,
in
Phocylides
will be found rules
for
living
like a
Christian,
naturally
and
civilly,
a
thing worthy
of
singular
admiration.'35
And
like
many
of
his
contemporaries,
Quevedo
was
not
always
clear
or
even consistent
in
his
explanations
for
this
phenomenon.
In his
Virtud
militante,
or
example,
he writes:
'Because
Seneca and
Epictetus,
who lived in the
time of the
Apostles
and
saw the deeds of
the
Christians'
faith,
and the
perfection
of their
life,
and that
they
consigned
it
[their life]
to
the flames and to
the
knife,
not
only
with valour but with
pleasure
inspired by
love,
they
fashioned what
they
wrote
in
accordance
with
what
they
saw
in
such a
way
that their
doc-
trine,
with
an
aftertaste
of
that
awareness,
is in
many respects very
similar to our
truth.'
At another
point
in the same
work,
however,
he
continues: 'Not
only
does God
give
to
the
pauper
and command
all to
give
to
him,
but
poverty
itself
is
a
gift
and favour of
God.
The
pagans
attained this most
pious
truth:
Lucan,
book
5.'36
Suggesting
that
pagan
poets
could attain
adumbrations of Christian
truth
by
natural
reason is not the same
as
suggest-
ing
that God
communicated
those
adumbrations
to
them. The
major
difference
between
the
two
approaches developed
here is
obviously chronological.
Lucan,
like the
other Silver
Age
authors to whom
Quevedo
was
drawn,
lived
after the birth of
Christ
and therefore
had the
opportunity
to
come
into
contact with Christian
truth:
'The
philosophers
and
poets
who lived
in
the
time
of
the
persecutions
of the
Christian
martyrs
have a
great
advantage over all the others; they saw them despise life, triumph in death, preach the
Gospel;
they
could hear the
Apostles,
and for
this reason
they
excelled the
others
in
their
teaching.
Seneca,
Epictetus, Juvenal
and Persius are
examples
...'7'
Not all the
Silver
Age
34.
F. de
Quevedo,
Suefios
y
discursos,
ed.
J.
O.
Crosby,
Madrid
1993,
P.
256;
see also R.
A.
Del
Piero,
'Algunas
fuentes
de
Quevedo',
Nueva revista
defilologia
hispdnica,
XII.1,
1958,
pp. 36-52 (49-50).
L.
Schwartz,
'La
trans-
misi6n
renacentista
de
poesfa
grecolatina
y
dos sonetos
de
Quevedo
(Parnaso,
Erato,
XXXVIII
y
XXXIX)',
Edad
de
Oro,
xII,
1993,
pp.
303-20
(304),
in
discussing
the
Sueniodel
infierno,
concludes that the work 'define indi-
rectamente a su autor
como humanista de
su
epoca que
esti
perfectamente
al
tanto de las
pricticas
herme-
netiticas
en
boga
en
la
primera
decada del
XVII
y
de la
ideologfa que
las sustentaba'.
35.
'Asf
que,
en ...
Phocilides se
hallarin
reglas para
vivir
cristiana,
natural
y politicamente,
cosa
digna
de
singular
admiraci6n'.
Francisco
de
Quevedo,
Obras
com-
pletas,
ed. Astrana
Marfn,
2nd
edn
(as
in
n.
3),
quoted
in D. G.
Castanien,
'Quevedo's
Translation of
the
Pseudo-Phocylides,
Philological
Quarterly,
xxxx,
1961,
PP.
44-52
(44-5)-
36. 'Porque Seneca, i Epicteto que bibieron en tiempo
de
los
ap6stoles,
i
bian
las hazafias de
la fe de
los
christianos,
i la
perfecii6n
de la
vida,
i
que
la
daban al
fuego,
i
al
cuchillo,
no
s6lo con
valentfa sino
con
gozo
enamorado,
confacionaron
con lo
que
vian
lo
que
escri-
vieron de tal
manera
que
su
doctrina,
con resabios
de
aquella
atenci6n
es en
muchas cosas bien
parezida
a
nuestra verdad'
(Virtud
militante,
as
in n.
3, p. 134).
'No
s6lo da Dios
al
pobre
y
manda
que
todos le
den,
sino
que
la
propia pobreza
es
merced
y
didiva
de
Dios.
Alcanzaron esta
piadosisima
verdad los
gentiles:
Lucan.,
lib.
5.'
(Epistolario
completo,
as in n.
15,
p.
325;
see
Lucan,
Pharsalia,
v.523-31).
On
the
problem
of
how Renais-
sance writers
explained
the
congruence
of
pagan
lit-
erature
with Christian
truth
see
C.
Kallendorf,
'From
Virgil
to
Vida: The
Poeta
Theologus
in
Italian
Renaissance
Commentary',
Journal
of
the
History
of
Ideas,
i.vI,
1995,
pp.
41-62,
with
accompanying
bibliography.
37.
'Gran
vantaja
hacen a
todos los
fil6sofos
y poetas
los
que
dellos
fueron
en
el
tiempo
de las
persecuciones
de los
mirtires
cristianos; vieronlos
despreciar
la
vida,
triunfar en la
muerte,
predicar
el
Evangelio;
pudieron
ofr a los
ap6stoles, y
por
esto
excedieron en la
doctrina
a los demdis. Son ejemplo S6neca, Epicteto, Juvenal y
Persio ...' This
is a
note to
Quevedo's
translation
of
Seneca's
'Epfstola
XLI',
in
his
Obras
completas
(as
in n.
io),
I,
Obras en
prosa,
p.
1913.
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142
HILAIRE KALLENDORF AND CRAIG
KALLENDORF
authors,
however,
were
as
sympathetic
to
Christianity
as
Quevedo
felt
they
should have
been.
Martial,
for
instance,
produced many
commendable sentiments 'with a
profane
mouth';38
and Tacitus
was
severely
criticised for
being
anti-Christian at a time
when
he
could (and should) have been sympathetic to the new religion.39 The Stoic authors fared
better;
for
Quevedo
argued
that
there
were close links between this
pagan philosophy
and
Christianity
which could
be confirmed
by
solid textual evidence.
In his
Doctrina
estoica,
or
example,
he cited
parallels
between
the book
ofJob
and
Epictetus
and
argued
that Zeno
could have known
the Old
Testament.41
In
no
case, however,
did
Quevedo go
so
far
in
his
printed
works
as to assert that these
pagan
writers
actually
converted to
Christianity.
The Princeton Aldine allows us
to see that
Quevedo
assigned
the
author
of the
Silvae
a status we could
not have
anticipated
from his
other
writings.
His statement on
the
flyleaf
is
a direct
quotation
from
Enrique
de
Villena's
translation
of the
Aeneid,
where
it
concludes
a
gloss
to
Vergil's
prologue.41
Villena,
one
of
the
leading figures
of
Spanish
intellectual
life
in
the first
three decades
of the fifteenth
century,42
took this idea
directly
or
indirectly
from
Dante,
who
appears
to have invented
it
in
Purgatorio
XXII.73,
where
Statius
offers a
moving
tribute to
Vergil,
his
salvific
Muse: 'Per te
poeta
fui,
per
te Christiano...'
('through
you
I
was
a
poet, through
you
a
Christian...').43
Quevedo
was familiar with
Dante and
owned
a
1578
Venetian
edition
of the Divina Commedia
containing
the famous
commen-
tary
of Cristoforo
Landino.44
In
his
commentary
on
Purgatorio
XXII,
Landino
simply
paraphrased
Statius's
statement
that
he
had
become
a Christian
by reading
Vergil
and
explained
the literal
meaning
of
Dante's
words,
without
suggesting
in
any way
that the
38.
'[C]on
profana
boca'.
Quevedo,
Epistolario
completo
(as
in
n.
15),
p.
324.
39.
The criticism
comes
in
Quevedo's
Lince
de
Italia,
in
his Obras
completas
(as
in
n.
io),
I,
Obras
en
prosa,
p.
896;
see
V. Roncero
L6pez,
'Quevedo
y
Tacito',
Cuadernos
de
Aldeau,
VI.
o,
199o,
pp.
59-76
(6o-i).
40.
D.
G.
Castanien,
'Quevedo's
Version
of
Epic-
tetus'
Encheiridion',
Symposium,
XVIII,
1964,
pp.
68-78.
Quevedo
claims
in
his
Doctrina
estoica that
Epictetus
translates
parts
of
Job
(Francisco
de
Quevedo,
Obras
completas
en
prosa,
ed. F.
Buendia,
3rd
edn,
Madrid
1945,
p. 874).
He
repeats
his claim that
Zeno and
Epictetus
knew the book
ofJob
in La cuna y la sepultura (ibid., pp.
1062-3).
For the best
discussion
of
the intersection of
Quevedo's philological
methods
with
his faith see
L6pez
Poza
(as
in n.
33).
41. Enrique
de
Villena,
Traducci6n
y
glosas
de la
Eneida,
Libroprimero,
ed. P. M.
Catedra,
Salamanca
1989,
1,
p.
61.
In
the
first
part
of this
gloss
Villena
describes
the works
of Statius
known
to him.
Quevedo
owned
a
manuscript
copy
of Villena's
work,
as
we know from
his
dedicatory
letter to Count-Duke
Olivares
of his edition
of the works
of
Fray
Luis
de
Le6n
(published
in
1631):
'...
en
mi
poder
tengo
un libro
grande
del
infante
don
Enrique
de
Villena, manuscrito, digno
de
grande
estimaci6n
...'
See
his
Epistolario
completo
(as
in n.
15),
p.
22.9.
42.
Don
Enrique
de
Arag6n
was
the
Marqu6s
de
Villena
(1384-1434)
and
was
henceforth
known as
Enrique
de Villena.
His translation of the
Aeneid,
one
of
the
first vernacular versions
of
the
poem,
was
completed
between
1427
and
1428,
according
to
his
own
account,
in one
year
and twelve
days.
To
his translation
he added
a
commentary
and
a
life of
Vergil.
He also translated
into
Spanish
Dante's Divina commedia
and the
Rhetorica
ad Herennium.
43.
Dante
provided
further details
in
Purgatorio
XXII
xv.
76-91,
but we have
found
no
previous
textual
source
for these. See
M. P.
Stocchi, 'I1
cristianesimo
di
Stazio
(Purg.
XXII)
e
un'ipotesi
del
Poliziano',
Miscellanea
di
studi
offerta
a Armando
Balduino
e
Bianca
Bianchi,
Padua
1962, pp. 41-5; S. Mariotti, 'I1 cristianesimo di Stazio
in Dante
secondo
Poliziano',
Letteratura
e
critica:
Studi
in onore
di N.
Sapegno,
Rome
1975,
II,
PP-
149-61;
G.
Brugnoli,
'Statius
Cristianus',
Italianistica,
xvII,
1988,
pp. 9-15
(13-15);
and G.
Padoan,
'I1 mito
di Teseo e
il
cristianesimo
di
Stazio',
Lettere
italiane,
xI,
1959, pp.
432-57-
44.
See Cacho
Casal
(as
in n.
3).
Disappointingly,
Quevedo
did
not annotate
Purgatorio
XXII.73
in his
copy
of the Divina
Commedia.
We
are
grateful
to Shawn
Edwards,
of the
Rare Book
and
Special
Collections
Department, University
Library,
University
of
Illinois
at
Urbana-Champaign,
for
answering
our
enquiries
about
this
book.
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QUEVEDO
AND STATIUS
143
story
might
be untrue.
This
strategy,
which
was
common
among
commentators
on
Dante
until
the end of
the sixteenth
century,
contrasts
with
the more
critical
approach
of
human-
ists to Statius: the idea
that
he
converted to
Christianity
does
not seem to
have
gained
acceptance outside of Spain.45
Quevedo's
belief
that Statius was
a Christian
explains
the
appearance
of
substantive
Christian themes in four
of his
silvas,
a
collection of
poems
which are
otherwise
pagan
in
theme,
tone
and reference.
(A
full,
ordered
list
of
Quevedo's
silvas
is
given
below
in our
Appendix
ii.)
The most
striking
example
of a
silva with a Christian
theme is
'Deja
la
pro-
cesi6n,
suibete
al
paso'
(no.
36
in
our
listing),
in
which the
poet complains
bitterly
about
the abuse of
adornment
among
penitents.
Likewise, hell,
the demons
and the
archangels
figure
prominently
in
Quevedo's
silva written to
Pride
(no.
13,
11.
22,
63-4).
Another silva
with
powerful
Christian overtones
throughout
is a
poem
which bears the
title 'Alaba
la
Calamidad'
(no.
24).
The
numerous
references to
God,
Moses
and
the
Hebrews
in
this
poem
(for
example,
in 11.
3,
24-5,
28)
make it difficult to
categorise
as
merely
a
meditation
on
Neostoic
themes,
although
it is
certainly
that as
well.
Additionally,
there are
several
biblical
allusions in
'?C6mo
pudiera
ser
hecho
piadoso'
(no.
34),
a
poem
about
beautifil
hair which
is cut
off,
written
in
direct
imitation of
Statius,
as
we shall
see.
In
this
case
Quevedo
links his
Statian
theme to
the
biblical stories of
Absalom
(1.
43)
and Samson
(1.
45);
in
another,
his
poem
about
ancient and modern
Rome
(no.
io),
he
incorporates
both Roman
heroes
(11.
98,
138,
142)
and Catholic
popes
(11.
168-74).
Finally,
there
are
Christian
themes
which
appear
in
Quevedo's
poems
right
alongside
their
counterparts
from
classical
myth:
in
'Deja
l'alma
y
los
ojos'
(no.
35),
for
example,
the
disobedient
seraph (i.e. Satan) is mentioned (1. 22) along with the classical figures Nature, Death and
Love
(11.
23,
27, 39).
This
synthesis
of
the
classical with
the
Christian is
typical
of
the
humanist
Quevedo.
In
seeking
to
understand what
drew
Quevedo
to
the
Roman
poet,
then,
we
need
to
look
beyond
the
Statian
Silvae
themselves
to
the
broader
question
of
their
reception
in
Golden
Age
Spain.
At this
point,
we
can
make
two
observations.
First,
the
Greek
refer-
ences in
the
poems
were still
problematic
in
a
Latin-centred
humanist
milieu such
as
that
in
which
Quevedo
was
working.
Second,
Statius had
been
referred
to
as
a
Christian
by
both
Dante
and
Enrique
de
Villena.
And if
Statius
was
believed to
have
been a
Christian,
his
poems
could
be assumed
to be
capable
of
guiding
the reader
towards biblical
truth.
Today
the silva
has receded into our
cultural
past,
to the extent
that there is
considerable
uncertainty
even as to the
meaning
of the
term. Described
by
Elias
Rivers as the
'Baroque
genre par
excellence
of
Spanish
poetry',46
the
silva was a
poetic
form at the
very
centre of
literary
life
in
Spain
in
the
sixteenth and
seventeenth
centuries.47
As
will become
clear,
45.
We are
currently
at work
on a
full
study
of
how
long
it
remained viable
to consider
Statius a
Christian,
and
in
which
scholarly
circles.
46.
'[E]l
gnero
barroco
por
excelencia
de
la
poesia
espaflola'.
E.
L.
Rivers,
'La
problematica
silva
espafiola',
Nueva
revista de
filologia
hispdnica,
xxxvi.
1,
1988,
pp.
249-60 (253).
47.
See
A.
Egido,
'La
silva
en
la
poesfa
andaluza
del
barroco',
Silva
de
Andalucia
(Estudios
sobre
poesia
barroca),
Malaga
ig9o,
p.
io;
later
in
the
article
(p.
25),
Egido
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144
HILAIRE KALLENDORF
AND CRAIG
KALLENDORF
however,
there
was
also considerable
uncertainty
about
the
literary
definition of
the
term
at the end of the
sixteenth
and the
beginning
of
the seventeenth
centuries;
that
is,
pre-
cisely
at the
time when
Quevedo
was
annotating
his
copy
of
Statius
and
starting
to
write
his own poems in imitation of them. Quevedo's role in the definitional controversy has
been obscured
by
the broader movement of
subsequent
literary
history;
but as we strive to
recover that
role,
we
shall also discover that Statius
played
a
larger
part
in
Golden
Age
culture
than
previous
scholarship
has
recognised.
Statius's
Silvae
disappeared during
the Middle
Ages.
They
were
rediscovered
in
1417
by
Poggio
Bracciolini,
from
whose
manuscript,
now
lost,
all
modern
versions
of the text
derive.48
A
copy
of the
editio
princeps
(Venice
1472)
entered the
library
of the Florentine
humanist
Angelo
Poliziano,
who
produced
a
lengthy commentary
on
Statius's
Silvae
and
published
four
poems
of
his own
under
the same
title.49
Subsequent
commentaries
on
the
Silvae
were
published
by
Domitius
Calderinus
(Rome
1475)
and
Joannes
Bernartius
(Antwerp
1599),'50
and
Lipsius
and both
Scaligers
were familiar with the
poems.51
Such
interest
in
turn stimulated
poetic compositions
in
the
genre,
in
Italy by, among
others,
Lorenzo de'
Medici,
Bernardo
Tasso,
Luigi
Alamanni and Teofilo
Folengo.52
Statius entered
Spanish
Neo-Latin culture
during
this
same
period.
Fray
Luis de Le6n
knew both Statius
and
Poliziano;5"
and
several
sixteenth-century Spanish
authors cultivated
the silva tradition.
Deferrando
eone,
a direct imitation
of
Silvae,
1I.
15,
'Leo
mansuetus',
was
included
by
Martin Ivarra
in
the
Epigrammaton
ibellus which forms an
appendix
to his
edition of
Miguel
Verino's
Disticha
(Barcelona
151
2);
Juan Vazquez
Castellano,
who
pub-
lished
an edition of
the
Silvae
of Statius
(Paris
1518),
wrote
a
Sylva
cui titulus
Parrhisis
(Paris 1522); Juan Angel Gonzalez was the author of De origineet laudibuspoeseos ylva (s.l.
claims that
'[l]a
silva era conocida
y
practicada
por
todos'.
48.
All
existing
manuscripts
of
the Silvae
derive
from
one
copied
c.
143o,
which
is now in
Madrid,
Biblioteca
Nacional
MS
3678.
The
poems
began circulating
in
1453,
when
Poggio
moved
to Florence and
this manu-
script began
to be
copied;
and
they
became
popular
in
the
following generations.
On
the
recovery
of the Silvae
by
the Italian humanists
see R.
Sabbadini,
Le
scoperte
dei
codici latini e
greci
ne' secoli XIV e XV, 2 vols, Florence
1905-14,
repr.
1967,
I,
pp.
82,
150,
153,
and
II,
pp.
252-3.
See also the
entry by
M. D. Reeve
in Texts and
Transmission:
A
Survey of
the Latin
Classics,
ed.
L. D.
Reynolds,
Oxford
1986,
s.v.
'Statius',
pp.
394-9,
esp.
397-9-
49.
Poliziano's annotated
copy
of
the
editio
princeps
is now
in
Rome,
Biblioteca
Corsiniana
(shelf-mark
50-
F-37).
For
his
commentary
on the Silvae
see
Angelo
Poliziano,
Commento inedito
alle Selve di
Stazio,
ed. L. C.
Martinelli,
Florence
1978;
see also
idem, Silvae,
ed. F.
Bausi,
Florence
1996,
containing
references to recent
bibliography
on
Poliziano and
his work on Statius.
50.
P. M.
Clogan,
'The Renaissance Commentators
on
Statius',
Acta
Conventus
Neo-Latini
Torontonensis:
Proceed-
ings of
the Seventh International
Congress of
Neo-Latin
Studies
(Toronto
1988),
ed. A.
Dalzell,
C. Fantazzi and
R.
J.
Schoeck,
Binghamton
1991, pp.
273-9-
51.
In
1577 Lipsius
offered
manuscripts
and advice
to his friend
Jan
Leernouts
(1545-1619),
who
he had
heard
was
preparing
an edition
of
Statius;
and
in a
letter to William
Barclay
in
1580,
he
emended
some
passages
from
the
Silvae
and
expressed
admiration for
Statius.
Julius
Caesar
Scaliger's
Poeticesibri
septem
Lyons
1561) praises
Statius,
though
less
enthusiastically
than
Vergil; unlike many scholars of his day, Scaliger pro-
fessed to
prefer
the
epics
to
the
Silvae.
His
son
Joseph
in
turn
offered
help
to three
different
scholars
(Jan
Woverius,
Friedrich
Lindenbruch
and
Janus
Gruterus)
who were
planning
or
working
on editions
of
their own.
See
H.-J.
van
Dam,
'The
Coming
of the Silvae
to the
Netherlands',
in F.
Delarue
et
al.,
eds
(as
in n.
28),
pp.
315-24.
52.
See
K.
Vossler,
La
soledad n
la
poesia
espafiola,
r.
J.
Miguel
Sacristan,
Madrid
1941,
PP.
97-8;
Friedrich
(as
in
n.
31),
pp.
43-4;
E.
Asensio,
'Un
Quevedo inc6gnito:
Las
"silvas"',
dadde
Oro,
II,
1983, pp.
13-48
(23);
Rivers
(as
in
n. 46), pp.
251-2;
andJauralde
Pou
(as
in n.
6),
pp.
157-66.
53. Egido
(as
in n.
47),
PP.
15,
21.
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QUEVEDO
AND STATIUS
145
1520,
second
edition
1525)
and Ad D.
Menciam
Mendoziam
silva
(s.l.
c.
1540);
Francisco
Sanchez
de las
Brozas
(El Brocense)
published
an edition of Poliziano's Silvae with
com-
mentary
(Salamanca
1554,
reprinted
1596);
and Alvar G6mez de Castro included
'De
nova cathedrarum erectione in Toletana Schola sylva cui titulus Nymphe' in his Edyllia
aliquot,
sive
poematia
(Lyons
1588).54
The vernacular
silva tradition
in
Spain
evolved somewhat
differently.
So far as
we
know,
Statius's
Silvae were
not translated into
Spanish
in their
entirety
until after
170oo.5?
The term
silva,
however,
appears
in several titles of vernacular works
throughout
the
sixteenth
century.
Pedro de
Mexia's
Silva de
varia lecci6n
(1542)
uses
the term to
refer
to
a
compilation
of
curiosities;
the Silva de romances
(1550)
is a collection of
poems
all in
the
same metre but with
different
contents
and
styles;
and
Julian
de Medrano's
Silva curiosa
(1583)
is a
collection
of assorted verse and
prose
extracts
from
various
authors,
as well
as
a collection
of travel
journal excerpts
of an
autobiographical
nature.56
At
this
point,
one must wonder what
generic
definition could embrace such a
variety
of
literary
works.
Renaissance scholars derived the word silva from
the
Greek
word
hyle
(iV5r),
meaning
'material' or
'matter';
and
from
this
origin
arose its
early
Renaissance
meaning
as
the
primary
material
from
which a
literary
work was
constructed.57 Suetonius
and other Roman
authors
had taken
the literal
meaning
of the
Latin term
silva,
a
wood-
land
or
forest,
which was uncultivated and without
order,
and
made
it
metaphorical.58
The
word thus came
to
mean
a
literary miscellany
or
hotchpotch
of
various
genres,
gathering
together heterogeneous
forms of
literary
matter.
Quintilian,
the sensible
rhetorician,
wrote
pejoratively
of
silvae as
improvised
verses.59
Spanish
and
Italian
translations,
how-
ever, preserve resonances from both the literal meaning and its metaphorical extensions,61
so
that the
pun
selva/silva
became
popular
in
the Renaissance
and was used for
example
54.
See
Egido
(as
in
n.
47),
p.
22;
Asensio
(as
in
n.
52),
p.
2';
J.
F.
Alcina,
'La silva
neolatina',
in
L6pez
Bueno,
ed.
(as
in
n.
6),
pp.
129-55;
idem,
Repertorio
de
la
poesia
latina del Renacimiento en
Espaiia,
Salamanca
1995,
pp.
27-8,
87-8,
99-1oo;
and,
for
an excellent
discussion of
the
Neo-Latin
silva
tradition in
Spain
and
elsewhere,
Candelas Colodr6n
(as
in
n.
7), pp.
17-22.
55.
T.
S.
Beardsley, Jr.,
Hispano-Classical
Translations
Printed Between
1482
and
1699,
Pittsburgh 197o,
does
not list
any complete
translation of
Statius
published
before
17oo;
and M. Menendez
Pelayo,
Bibliografia
hispano-latina
cl(sica,
ed.
E.
Sinchez
Reyes,
Santander
1950,
III,
pp. 332-5,
cites
only
a
couple
of
translations
of
brief
passages
from
the
same
period.
This
omission
takes
on
added
significance
in the
light
of
the fact
that
Spanish
humanism
in
general
was
marked
by
an
unusually high
level
of
translation
into the
vernacular;
see
0. Di
Camillo,
'Humanism
in
Spain',
Renaissance
Humanism:
Foundations, Forms,
and
Legacy,
ii,
Humanism
beyond
Italy,
ed. A.
Rabil,
Jr.,
Philadelphia 1988,
pp.
55-108 (58-9).
56.
Egido
(as
in
n.
47),
P-
24-
57-
Vossler
(as
in
n.
52),
pp.
98-9.
For
the
etymology
of
silva
see
Poliziano,
Commento
inedito
(as
in
n.
49),
p.
8;
Oxford
Latin
Dictionary,
ed.
P.
G. W.
Glare,
Oxford
1982,
s.v.
'silva';
and
Rocha de
Sigler
(as
in n.
12),
p.
45,
quoting
Isidore of
Seville,
Origines,
XII.3-.1.
58.
Suetonius,
De
grammaticis,
x
(quoting
a
letter
to
Laelius Hermas
from
Ateius):
'Hylen
nostram
aliis
memento
commendare,
quam
omnis
generis
coegimus,
uti
scis,
octingentos
in
libros.' Friedrich
(as
in
n.
,31),
p.
44,
explains
that: 'Der Titel der
Sammlung
beruht
auif
der antiken
Verwendung
des Wortes "Wald"
(silva)
ffir
das
Chaotische,
Ungeformte,
ungeordnet Mannigfal-
tige,
im
Gegensatz
zum.
Geordneten,
majestditischen
Hain
(nemus).'
59. Quintilian,
Institutio
oratoria,
x.3.17:
'Diversum est
eorum
vitium
qui
primum
decurrere
per
materiam stilo
quam
velocissimo
volunt,
et
sequentes
calorem
atque
impetum
ex
tempore
scribunt;
hanc
silvain
vocant.
Repetunt
deinde et
componunt quae
effuderant sed
verba
emendantur et
numeri,
manet
in
rebus
temere
congestis, quae
fuit,
levitas.'
Quoted
in
Rocha
de
Sigler
(as
in n.
12),
p.
45.
6o. See Rocha de Sigler (as in n.
12),
p. 45.
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146
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF AND CRAIG KALLENDORF
by
Lorenzo de'
Medici;61
t
was taken
a
step
further into the realm of romantic
imagination
by
El
Brocense,
who
described
the
silva as a secret
poem
written
by
a
lonely poet
sitting
in
a
forest.62
In
short,
by
the end of the sixteenth
century,
the term silva seems to
have
con-
jured up
a
variety
of connotations,
including
those it had
acquired
in
antiquity.63
By
about
1613,
however,
this
open-endedness
was narrowed in
Spain
into a
very
precise
definition: a silva came
to
mean
a
silva
metrica,
a
poem
which
combined hendeca-
syllables
and
heptasyllables, though
not in a fixed
pattern.64
The
evolution
took
place
very
rapidly.
Pedro
Espinosa's
Flores
(completed by
16o3,
printed
1605)
lacks both
poems
labelled silvas and
anything
written
in
hendecasyllabic/heptasyllabic
metre.
A
manuscript
from Granada
bearing
the
title Poetica silva
(c.
1605)
uses
the term
silva
to mean miscel-
lany;
but
the
eight poems
entitled
silva which it contains are
all written
in
octava
real or
hendecasyllabic
tercets.
Juan
Antonio
Calder6n's Flores
(collected
by
1611),
however,
contains
various
poems
in the
hendecasyllabic/heptasyllabic metre,
some
of which are
called
silvas;
and
Madrid,
Biblioteca Nacional MS
3,888
(1614),
containing
inter
alia
the
Silvas of Francisco
de
Rioja,
firmly
associates the word with
the new
form."
A number
of
writers
of this
time
or
shortly
afterwards-Juan
de
Arguijo,
Don Francisco de
Calatayud,
Gutierre
Lobo,
Agustin
de
Tejada,
Rodrigo
Caro,
Francisco
de
Trillo
y Figueroa,
Pedro
Soto
de
Rojas
and
Lope
de
Vega-wrote
silvas
of some
distinction;
but the
key
figure
in
this
generic
evolution was
Luis de
G6ngora.
The
manuscript
version of
his Soledad
primera
began
circulating
in
1613;
the Soledades
were written
in the new
form,
the silva
mentrica,
and were
very popular,
as
is evidenced
by
the numerous
early printed
editions
of
them as
61.
Lorenzo
de'
Medici,
who
was
a
friend and
patron
of
Poliziano,
wrote two
Selve
d'amore
at some
point
after
1486; they
were
first
published
as
Selve
damore
composte
dal
Magnijfiro
Lorenzo,
Florence
1518.
Both are
pastoral
poems
which
concentrate
largely
on
descriptions
of
the
landscape;
and the
silva/selva
pun
in
the title
is con-
tinued
in
specific
phrases
of the
poems:
'nel
loco alto
e
silvestre'
(Selva
I,
stanza
122,
1.
1);
'e
selve trarre
e
pinger
sassi'
(Selva
II,
stanza
4,
11.
5-6).
See
Lorenzo
de'
Medici,
Stanze,
ed.
R.
Castagnola,
Florence
1986,
pp.
LI,
5o, 63.
62. 'Sed crediderim
...
Siluarum
inscriptione
delec-
tatum,
eo
quod
in
siluis
scripserit,
&
in
secreto
nemore.'
Quoted
in
Rivers
(as
in
n.
46),
p.
255.
El
Brocense
made
this remark
in
his
edition
of Poliziano's
Silvae
(Salarnanca
1554).
For a
poet
of the
English
Renais-
sance
who
exploited
the
romantic
connotations
of
the
silva
as
a
poem
written
in a forest see
Ben
Jonson's
The
Forrest
(1616)
and the studies
of
A.
Jacobson
Lavinger,
'The
Sylva
and
Civilizing
Form
in
Ben
Jonson's
The
Forrest and
The
lJnder-Wood',
Ph.D.
thesis,
Princeton
University
1977;
and
A.
Fowler,
'The
Silva Tradition
in
Jonson's
The
oTrrest',
n
Poeticr
Traditios
of
the
English
Renaissance, ed. M. Mack and G. deForest Lord, New
Haven and
London
1982,
pp.
163-6.
63.
See
Vossler
(as
in
n.
52),
p.
99:
'La
palabra
"silva"
hace
pensar
en
cosas
diferentes:
bosque,
silencio,
soledad
del
bosque-materia
iUrj-,
colecci6n
de
materias,
miscelinea, conflusi6n-improvisaci6n,
raptus,
entusiasmo-,
forma disuelta
v
combinaci6n
de
versos
diferentes
...' For the
range
of
meanings present
in
ancient
discussions
of
silva
see
D. F.
Bright,
Elaborate
Disarray:
The Nature
of
Statits'
Silvae,
Meisenheim
am
Glan
198o,
pp.
20-49.
64. Egido
(as
in n.
47),
pp.
41-85.
See
E. Asensio
and
M.
J.
Woods,
'Formas
y
contenidos:
La silva
y
la
poesia
descriptiva',
Historia
y
critica
de
la
literatura
espafiola,
ed.
F.
Rico,
III,
Siglos
de
oro:
Barroco,
d.
B.
Wardropper,
Barcelona
1983,
p.
679:
'A
partir
del
triunfo
tan
pol6-
mico
de
G6ngora
... la silva
suscita una
pequefia
revo-
Iuici6n'.
65.
See
Asensio
(as
in
n.
52),
pp.
24-7.
The
termino-
logical fluidity
makes
primacy
difficult
to
establish,
but
Asensio's
chronology
seems reasonable
to
us.
Vossler
(as
in
n.
52), pp.
99-1oo,
proposed
Juan
de
Jiuregi
as
the author
who
introduced the term
silva
into
Spanish
in his translation
of
Tasso's
Aminta;
Egido
(as
in
n.
47),
pp.
34-6, gives primacy
to a
poem
of
Espinosa's
which
can
be described
as a
silva
'con cierta
aproximacion',
and considers
Jdiuregi's
translation
as the second
in-
stance of the use of the term, 'bien que atfpico, por sut
verso
librfsimo'
(p.
35)-
See
also
Rocha de
Sigler
(as
in
n.
12),
pp.
48-50.
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QUEVEDO
AND STATIUS
147
part
of
G6ngora's
Obras
completas.66Although
G6ngora
himself never
called his
poems
silvas,
his Soledades
consistently
follow
the
pattern
of
the silva
metrica,
alternating freely
between
hendecasyllables
(75%)
and
heptasyllables
(25%).
Neither Quevedo nor Statius has been properly situated in this story. If we turn first
to
Quevedo's
silvas
(Appendix
ii)
we find
twenty-one
silvas
metricas,
which
suggests
that
he
was
fully
informed about
metrical
developments
and interested
in
showing
his
ability
to handle
the new
form.67 We
also find fifteen silvas written in
eight
other verse
forms,
ranging
from
Pindaric
odes to octavas
reales.68
Conceivably,
Quevedo
chose this
genre
precisely
because
he
was attracted
to the idea
of a
flexible,
innovative form which
would
allow
him
to
write
a
miscellany
of
occasional
poems
in a
personal,
lyric
mode
without
the
constrictions
of dominant
metres or themes.
As we have
seen,
however,
G6ngora's
version of the
silva was
quite
different,
in
that
his
Soledades
were marked
by
metrical
homogeneity.
His
poems
also
employ
a
mode
of
enunciation which
is
much
less
personal
than
Quevedo's.69
The contrast in
styles
is
pro-
nounced
enough
for Nadine
Ly
to
have
concluded that
G6ngora's
poems,
though
taking
the
silvas
inmtricas
s
their
point
of
departure,
should
be
recognised
as
inaugurating
a
new
genre,
the
soledad.7I
Whatever
the merits of this
view,
it
is clear
that
by
the
time
Quevedo
returned
to
Spain
in
1619,
G6ngora's
version
of the
silva
had
prevailed.
We
may
well
imagine
that
this
displacement
of the
earlier,
broader form
of the
genre by
the
popular
but
poetically
constrictive
silva
mertrica
offended
Quevedo
not
only
as a
scholar but also
from a
personal point
of view. It was
G6ngora,
after
all,
who
had
questioned
his
com-
petence
some
years
before-and
the
dispute
still
continued."'
The issue of the
evolution
of a poetic term now developed into a critical controversy in which Quevedo consciously
allied himself with
Statius,
against
those
like
G6ngora
who
were
moving
the
genre
in
new
directions.72
In
1629,
Quevedo
included a reference to the
silva
problem
in
the
dedication
66.
There were
eight
editions of
G6ngora's
Obras
between
1636
and
1667:
Madrid
1636,
Zaragoza
1643,
Lisbon
1646-7,
Seville
1648,
Madrid
1654,
Zaragoza
1654,
Brussels
1659
and Lisbon
1667.
67.
Quevedo
also used the silva
mitrica
verse
form in
two other
works,
'Ligrimas
de
Jeremfas
castellanas' and
'Hericlito
cristiano'
(1613);
see
Jauralde
Pou
(as
in n.
6), p.
173.
68. These
figures
are derived from A.
Alatorre,
'Quevedo:
De la "silva" al
"ovillejo"',
Homnenaje
Eugenio
Asensio,
Madrid
1988,
p.
6 n.
12.
Asensio
(as
in
n.
52),
p.
34,
mistakenly
counted one
poem
in
octaves as a
silva
mulrica,
giving
him 2
2
silvas
itlricas
and
14
poems
written
in
other
mnetres.
69.
Rivers
(as
in
n.
46),
pp.
257-8,
explains
that the
Statian silva as
developed
by Quevedo
is marked
by
the firm
presence
of
the
lyric
'I',
but
that
G6ngora's
Soledades
cultivate
a more
obscure,
less
intimate tone.
7o.
See
N.
Ly,
'Las
Soledades: "Esta
poesfa
infitil"',
Critic6n, xxx,
1985, pp. 7-42. Ly quotes
Garcia de
Salcedo
Coronel,
who
published
a volume
of
Obras de
don
Luis de
G6ngora
comentadas
(Madrid
1636)
in
which
he
compared
the Soledades 'con las
silvas
estacianas,
poniendo
de relieve
su
cari-cter
mezclado
v
variado
y
la
analogia que
relaciona el
genero poetico
de la
silva con
la
palabra
soledad
por
medio
de la
silva'
(Lv,
p.
12).
Salcedo
Coronel added:
'Presumo
que
Don
Luis
quiso
a esta
voz,
Silva,
correspondiese
Soledad en
nuestra
lengua,
v
no
impropiamente, pues
si
la silva
significa
en
castellano selva
o
bosque, ;que
cosa
mas
solitaria?'
(ibid.). From this passage Ly concludes that from as
early
as
1636,
G6ngora's
poems
were seen by
his
imme-
diate successors
as both
closely
connected
to
the Statian
silva and
radically
departing
from it
(ibid.,
p.
2
1).
71.
See
above,
n.
22.
72.
For
the
controversy
between
Quevedo
and G6n-
gora
see
Rivers
(as
in n.
46),
p.
'57;
and
idem,
'Prob-
lems of Genre in
Golden
Age
Poetry',
Modern
Language
Notes,
cII,
1987,
pp.
2o6-19.
As
Alatorre
points
out,
however,
Quevedo
soon
adapted
even
the format of
the
silva
mitrica
to suit his own
interests and to
differentiate
his work from
that of
G6ngora.
He
hypothesises
that
Quevedo's
silvas
ultimately
mutated into what
should
more
properly
be
called
ovillejos,
or
silvas
with
paired
dactylic
hexameters. Alatorre
(as
in n.
68),
pp.
27-8.
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148
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF
AND CRAIG
KALLENDORF
to Count-Duke
Olivares of his edition
of the works of
Fray
Luis de
Le6n
(published
in
1631):
And
Statius,
in Book v of
the
Silvas,
'Epicedion
in
patrem', speaking
of
the
poets, says,
when
discussing
Lycophron,
the
one who
taught
this
sect
in
Greek: 'the
songs
of
Battus's son and the
concealments of
the black
Lycophron'.
Words of
greater opprobrium
could not be
studied. It
is
not
only reprehensible
to write
obscurely,
but
[it is]
also
unclear.73
In this
passage Lycophron,
who
was notorious
for
his
obscurity,
is
associated
with
G6ngora
and the
culteranos,
while
Quevedo
appropriates
Statius as the model
for
his
own vision
of
the
genre.
It
should also be noted that
the line he
quotes
here from
Statius,
Silvae,
v.3.157,
is marked
in
the Princeton Aldine
(sig.
i3V).
Although
it has
long
been
recognised
that
Statius had some
impact
in
Golden
Age
Spain,
modern
scholarship
has
hesitated
to
assign
his
poetry
an
important place
in
the
development
of the
Spanish
silva.74 The
evidence,
however,
suggests
that
through
Quevedo,
the role
played by
Statius
in
the
development
of the
Spanish
silva was more
extensive than has
been
thought.
The fact
that
Quevedo
read his
copy
of Statius
carefully,
returned to
it
over the
years
and even
used
it
in his
efforts to define the silva as a
genre,
suggests
very
strongly
that the
Silvae
provided
the basic
model
for him
as he wrote his own
poems
in
this
form.
Crucially,
there
is
metrical
variety
in
the Statian
Silvae;
and this
was
central to
Quevedo's
vision.75
By modelling
his
collection
of
poems closely
on the works
73-
'Y
Estacio,
en
el
libro
V
de
las
silvas,
"Epicedion
in
patrem",
hablando de los
poetas,
cuando trata de
Licofr6n,
que
fue
quien
en
griego
ensefi6 esta seta
dice:
"Carmina Battiadae
latebrasque
Lycophronis
atri"
/
"Escondrijos
del
ennegrecido
Licofr6n". No se
pudieron
estudiar
palabras
de
mayor oprobio...
[N]o
s6lo es
reprehensible
escribir
escuro,
sino
poco
claro':
Epistolario
conpleto
(as
in
n.
15),
p.
224.
Madrid,
Biblio-
teca Nacional
MS
3678
has
ari
at
the end
of
Silvae,
v.3.157;
modern texts
usually
arti,
but
the Aldine
edition has
atri,
which
is
of course what
Quevedo quotes.
74.
For
example,
Aurora
Egido
notes that a number
of
poets
wrote
silvas which are
in her
opinion clearly
connected to Statian models; yet she insists that Statius
was not
an immediate
generative
model
for the silva
mdtrica
in
Spain.
See
Egido
(as
in n.
47),
PP-
45
(Fran-
cisco de
Calatayud),
53
(G6ngora),
59
(Francisco
de
Calatayud,
again),
66
(Francisco
de Trillo
y Figueroa),
67
(Pedro
Soto de
Rojas)
and
75
(Antonio
L6pez
de
Mendoza);
her conclusion
is found
on
p.
15.
Rivers
(as
in
n.
46),
p.
255,
notes that no school
of
translators and
imitators
like the one around Horace
arose around
Statius,
which
leads
him to
conclude
that
Quevedo's
imitation
of
'Somnus'
appears
to
be the most direct
contact between
Statius and the
17th-century Spanish
silva. Lia Schwartz and
Ignacio
Arellano,
in their edition
of Francisco de
Quevedo,
Un
Herdclito
Cristiano,
Canta
sola
a Lisi
y
otros
poemas,
Barcelona
1998,
p.
xxxix,
note
in
general
terms that
Quevedo
drew
from Statius and
his
Neo-Latin
imitators,
and list
six
Sonetos
of
Quevedo
(58-6o
and
64-66)
in
which
they
find
some
resem-
blance
to
particular
Silvae
of
Statius:
for
example,
Soneto
58,
which
celebrates
a
statue,
recalls
Silvae,
1.1,
on the
equestrian
statue
of
Domitian;
and Sonetos
65
and
66,
on a bull killed
by
the
king,
echo
Silvae,
II.5,
on the
death
of a
lion
killed
in
the
amphitheatre.
75.
To
be
sure,
there
is somewhat less metrical
variety
in
Statius's collection
than
in
Quevedo's.
Of
Statius's
32
poems,
26
are in the dominant
dactylic
hexameter,
four are
in
hendecasyllabics,
and two
are
in
Horatian
meters
(one
Sapphic,
one
Alcaic).
As
is often
the
case,
however,
the
problem
is
not with
generating
the statis-
tics, but with interpreting them. Asensio (as in n.
52),
p.
16,
looked at the
metrical
breakdown
of the
poems
in
Quevedo's
collection versus that of the
poems
in
Statius's
and concluded
that,
for
Quevedo,
'el
propdsito
inicial
de
rivalizar
con Estacio
permitia
una
gran
vari-
edad
de
formas metricas'. Alatorre
(as
in
n.
68)
looked
at the same statistics
(with
one
slight
modification)
and
emphasised
difference
rather
than
similarity, noting
that less than
20%
of Statius's
poems
deviate
from the
dominant
dactylic
hexameter while
more
than
4o%
of
Quevedo's
are not silvas
mdtricas.
While
Alatorre's
observation is
obviously
reasonable,
it seems to
us
that
comparison
also should
be made
with
the
practice
of
G6ngora;
when this
is
done,
both Statius
and
Quevedo
stand
together
as advocates
of metrical
variety
within
the silva.
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QUEVEDO
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149
of a classical
author,
Quevedo
opted
for
the
traditional
humanist
approach
to
literary
creation. In
hindsight,
we
can see that the
road
G6ngora
started
down
led to
the
future;
but we should still
use the
clues which
Quevedo
himself left us
to
try
to
evaluate
his
silvas
according to the norms by which they were written.
How did
Quevedo
himself
envision
his
silvas
as a
group
or
collection? He
must
have been
influenced to
some extent
by
one of the
Spanish
meanings
of the word
silva, i.e.,
miscel-
lany,
because his
collection
is
ultimately quite
heterogeneous
in
its
assortment
of
themes,
metres and
lengths
of
poems.
If,
however,
the
silvas are
arranged
in
the
sequence
that
might
have been
conceptualised
for them
originally,
as
in
our
Appendix
II,
the
collection
emerges
with
more
coherence. Our
method has
been
to
list
the
poems
in
the
order in
which they appear, first, in
Naples,
Biblioteca Nazionale MS
XIV.E.46,
Quevedo's
early
autograph
manuscript
in
which
he
conceived,
corrected
and
re-ordered
his
early
silvas
as
a
collection."7
For the rest
of the
poems,
most of which
we
presume
to
have been
written
later,
we
have
followed the
order of
the
'Indice
intercalado'
compiled
by Quevedo's
nephew
and
heir,
Pedro
Aldrete,
and
included
by
him in
the
earliest
printed
edition
to
present
the silvas
as a
group.77
We
agree
with
Eugenio
Asensio and
Antonio
Alatorre that
the
total
number of
silvas
should be
thirty-six.78
Certain
images
or ideas
recur
in
several
poems
in
the
collection:
for
example,
the
obsession with
romantic
love,
the
pastoral
image
of
the musician's
lyre
and
the
Neostoic
preoccupation
with
the
goddess
Fortuna
appear again
and
again
in
these poems. More-
over,
when
the
poems
in
the
Naples
manuscript
are
arranged
in
the
final
order
designated
by
the
copyist
(who
appears
to have
changed
his
mind
several
times on
this
question),
a
number
of
striking
images
manifest
themselves
in
the
collection,
first
as
the
subjects
of
individual
poems
and then
later as
echoes
of
those motifs
within
other
poems.
For ex-
ample,
the first
silva
in
the
collection,
'Al
tronco
y
a la
fuente',
is
about
a
widow
turtledove;
this
same
turtledove is
recalled in
the
third,
'De tu
peso
vencido'
(11.
31-2);
and
the
sixth,
';iQue
de
robos han
visto del
invierno'
(11.
85-90).
Likewise,
after
the
city
of
Rome
serves
as the
subject
for
the tenth
silva,
'Esta
que
miras
grande
Roma
agora',
it
is
recalled
in
the
eleventh,
'En
caircel
de
metal,
ioh
atrevimiento '
(1. 18).
The
killing
of a
wild boar is
the
subject of 'Tii, blas6n de los bosques' (no. 29); and the animal is remembered in the con-
text of
homicide
in
'Este de los
demais
sitios
Narciso',
the
poem
about
the
country
home
(no.
30o,
1.
8o).
Insomnia is
the
subject
of
Quevedo's
fifth
silva;
and a
direct
recollection
76.
We
have
followed the final
ordering
of the
poems
as
they
are
numbered
in
the
Naples
manuscript-that
is,
we
have
ignored
the
crossed-out
numbers
which,
according
to
Ettinghausen,
'Un
nuevo
manuscrito'
(as
in
n.
14),
p.
222
n.
10,
represent
earlier
attempts
at
ordering
the
poems
in a
sequence.
77.
Las
tres
musas
ultimas
castellanas.
Segunda
cumbre
del
parnaso
espafiol
de
don
Francisco de
Quevedo
y
Villegas
...,
ed. Pedro
Aldrete
Quevedo
y
Villegas,
Madrid
1670,
p.
125.
Aldrete's
index
lists a
total
of
37
'silvas,
y
canciones',
although only 31
poems
appear
in
his
edition.
78.
See
Asensio
(as
in
n.
52),
p.
2o;
and
Alatorre
(as
in n.
68),
p.
19.
Asensio
rejects
one
poem
in
the
Indice
intercalado,
'Cuando
glorioso
entre
Moises
y
Elias',
as a
relaci6n
written
in
octavos
and
therefore
not a
silva
(pp.
18-20).
Given
how long this poem is, we are inclined
to
agree
with him. In
our
opinion
the
list
of
Rocha de
Sigler
(as
in
n.
12),
p.
62,
includes
several
doubtful
candidates.
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150
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF
AND CRAIG
KALLENDORF
of
this
theme comes
in
his
'Tiempo, que
todo lo
mudas'
(no.
33,
11.
45-8).
After
a
ship
and the
perils
of sea travel are the focus of
the
second
poem,
'?D6nde
vas,
ignorante
navecilla',
the same theme recurs
in
the
poem
addressed to Pedro
de
Leiva,
captain
general of the Spanish navy (no. 7), and again in the one about the Duke of Pastrana's
naval
victory
(no.
31).
Arranging
the
poems
in
this
order
obviously
has its
advantages
if it
yields
coherence
in
the manner
just
described;
but
it
also allows
us to
distinguish phases
in
Quevedo's
imitation of Statius.
Among
the
first
poems
in
the
collection
are several
imitations,
some
fairly
close,
some less
so,
of
specific
poems
by
Statius
(see
Appendix
iii,
p.
167).
Then
there
are
quite
a few
poems
which bear almost no
relation to Statius at
all,
outside
of a
few echoes
of isolated
images
or
tropes.79
Finally,
the last
group
again
contains
a
striking
sequence
of close imitations of
specific poems by
Statius.
This
division
of the
poems
into
groups corresponding
to
temporal phases
of
Quevedo's
work leads
in
turn to some
interesting
questions.
Was
Quevedo
imitating
Statius
closely
at
the
beginning,
until
his
ambitions were
all but thwarted
by
G6ngora's popularisation
of the silva
in its
non-Statian
soledad form?
Did he then continue
his
project
almost
half-heartedly, writing
occasional
poems
which
he did not
attempt
to model
rigidly
upon
those of
Statius?
Finally,
did he
return
in
later
years
to
his
once-cherished
idea,
deciding
to
imitate
Statius
formally again
and thus
prove
himself
to
be the better humanist?
These are
tantalising
questions
to
which
we
may ultimately
never find
answers,
but the
best
place
to
begin exploring
them
is with
Quevedo's
silvas
themselves.
We
shall start
by looking
at the individual verbal
echoes which
clearly
derive
from
Quevedo's annotations of Statius. A number of these passages, marked in the margins of
his Aldine edition
and then
repeated
in
his own
silvas,
are
immediately recognisable
as
reflecting Baroque preoccupations.
For
instance,
the
topos
of nature
outdone
by
art,
so
frequently
found
in
Spanish
Baroque
literature,
was also common
in
Latin Silver
Age
poetry.
Statius
specifically
invokes
this
topos
in
Silvae,
11.2.52,
'Villa
Surrentina Pollii
Felicis',
by suggesting
that the artifice of the
villa has
surpassed
the
beauty
of
its natural
surroundings
('Here
are
spots
that Nature has
favoured,
here she
has been
outdone').8s
Quevedo
marked
this
passage
and then
repeated
the same idea
of art as
'competidor
vali-
ente
/de
la Naturaleza'
in
his
poem
'Tu,
si en
cuerpo pequefio',
about
the artist's
pencil
(no.
17,
11.
2-3).
An
even
more
specific
example
of
Baroque
artifice
derived
from Statius
appears
in
the fourth
poem.
Quevedo
marked a
passage
in
Statius's
epithalamium
(Silvae,
1.2.153-6)
about
marble
fountains;
and then
promised,
in
'Aquf
la vez
postrera',
to
build
for
a natural fountain
a
marble mouth
which will
always
thirst for
water,
in the
shape
of
a
satyr's
mouth
(no.
4,
11.
60-3). Finally,
in
a
poem
about romantic
love,
Quevedo
took
advantage
of one
of Statius's manneristic
plays
on words.
At Silvae,
1.3.85,
he
marked
the
artfully ambiguous
'vitreae
iuga perfida
Circes'
('the
perfidious
height
of
glassy
Circe')
in
Statius's
poem
about
the villa of Manilius
Vopiscus.
Grammatically, 'perfidious'
modifies
79.
Within
this
large group
there
appear
to be
identifiable subsets, such as five poems together about
romantic love
(nos
19-23)
and three
poems together
about
various
types
of
clocks
(nos
26-8).
Note
also
that
as
Quevedo
revised
and
ordered
his
poems,
some
of
the
silvas
ended
up
as
parts
of other
collections:
nos
19-22,
for example, were integrated
into the
Canta
sola a
Lisi.
8o.
In this and other
examples,
for the
Statian
text
marked
by
Quevedo
and
the text
of
his
annotation
see
below,
Appendix
I.
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QUEVEDO
AND
STATIUS
151
'height';
but it is also
positioned
next to
'Circe',
a
mythological
figure
to whom the
reader
instinctively
tries to
apply
the
adjective.
Quevedo-in
typical
Baroque fashion-preferred
the
misreading
which
arises
from
manneristic
wordplay.
He therefore
invoked
'the
lying
Circes' in a poem entitled 'Ansia de amante porfiado' (no. 23, 1.58)-another creatively
loose
Baroque
variation on
this same word
'perfidious'. Through
borrowings
such as
these,
Quevedo
read
(and
intentionally
misread)
the mannerist Statius
in
search
of
highly
artifi-
cial
montages
of
images
and
word
associations-all
means
by
which
the artifice
of
the
poet
could
exceed the
beauty
of nature.
It is
possible
to
categorise
Quevedo's
annotations
and
borrowings
from Statius
in
terms
of
images
to which he
alluded
briefly
and
those
which
inspired
entire
poems.
We
turn now
to the latter
category.
When
he
annotated
Statius's
poem
about the elaborate
villa of
Manilius
Vopiscus
(1.3),
Quevedo
noted,
next
to the
phrase
'to tell
the
shapes'
(1.
48),
that
the
poet
wrote
'remarkably
and
poetically
and
elegantly
about
sculpture';
and
later the use
of visual art to call
poetic
figures
to mind
became the theme
of
his own
poem
'Al
pincel'
(no.
17),
in
which
he addressed the artist's
pencil
and
praised
it for
the
ways
in
which
it aids human
memory.8"
In
the
poem
of Statius which laments
the death
of his
adopted
son
(Silvae,
v.5),
Quevedo
marked a
long
passage describing
the
violent mourn-
ing
of the
poet
at the
death of
his child
(11.
56-62).
Many
of Statius's
ideas about
grief
are
repeated
in his
own
poem
about the widow
turtledove who
mourns
the death of
her
spouse
(no. 1).
2
Another instance of
expansion
by
Quevedo
of
a
passage
from Statius
which
he admired
can
be
seen
in
the
poem
beginning
'El
metal animado'
(no. 26),
an
extended
meditation on
the
commonplace
theme of
carpe
diem.
Quevedo
marked
in
his
copy an injunction by Venus, from the epithalamium for Stella and Violentilla (Silvae,
1.2.166),
commanding
the
bride
to
employ
her
beauty
and to
use
her
fleeting gifts.
His
own
poem
about the
passage
of time has a
similar
warning
as its
undercurrent,
calling
on
the
reader to mourn the 'irrevocable hour'
given
by
the
clock,
to
forestall the
sounding
of
the
next,
and
to
make
the most
of
the
present
hour.83
Finally,
in
perhaps
the most
interesting
case
of
a seed from
Statius
blossoming
in
Quevedo's
fertile
mind
into an entire
poem,
Quevedo
marked a
Statian
passage
about
Rome
(Silvae,
1.1.93-4)
and
then
copied
some
similar
lines from
Horace
(Carmina,
III.3o.8-9)
in
the
margin.
The
passage
from
Horace
appears
almost word for word
in
Quevedo's
'Esta
que
miras
grande
Roma
agora
(no.
10o,
11.
9-11).
Next we shall examine some
larger
borrowings, by
means
of
which
Quevedo
wrote
Spanish Baroque adaptations
of
Statius's
poems
(see
Appendix
IIi).
To
do
this
we
have,
first
of
all,
paired
five
poems
of
Quevedo
with five of
Statius,
which
loosely
resemble one
another
on a
thematic level.
Thus,
Quevedo's
first silva about the
widow
turtledove can
81. 'Eres
tan
fuerte,
/
eres tan
poderoso,
/
que
en
desprecio
del
Tiempo
y
de sus
leyes,
/
y
de
la anti-
gfiedad
ciega y
escura,
/
del
seno
de la edad
mis
apartada
/
restituyes
los
prfncipes y
reyes,
/
la ilustre
majestad
v
la hermosura
/
que
huy6
de
la memoria
sepultada.' (Blecua, ed., as in n.
1,
no. 205, 11.9-16.)
82.
The ideas of Statius found in
this
passage
are
repeated loosely
in
his
other seven
epicedia
and
were
echoed
briefly
in
numerous other
poems by Quevedo
about
death:
e.g. 'Deja
l'alma v
los
ojos'
(Blecua,
ed.,
as
in
n.
1,
no.
278);
'Faltar
pudo
su
patria
al
grande
Osuna'
(ibid.,
no.
223);
'Mereciste reinar,
y
mereciste'
(ibid.,
no.
238);
and
'Entre las
coronadas sombras
mias'
(ibid.,
no. 239).
83. 'La hora irrevocable que dio, Ilora;/ preven la
que
ha
de
dar;
y
la
que
cuentas,
/
l6grala
bien.'
(Blecua,
ed.,
as
in
n.
1,
no.
140,
11.
26-8.)
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152
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF AND CRAIG
KALLENDORF
be
coupled
with Statius's
'Psittacus Atedii
Melioris',
about the dead
parrot.
Both
poems
describe the
mourning
of a bird for
its dead
companion
(Statius
11.4.16-23; Quevedo
no.
1,
11.
1-44);
and both
associate
specific
classical
gods
with
specific
birds-Statius men-
tioned the birds of Apollo (1. 17) andJuno (1. 26), while Quevedo associates his loving
turtledove
with
Cupid,
the
god
of
love
(11.
23-6).
The
second
loosely
connected
pair
of
poems
are
also
epicedia
or
dead animals.
This
time
Quevedo
read Statius's
epicedion
or
a
tame
lion
(Silvae,
II.v)
and wrote a similar
lamentation
for
a wild boar
(no.
29).
In both
cases,
the once-fierce animal
attains
greater
honour
in
death than it ever had
in
life,
by
the
response
of
a
powerful
ruler to its
demise.
In
Statius's
poem,
Emperor
Domitian reacts to
the lion's death
by
wiping
away
a
tear
(1.
30o);
in
Quevedo's,
it is the
princess
Dofia Maria
who both kills
the boar
(11.
55-77)
and
reacts
to its
death
(11.
78-102).
In
addition,
there
is a
precise
reminiscence
of
Statius's
poem
in
Quevedo's
reference to Caesar
(11.
46-8),
the title used
by
Statius
to refer to
Emperor
Domitian.
The
third
pair
of
poems
are
panegyrics,
both written
in
celebration
of
great
military
leaders.
Just
as
Statius
praises
Domitian after his
campaign
in
Germany
in
his
'Septimus
Decimus Consulatus
Imp. Aug.
Germanici',
so
Quevedo
praises
the Duke of
Pastrana after
his
naval
victory
over the
Turks,
in
his 'Esclarecidas sefias
da Fortuna'.
Both
poems begin
in
the same
way: heavenly
bodies are said to fall
prostrate
at the leader's
feet,
eclipsed
by
his
greatness
(Statius
Iv.
1.3-4; Quevedo
no.
31,
11.
4-6).
The fourth
pair
of
poems
were
written
about a
lock
of
hair
which was
to be
cut
off. In the
case
of
Statius,
it
became a
gift
sent
willingly
in a
golden
box
by
Flavius Earinus to the
temple
of
Asclepius
at
Pergamum;
his
'Capilli
Flavi Earini'
is
therefore an
anathematikon,
record
of
a
voluntary
act of dedi-
cation. In Quevedo's '4C6mo pudiera ser hecho piadoso', the hair was to be cut off against
a
lady's
will
by
order
of
her doctor
during
a
period
of
illness.
In
both
poems
the
beauty
of the hair is described
in
some detail
(Statius
111.4.8-1
1,
90-2; Quevedo
no.
34,
11.
49-
6o).
The
fifth
pair
of
poems
are two
more
epicedia.
Both were written on the occasion
of
the
death
of
a
young
noble
woman.
Quevedo's
silva entitled
'Epicedio
en
la
muerte de una
ilustre
sefiora,
hermosa
y
difunta en
lo florido de su
edad'
(no.
35)
resembles
Statius's
'Epicedion
in
Priscillam'
by
virtue
of the
contests,
appearing
in both
poems,
involving
gods
or
entities such as
Death,
Fortune,
Envy,
Love,
Nature and
Heaven.
In
Statius's
poem,
Priscilla's
husband
struggles
with Death
(Silvae,
v.
1.7-9);
and Fortune
and
Envy
are at
war
with each other
(v.1.137-53).
In
Quevedo's
poem,
Elvira contends
first with Death
(no.
35,
11.
27-38)
and then with Love
(11.
39-41);
and Nature and Heaven
fight
one another
over
her
(11.21-6).
Finally,
both women
are
in
some
way
immortalised: Priscilla
through
works of art made
in her
image;
and Elvira
through
what she leaves
behind-the ashes of
her beautiful
body,
which
Quevedo
calls 'Love's
empire'
and the arms and ammunition
of
its war84
(Statius
v.
1.228-38;
Quevedo
no.
35,
11.
6-7).
We can now move on to four
pairs
of
poems
which bear
the
signs
of much closer
imitation
by
Quevedo
of his classical
model,
at times to the extent
of direct verbal and
structural
parallels. Perhaps
the clearest and most direct
example
in
this
category,
Statius's
84.
'el
imperio
de Amor
en
poca
tierra, / la munici6n,
las armas de
su
guerra'
(Blecua,
ed.,
no.
278,
11.
6-7).
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QUEVEDO
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153
'Somnus'
(Silvae,
v.4)
and
Quevedo's
'El
suefio'
(no.
5,
beginning
'iCon
que culpa
tan
grave'),
comprise
the
only
such
pair
to
have
been
studied
carefully
together.85
Apart
from
the obvious
similarity
of
their
titles,
these two
poems
manifest
the
same basic
rhetorical
structure: a complaint by the insomniac poet; then a description of nightfall and its still-
ness;
and
finally
a
contrast between
the
poet
and
other
people experiencing
this
night.
Quevedo
follows
Statius
closely,
even
imitating
his
alliterative
style
(Statius
1.
1,
'Crimine
quo';
Quevedo
1.
1,
'Con
que culpa',
'for
what
crime')
and
translating
his words
literally
(Statius
1.
1,
'merui';
Quevedo
1.
3,
'pude
...
merecerte',
'have I
deserved').
Quevedo's
poem
is
longer
than that of
Statius,
but the
added
length
unfolds
within a close
imitation
of
'Somnus':
Quevedo
takes a
key
word
from
Statius and
embellishes it
with one or more
synonyms:
he
specifies,
for
example,
the
gifts
of
sleep
(11.
39-45)
to
which
Statius had
alluded
in
a
more
general
way.
Quevedo
takes
advantage
of
the
dual
meanings
inherent
in
some
of
Statius's
cleverly
chosen
words;
for
instance,
'lumen'
(Statius
11.
11,
17)
can
mean
'light'
as well as
'eye';
and
Quevedo
incorporates
both of
these
meanings
into
his
phrases
'[L]uz
enferma'
(1.
2o,
'sick
light')
and 'mis dos
ojos
... nacieron
antes
para
llorar
que
para
verte,
suefio'
(11.
16-17,
'my
two
eyes
...
were born
more to
cry
than to see
you,
sleep').
He
repeats
Statius's
image
of
a
quiet
sea
and,
like
him,
contrasts it
with
the
wailing
of
the insomniac
poet
(Statius
11.
5-10;
Quevedo
11.
30,
37).
Even an
instance in
which
Quevedo
appears
to
depart
from
Statius,
when he
characterises
Sleep
more as
an
attractive
lover
(1.
51)
than
as
the
somewhat
aloof
god
of
antiquity,
can be linked
to
a cue from
the
Roman
poet,
for
Statius had
created the
image
of a
lover in
bed
with his
lady
who,
unlike
him,
does not wish for
sleep
(Statius
11.
14-15; Quevedo
1.
74).
Quevedo's
poem
has been
criticised, however, for repeating some topoi from Statius more as residual ornament
than as
heartfelt
feeling.86
Our
own view is
that,
in the
end,
Quevedo
followed
Statius too
slavishly
in his 'El
suefio',
instead
of
trusting
his
own
poetic
instincts.
Nevertheless,
this
pair
of
poems
shows
us how
closely
Quevedo
was
capable
of
imitating
Statius
when he
chose to do
so.
The second
pairing
of
poems
which
closely
resemble each
other
consists of
an
imitation
by
Quevedo
of
two
ekphrases
of villas
by
Statius. One of the
villas
belonged
to
Manilius
Vopiscus
(Silvae,
1.3),
the other to
Pollius
Felix and his
wife
(Silvae,
11.2).
Quevedo
wrote
a similar
ekphrasis
of
a
country
home,
the
casa de
campo
built
by
Gonzalo
Chac6n
at
least
partly
for
the
recreational
use
of
the
royal
couple
Ferdinand
and
Isabella
(no.
3o,
beginning
'Este de los demais sitios
Narciso').
He annotated both of Statius's
poems
ex-
tensively
in
his
Aldine
edition
of the
Silvae;
and
he drew
elements
from
both
into his
close
imitation.
In
Statius's first
villa
poem Quevedo
marked off
several
passages,
then
converted
them into
descriptions
of
the
temperate
climate,
the
melodious
stream
and the
orchard
(Statius
1.3.1-8, 20-g,
81-2; Quevedo
no.
30,
11.
20-5,
42-4,
30).
He also
appro-
priated specific references to
Venus,
Cupid
and
Hercules/Alcides
(Statius
1.3.1o,
2o,
loo;
Quevedo
no.
3o,
11.
77, 40,
14).
From
'Villa Surrentina Pollii
Felicis'
Quevedo
chose
85.
See
Crosby
and
Schwartz
(as
in
n.
7).
Their ex-
haustive
efforts could
hardly
be
improved upon;
we
shall
simply
summarise
some of
their
findings
in
an
effort
to
highlight
the
similarities
between
the two
poems.
B.
Windau,
Somnus:
Neolateinische
Dichtung
an
und
iiber
den
Schlaf.
Studien
zur
Motivik,
Texte,
Uberset-
zung,
Kommentar,
Trier
1998, esp. p. 79,
shows
that
poems
on
sleep proliferated
in
Neo-Latin
literature,
with
many
of them
based
on
Statius's model.
86.
Crosby
and
Schwartz
(as
in
n.
7),
pp.
11i1-26.
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HILAIRE
KALLENDORF AND CRAIG
KALLENDORF
mostly
different
elements,87
but ones which are
just
as
important
for the
development
of
his
own silva.
This
second Roman villa is
inhabited
by
a noble
couple,
and
Quevedo
drew
on
Statius's
description
of
their
happy marriage
for his
account
of the
union of
Ferdinand
and Isabella. In both poems, there are separate passages about the wife and her qualities
(Statius
11.2.143-54;88
Quevedo
no.
3o,
11.
99-1oo),
and an
emphasis
on
lineage
or heredi-
tary nobility
(Statius
11.
145-6;
Quevedo
1.
too).
Finally,
Quevedo
took
over
from
Statius
the
prediction
that
the state of
peacefulness
described
in
the
poems
will endure
until 'the
last
day'.
In both
cases,
the
focus
is on
steadfastness,
security
and the
peacefulness
of
repose.
The
'suprema
dies'
of
Statius
(1. 128),
however,
refers
primarily
to
the
couple
and
their
union,
while the
'fin
del mundo'
of
Quevedo
(1. 102)
refers
more
to
the
country
home
as
a
lasting
retreat. The
main
bond
uniting
these three
poems
about
country
homes
is the notion
that
the
inhabitants
are more
important
than their houses.
All
three
begin
with
an extensive
ekphrasis
of the
country
retreat;
but the
rhetorical
set
passage
is followed
by
a detailed excursus
n
praise
of
the
people
who come there to rest. This
concept
of
rest
is,
perhaps,
the
main
thrust of the
poems'
emotional
appeal,
as each of them
highlights
the contrast between
otium
and
negotium.
The
third
example
of
Quevedo's
close imitation
of
a
poem
of
Statius concerns two
propemptika
farewell
poems)
written
to
mark embarcation
on
ajourney.
But
while
Statius's
'Propempticon
Maecio Celeri'
(Silvae,
111.2)
was written
to
a
person leaving
on
a
ship
for
ajourney
at
sea,
Quevedo's '?D6nde
vas
ignorante
navecilla'
(no.
2)
is
addressed to the
ship
itself89 There are numerous
parallel
passages
in
the two
poems
on the
dangers
of
sea
travel,
including specific descriptions
of the
winds and the waves
(Statius
111.2.42-9;
Quevedo no. 2, 11. 7-12, 25-30), as well as some more general musings about what a
strange
idea
it is for vulnerable human
beings
to
travel
on
the water
(Statius
11.
61-77;
Quevedo
11.
13-22).
Further
parallels
are
provided by
the
poets' descriptions
of
Maecius
Celer
(Statius
11.
6-8)
and the little
ship
(Quevedo
11.
7-18),
both
of
which leave
firm
ground
and commit themselves
to the
waves;
and both
poems
include references
to sea
creatures
attracted
by
the
ships
(Statius
11.
25-34; Quevedo
11.
55-64).
Finally,
in
both
poems
irate Orion
is mentioned
in
the same breath as a
cloudy
sky
and stars
(Statius
11.
76-
7;
Quevedo
11.
25-8);
and
both
poems
refer
to
Triton
swimming
around the
ship
(Statius
11.
35-6;
Quevedo
11.
63-4).
We
may
characterise
Quevedo
as
adapting
the
genre
of
the
Statian
poem-a propemptikon-to
suit his
own
purposes,
while
borrowing
from
its content
only
those
passages
which interested
him-the ones about the
ship.
Quevedo's
adaptation
is
much
more
pessimistic
than Statius's
original, ending
as it does with
a
shipwreck
instead
of the vessel's safe
return.
He took the
germ
of
disaster latent
in
Statius's
warning
to his
departing
friend
and
transformed
it
into
a
very
different sort
of
poem.
87.
The
only
common element
is
Hercules/Alcides,
who
is also mentioned
in
Silvae,
11.2.24.
88. There are
serious textual
problems
with
these
lines,
including
a lacuna of some
importance;
we
are
following
the
guidance
of
W.
R. Hardie
in
Classical
Review,
xviII,
1904, pp. 156-8 (158).
89.
For
perhaps
the best
modern
discussion
of
the
propemptikon
see
F.
Cairns,
Generic
Composition
in
Greek
and Roman
Poetry,
Edinburgh 1972;
Cairns
provides
a
clear discussion
of
the
basic norms
of
this
kind of
poem, using
Statius's
Silvae,
111.2,
as
a
prominent
ex-
ample
which allows
Quevedo's generic
transformation
to
emerge
clearly.
Although
S.
T.
Newmyer,
The
Silvae
of
Statius: Structure and
Theme,
Leiden
1979, PP-
43-4,
rightly observes
that Statius's
practice regularly departed
from the
generic
precepts
set out
in
rhetorical
hand-
books,
he
still finds it useful
to
discuss
the silvae
in
terms
of
generic
expectations.
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QUEVEDO
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155
The fourth
pair
of
closely
related
poems
reveals an
unexpected
turn on
Quevedo's
part.
The theme
of Statius's 'Arbor Atedii
Melioris'
(Silvae,
II.3)
is
obviously
identical
to
that
of
Quevedo's
'De
tu
peso
vencido'
(no.
3):
a tree branch
which bends
all the
way
down to the ground. Quevedo liked this image so much that he responded to it where it
appeared
in
two
other Statian
poems
(Silvae,
1.3.82,
v.2.69-70);
and
his imitation of
'Arbor
Atedii Melioris' reveals an
impressive
feat of
Baroque virtuosity.
Statius's
poem
is not
very
unified. It
begins
with a
description
of the tree
(11.
1-7),
continues
with an
Alexandrian
aition
(explanation)
of
why
the tree branch
has this
shape
(11.8-61)
and concludes
with
a laudatio of Melior which
strongly
invokes Stoic themes: avoid slothful ease
and
unjust
power;
and
do not
let
your
heart become
stormy
or disordered
(11.
62-77).
This
last
section
of the
poem
has no
obvious connection with the
tree,
resulting
in a rather
clumsy
juxtaposition.
Quevedo's
copy
of
Statius shows extensive
underlining
of
Silvae,
II.3.66-9,
evidence
of
an interest which
should
not
surprise
us
given
his
Neostoic
preoccupations.
His solution to the
problem
of
incorporating
these
Stoic sentiments into his own
poem
without
producing
the
disjunction
found
in his
classical model was
ingenious:
in
typical
Baroque
fashion,
he
wrenched a
striking image
from
its
original
context,
invested it
with
philosophical significance
and
pushed
the
symbolic
resonance to its
logical
conclusion. In
Quevedo's
poem,
the tree
branch not
only
bends
down to the
ground-it
actually
breaks
off. If
Statius's Stoic
injunctions
are
ignored,
so
that one's
heart becomes
stormy
and
disordered,
the
branch
(or
symbolically,
the
person)
will break
under the
weight
of
inap-
propriate
or
frivolous
pastimes.
The Stoic
emphasis
on
leading
a
well-ordered life
was a
favourite theme
of
Quevedo;90
and
it is no
surprise
that he chose
a
manneristic
illustration
from Statius to show the dangers of disorder.
We have
suggested
above
that there are
certain
themes
running
through
this collec-
tion
of
poems
which lend
coherence
to
them
as a
group.
Most of these
themes
are not
only
derived from
Statius but are
also linked to
specific
annotations
by
Quevedo
in
his
copy
of
the Latin
poet's
works.
They
fall,
roughly,
into
two
categories:
those
pertaining
to
the
natural
world,
and those
alluding
to
classical
mythology.
The former
would be
difficult to
trace to
any precise
source were it not
for
Quevedo's
singling
out of
specific passages
in
his
Statius.
Such
commonplace poetic
topoi
as harsh
mountain
peaks
and
echoing
birds
gain
new
significance
when viewed
in the
light
of
his
annotations. For
example,
the
ambiguous passage
about Circe
discussed
above,
'vitreae
iuga perfida
Circes'
(I.3.85),
is
primarily
about
a
sharp peak.
While
Quevedo
chose to
misread the
passage fruitfully
in
one
instance,
to
produce
a
poetic
allusion
to
perfidious
Circe,91
in
eight
others he
adopted
the more
grammatical
reading
when
alluding
to
90. Quevedo's
Neostoic
emphasis
on
the
well-ordered
life
may
be seen in El
mundo
por
de
dentro
(the
fourth
SuePo):
'Es nuestro
deseo
siempre
peregrino
en las
cosas
desta
vida;
y
asf,
con vana
solicitud
anda de unas en
otras,
sin
saber hallar
patria
ni
descanso'
(Obras
com-
pletas, ed. Astrana Marin, 2nd edn, as in n. 3, p. 196).
Quevedo
sawJob
as the
perfect
exemplar
of
a man
with
a
well-ordered life:
'Por
esto
empez6
este
libro diciendo
era
Job
var6n
simple y
recto
y
temeroso de
Dios...'
(La
constancia
y paciencia
del santo
Job,
ibid.,
p. 1193).
In
his
Providencia de
Dios,
he
contrasted this
balanced
lifestyle
and that
of the man
who
is
given
over to
excess:
'No te
contentas con lo
demasiado,
porque
no se
acabe
tu am-
bici6n.
Para ti s6lo
lo
quieres
todo,
porque
tu
soberbia
y tu invidia sean eternas...' (ibid., p.
1252).
For more
examples
of
this
theme see
Ettinghausen,
Quevedo
and
the
Neostoic
Movement
(as
in
n.
30), pp.
126-7.
91.
This
example
is
discussed
above,
p. 151.
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HILAIRE
KALLENDORF ND
CRAIG
KALLENDORF
treacherous mountain
tops
(Quevedo
no.
5,
1. 28;
no.
10,
11.
9, 23, 52;
no.
15,
11.
4, 34-5;
no.
18,
1.
1
1).
One of his
silvas
(no.
15)
is
devoted
to
the
perfidious
peak
of 'El
yelmo
de
Segura
de la
Sierra,
monte
muy
alto
al
Austro',
in
what
may
be
regarded
as an
example
of another type of borrowing we have discussed-an extended meditation throughout an
entire
poem sparked
by
a
particular
image
from
Statius.
The
motif
of
a bird
which
repeats
its
call as
if
creating
its own
echo
appears
many
times
in
Quevedo's
poetry;
and
this
topos
too,
though
frequent enough
in
Spanish
Baroque
lyrics,
derives from a
precise
passage
in
Statius
in
which
birds
mourn a
dead
comrade.
Quevedo
marked 'the
partridge,
that
joins
and
reiterates the words it
echoes'
(Silvae,
11.4.20).
He
then
repeated
the
image
of the
mournful,
echoing
bird in
three different
poems,
the the first
of
which,
'Al
tronco
y
a
la fuente'
(no. 1),
about the
widow
turtledove,
provides
us with a further
example
of
an extended
meditation
on
a favourite
image.
Quevedo
re-used the
figure
of
this
echoing,
mournful turtledove
in
'iQue
de
robos han
visto del invierno'
(no.
6,
11.
85-90);
but
he
returned to
a
closer imitation
of
Statius
in his
'Este de los
demais
sitios
Narciso',
which
contains the
direct
Spanish
equivalent 'perdiz'
of
the Latin word
for
partridge, 'perdix'
(no.
30o,
1.
65).
Another
fairly
conventional natural
topos running through
several
of
the
poems
is
the
elm embraced
by
the
vine as a
spouse
is
embraced
by
his
beloved. This
image
can be
traced
to Statius's
poignant poem
about a married
couple,
the
'Epicedion
in
Priscillam'
(Silvae,
v.
1.48-9).
It was
indicated
by
Quevedo
with a
pointing
hand,
and
subsequently appears
in
three of his own
silvas,
with a succession
of
elegant
variations
(no.
6,
11.
91-6;
no.
18,
11.
67-8;
no.
3o,
11.
14-15).92
Finally,
next to Statius's 'Cum iam
fessa
dies. et
in
aequora
montis opaci / [Vmbra cadit:]' (Silvae,11.2.48), Quevedo wrote in the margin: 'concerning
the defunct
day'.
He then
repeated
the
image
in
two of
his
silvas
(no.
14,
1.
5,
'difunto
dia' and
1.
66,
'muriendo el
dia';
no.
5,
11.
19-20,
'morir el
dia
/
con luz
enferma').
The other
category
of
themes
which lends coherence to the collection as a whole is
that
of
classical
imagery.
The
lyre ('chelys'
in
Latin,
'lira'
in
Spanish)
appears
in
Statius's
poem
about
the villa at Surrentum
(11.2.60)
and occurs
in six
different
poems by
Quevedo
(no.
14,
1.
65;
no.
20,
1.
34;
no.
22,
1.
16;
no.
23,
1.
14;
no.
25,
11.
14,
27;
no.
30,
1.
44).
A
passage
about the
phoenix
was
noted
by
Quevedo
at the end
of
Statius's
poem
about the
death
of
the
parrot
(11.4-37)
and
is found
in
two
of
his
own
poems
(no.
lo,
1.
148;
no.
16,
11.
20-2).
In a
passage
from Statius's
'Epithalamion
in
Stellam et Violentillam'
marked
by
Quevedo, Cupid
is
described as
having
a
fiery
mouth
(1.2.61-2);
and
he
appears
in the
context
of fire
in
Quevedo's
'Al
tronco
y
a la fuente' and
'iAy,
c6mo en estos airboles som-
brios'
(no.
1,
11.
23-6;
no.
20,
1.
30).
The Fates also
appear
in both collections:
Quevedo
made a
marginal
note
about them
in
Statius's
epithalamium
(1.2.24);
and then introduced
them into his silvas as
the
'Parcas'
(no.
17,
1.
30)
or 'envidiosos
hados'
(no.
io,
1.
69).
Finally,
the
goddess
Fortuna,
called
'Reyna'
or
queen
by Quevedo
and noted three
times
in the
margins
of
his
Statius
(v.1.135-7,
17o-5;
v.5.56-62),
further
helps
to
bind
his silvas
92.
'Mira la vid
que
a Baco soberano
/ la
boca
regal6 y
honr6 las
sienes,
/
c6mo
sirve de
grillos
en
el
llano
/
a
los
pies
de los olmos
que
mantienes.
/
iAy,
c6mo los
enlaza
iAh,
si hiciese
/
Amor
que ansi
mi
Aminta
me
cifiese '
(Blecua, ed.,
as in n.
i, no. 399,
11.
91-6);
'estos
olmos
hermosos,
/
a
quien
esposa
vid
abraza
y
cierra'
(ibid.,
no.
12,
11.
67-8);
'cuatro
ilamos
de
Alcides,
/
fecundo
matrimonio
de las vides'
(ibid.,
no.
202,
11.14-15).
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QUEVEDO
AND STATIUS
157
together,
since she
is invoked
in at least six
different
poems
(no.
12,
1.
75;
no.
14,
1.
27;
no.
18,
1.
87;
no.
20o,
1.
8;
no.
29,
1.
141;
no.
31,
1.
1).
Using
the
annotations
in
the
Princeton
volume,
we
can now see
how
thoroughly
Quevedo's
artistic
vision in
the silvas was
inspired by
Statius.
It is his conscious decision
to
draw
on
thematic and
stylistic
strands derived from the
Latin
poet
which
gives
coherence
to the
collection,
encouraging
us to read the
miscellany
as an
artfully
crafted whole.
Quevedo's
nephew
Pedro
Aldrete
was
attuned
to this coherence
when
he
printed
the silvas
together
as
a
group
(see
Appendix
ii).
Modern
editors,
we
believe,
would
be
well
advised to
do the
same.
In
the
end,
of
course,
we
shall never be able to
hear most of
Quevedo's
conversations
with the dead. His annotations
in his
copy
of
the
Silvae, however,
allow
us to
eavesdrop
on
Quevedo
as
he
responded
to Statius and
began
to
craft his
own
poetry
in
dialogue
with
his sources.
Whenever
such a
dialogue
can be
recovered,
we
should use it
as
the
surest
possible
guide
to
understanding
the
genesis
and
interpretation
of a
literary
work
of
art.
Texas
A &M
University
Appendix
I
Quevedo's
Annotations to Statius's Silvae
Transcribed n this table are all the annotations entered by Quevedo into the Silvaesection of his
Aldine
Statius,
now Princeton
University
Library
Ex
2926.1502.
Statius's
poems
are
given
modern
titlesand line numbers o
facilitate
eference,
but the text
is
quoted
from the
1502
edition
as
Quevedo
read
it: the
capitalisation,punctuation
and
orthography
of
the
Aldine edition have
been
preserved,
although
abbreviations ave been
expanded
for the
sake
of
legibility.
Words
adjacent
o
the
passages
which interested
Quevedo,
but which
are not
actually
marked
off
by
him,
are
occasionally
ranscribed
to
complete
the sense
and enclosed
within
square
brackets.
Title
page
of the
Orthographia
Q u e v e d o ' s
a n n o t a t i o n
C.
1566
Don
Enrrique
de Villena en el
comento
a la
traduccion
que
hiCo
a
Virgilio
en romance
para
el
rey
de nauarra ibro
que
io
tengo
en
mi
libreria
de Mano
es
singular
dice
hablando
destaiio
asi,
e a
la fin
fue
cristianoconoiiendo
la
uerdad
Catolica.Don Francisco
de
Queuedo.
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158
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF
AND CRAIG
KALLENDORF
Dedicatory
epistle
Passage marked off by Quevedo Sig. Quevedo's annotation
IOANNI
aiv
loviano
publicare
[with
pointing
hand]
I.1
Equus
maximus Domitiani
Imp.
Sl.vae Passagemarkedoff by Quevedo sig. Quevedo'sannotation
I.
1.1
gemmata
a3r
geminata
1.1.10
et caesis
decreuit frondibus Ida.
a3r
.N.
[=
Nota]
1.1.31
blandoque
uidet
Concordia
uultu.
a3V
Plinius liber
2.
capitulum
XVIII.
[correction:
Historia
Naturalis,
i.16.]
suus
quidem quique
color est
Saturno
CandidusJoui
clarus,
Marti
igneus,
Lucifero Candens
Vesperi refulgens, Mercurio
radians Lunae blandus.
Blandus
inter colores
1.1.66
cuius sacrata
Vorago a4r
1.1.71
lucemque
coruscam
a4r
I.1.93-4
a4v
de
roma
iactatur
sic,
oratius
ode
XXX. carminum liber
III.
[w.
8-9]
crescam
laude recens.
dum
capitolium
scandet cum
tacita
uirgine
pontifex
et
ouidius.
amorum.
liber
I
elegia
XV.
[w.
25-6]
Titirus,
et
segetes
aeneiaque
arma
legentur
roma
triumphati
dum
caput
orbis erit
[The
Renaissance
editor
Andrea
Navagero
(1483-1529)
proposed 'segetes'
in
place
of'fruges'
in
Ovid, Amores,
.15.25,
which
may
provide
a clue as
to which edition
Quevedo
used.]
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QUEVEDO
AND STATIUS
159
1.2
Epithalamion
n
Stellamet
Violentillam
Sivae Passage marked off by Quevedo sig. Quevedo's annotation
1.2.14
Dissimulata
deam
a5r
utitur et
marcialis
ex
primo
epigrama
I.
disimulatque
deum
et.
[Martial,
Epigrammata, 1.1.4:
'dissimulet
Delon',
with
'-que
deum',
a
variant
from
early
Italian
printed
editions. See
the
note
above
for
speculation
about which
edition
Quevedo
may
have
used.]
1.2.21
a5r thymbra
1.2.24
[dies]
aderat
parcarum
conditus
albo
a5r
dies
nuptialis
aluo uelere a
/
[Vellere]
parcis
notatur
1.2.47
feruent
agmine postes
a5v
1.2.61-2
cui
plurimus
ignis
/
Ore
a5V
1.2.130-3
Hanc si
thessalicos
uidisses
Phoebe
a7r
argutia
mire dicta
per
agros:
/
Erraret
Daphne.
secura
in
littore
Naxi / Theseum iuxta foret haec
conspecta
cubile:
/
Gnosida
desertam
profugus
liquisset
et
Euan.
1.2.148
Silex
...
Saxa
a7r
silex
et saxa
preciosi
lapides
uocantur
1.2.153-7
[Robora
dalmatico]
lucent
satiata
a7r-v
mire
dictum
et
poetice
de
metallo.
/
Excludunt
radios
syluis
Architectura
decussa
uetustis
/
Frigora.
perspicui
uiuunt
in
marmore
fontes.
/
Nec
seruat
natura uices: hic Sirius alget, / Bruma
tepet
1.2.166 Exerce
formam:
et
fugientibus
utere
a7v
donis.
1.2.185-7
ipsum
in
connubia terrae
/
Aethera
a7V-
mire
dictum
(cum
pluuijs
rarescunt
nubila)
soluo.
a8r
/
Sic
rerum
series,
mundique
reuertitur aetas
1.2.203-8
tumidae sic transfuga Pisae / Amnis, a8r
in
externos
longe
flammatus
amores:
/
[continued...]
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160
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF AND
CRAIG
KALLENDORF
Silvae
Passage
marked off
by
Quevedo
sig.
Quevedo's
annotation
[...continued]
Flumina demerso trahit
intemerata
canali.
/
Donec
Sicanios tandem
prolatus,
anhelo
/
Ore bibat
fontes
miratur dulcia Nais
/
Oscula: nec
credit
pelago
uenisse maritum.
1.2.222
a8v
thymbra
1.2.252-5
b
r
Philetas, Callimachus,
Propertius,
Naso,
Tibullus
1.2.263
b
r
Sebetus
[a
stream
at
Naples]
1.2.265
b 1r
Sarnus
[a
river
in
Campania]
I.3
Villa
Tiburtina
Manilii
Vopisci
Sivae
Passage
markedoff
by
Quevedo
s
ig.4
Quevedo's
annotation
I.3.
1
biv
Tibur
glaciale
1.3-5
Illum
nec calido
latrauit Sirius astro:
biv
1.3.23
auentes carmina somnos.
biv
1.3-47-8
uarijsque
metalla
/
Viua modis:
b2r
mire de
escultura.
et
poetice.
et
labor est auri memorare
figuras:
eleganter.
1.3-55-7
uarias ubi
picta per
artes
/
Gaudet
b2r-v
argute
et
[... ?]
de
ornatu
humus:
suberantque
nouis Asarota
Asarota
figuris.
/
Expauere gradus.
[The
reference here
is to
the
'Unswept
Pavement',
a
famous mosaic floor
by
Sosus;
Statius is
citing Pliny,
Historia naturalis,
xxxvI.
184.]
1.3.82 Qui
nunquam
uacui
prodistis
in
b2v
de
fecunditate
arborum
mire
aethera
rami?
dictum
1.3.85
uitreae
iuga perfida
Circes,
b2v
uitreae
iure Oracius et
declaratur.
quid
sit
a
Turnebo.
[Horace, Carmina,
1.17.20:
'Penelopen
vitreamque
Circen'. The same
adjective
[continued...]
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QUEVEDO
AND
STATIUS
161
S
ilva7e
Passage
marked off
by Quevedo
Sig.
Quevedo's
annotation
[...continued]
appears
in 1.
73
of the
poem:
'uitreasque
natatu'.
Quevedo's
reference is to
the
commentary
of Adrien Turnabe
(1512-
65), professor
of
Greek at Toulouse
and
at
the
Collkge
Royal.
Turnebe's com-
mentary
on
the word vitream n his Paris
1604
edition
of
Horace,
p.
64,
reads:
'vel
splendidam
instar
vitri,
& ita
formosam:
vel
pellucidem, quales
ab
Epicuro
Deos
inductos esse scribit M<arcus>
Tull<ius>
de divin<atione>
2 ...'
I.4
Soteria Rutili Gallici
Si'lvae
Passage
marked
off
by
QuevedoSig.
Qvedo
nota
1.4-36-7
[Nec]
...
/
Sperne
coli tenuiore
b4r
lyra vaga cingitur
astris
/
Luna:
et
in
oceanum
riui
cecidere
minores.
1.4.66 Nam neque plebeiam aut dextro sub b4v
numine
cretam
/
[servo animam:]
11.2
Villa Surrentina
Pollii
Felicis
Silvae
Passage
arkedff
y
Quevedo
sig.
Quevedo's
nnotation
II.2.48
Cum
iam
fessa dies. et
in
aequora
c5v
de
occidua
die
montis opaci / [Vmbra cadit:]
11.2.52
His
fauit Natura
locis.
hic
uicta,
colenti
c5V
11.2.60
uatis manus: et
chelys
una
c6r
11.2.66-7
quod
ab
arte
Myronis:
/
Aut
Polycletaeo
c6r
iussum est
quod
uiuere
coelo:
11.2.76
Haec uidet Inarimen. illi
Prochyta
c6r
aspera paret.
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162
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF AND
CRAIG
KALLENDORF
II. 3
Arbor
Atedii
Melioris
Silvae Passagemarkedoff byQuevedo Sig. Quevedo'sannotation
...... • ...................• • • • @ • • ............................:,
s
................od
annota
11.3.11
improba
c7v
11.3.41
uiuamque
aggessit
c8r
riuulam
ages
11.3.66-9
Cui nec
pigra
quies:
nec
iniqua potentia:
c8v
nec
spes
/
Improba:
sed
medius
per
honesta,
et
dulcia
limes
/
Incorrupte
fidem:
nullosque experte
tumultus:
/
Et
secrete
palam,
qui
digeris
ordine
uitam:
II.4
Psittacus
Atedii Melioris
S i l v a e
P a s s a g e
m a r k e d
o f f
Q u e v e d o s i g . Q u e v e d o ' s
a n n o t a t i o n
11.4.20 Quique
refert
iungens
iterata uocabula
dir
Perdix
11.4-36-7
senio nec fessus
inerti
/
Scandet
dlv
odoratos
Phoenix
felicior
ignes.
1.5
Leo
mansuetus
Silvae
Passage
arked
ff
y
QuevedoSig.
Quevedo's
nnotation
11.5.15
totas duxere
in lumina
frontes.
d2r
111.3
Consolatio ad
Claudium
Etruscum
S i l v a e
P a s s a g e
m a r k e d
o f f
Q u e v e d o
S i g .I Q u e v e d o s
a n n o t a t i o n
111.3.19-20
animaeque supremum
/
Frigus
amat:
e4v
[at
top
of
page]
e5r
opponuntur
haec
signa
.69.
Iv.6
Hercules
epitrapezios
Novi Vindicis
Silvae
~~Passage
arked
ff
by
Quevedo sig.
Quevedo's
nnotation
IV.6.21
Atque
locuturas
mentito
corpore
Caeras
g4V
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QUEVEDO
AND STATIUS
163
v.i
Epicedion
n
Priscillam
vqe
Passage marked off by Quevedo sig. Quevedo's annotation
v.
1.9
inque
omni te
quaerit
amare
metallo
hiV
lege
in
omni
te
querit
animare
metalo
/
dixit
supra
animare
figuris
[Cf.
Statius, Silvae,
v.1.:
'Aut
ebur,
impressis
Aurumve
ani<m>are
figuris'.]
v.1.48-53
Qualiter
aequaeuo
sociatam
palmite
h2r
[drawing:
ointing
hand]
uitem
/
Vlmus
amat:
miscetque
nemus:
ditemque precatur
/
Autumnum: et
caris
gaudet
redimita racemis.
/
Laudentur
Proauis: seu
pulchrae
munere
formae,
/
Quae
morum
caruere
bonis,
falsoque potentes
/
Laudis
egent
uerae. tibi
quanquam
et
origo
niteret:
v.1.67-70
Illa
uel
armiferas
pro
coniuge
laeta
h2v
cateruas,
/
Fulmineosque
ignes,
medijque pericula
ponti,
/
Exciperet.
melius
quodnon
aduersa
probarunt
/
Quae
tibi cura
tori:
quantus pro
coniuge
pallor?
v.1.123
sabino
h3V
ex
Horatio ubi
laudat
rusticam
vitam
[The
reference is to
Horace's
Sabine
farm,
the
inspiration
for
some
of
his
finest
writing,
and
specifically
to the
famous
Satires,
11.6,
his
contrast
between
country
and
city
life.]
v.-1.135-
Hactenus alma
Chelys.
tempus
nunc
h3V
Reyna
[137] ponere frondes / Phoebe, tuas:
moestaque
comam
damnare
Cupresso.
/
Quis
nam
impacata
consanguinitate
ligauit
/
[Fortunam,
Inuidiamque
Deus?]
v.1.152
igne
malo:
h4r
ignis
malus fulmen
uocatur
v.
1.
170-5
Iamque
cadunt
uultus:
oculisque
h4r
Reyna
nouissimus horror:
/
Obtusaeque
aures.
nisi
cum
uox
sola mariti
/
Noscitur.
illum unum media de morte reuersa /
[continued...]
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164
HILAIRE KALLENDORF
AND CRAIG KALLENDORF
Silvae
Passage
marked
off
by
QuevedoSig
Qeveds
tation
[...continued]
Mens uidet.
illum
aegris
circundat
fortiter ulnis
/
Immotas obuersa
genas.
nec sole
supremo
/
Lumina: sed dulci
mauult satiare marito.
v.1.176
unanimum
h4r
exanimem diuina
imprecacio
v.1.195
non
h4V
Non
[...
]
v.1.2o8
et maior amor:
quis
carmine
digno
h4v
[ ...?]
in
pietatem
laus
qua
vivat
v.2
Laudes
Crispini
Vetti
Bolanifilii
Silvae
Passage
marked off
by
QuevedoISig.
Quevedo's
annotation
V.2.7
[ab altis]
Rupibus:
atque
oculis
longo
h6r
mire
dictum
de
uisu
querar
aere
uinci.
v.2.21-7
Romulei qualis per iugera Circi, / Cum h6r Pulcra comparatio
pulcher
uisu,
titulis
generosus
auitis
/
Expectatur
equus:
cuius
de Stemmate
longo
/
Felix demeritos
habet
admissura
parentes:
/
Illum
omnes acuunt
plausus,
illum
ipse
uolantem
/Puluis:
et incuruae
gaudent agnoscere
metae:
/
Sic te Clare
puer,
genitum
sibi curia
sensit.
v.2.35
h6V
Corbulo.
[Gnaeus
Domitius
Corbulo,
a
military
leader under Nero.]
v.2.62-4
non dum ualidae
tibi
signa
iuuentae
/
h6V
Irrepsere genis,
et adhuc
decor
integer
aeui.
/
Nec
genitor
iuxta.
fatis
nanque
haustus
iniquis
v.2.69-7o
Libertas
properata
togae?
ceu
nescia
h7r
falcis
/
Sylua
comas
tollit:
fructumque
expirat
in
umbras.
v.2.80
atque omnes uultu placare nouercas? h7r admira stacii ingenium
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QUEVEDO
AND STATIUS
165
v.3
Epicedion
n
patrem
suum
S.i ae Passagemarkedffby
Quevedos••.-FQ-evedo'sannotation
v.3-50-1
et
magno
tumulum
praetexere
luco:
/
ilv
Illic et
Siculi
superassem
dona
sepulcri:
v.3-77
supremo
i2r
supremus
v.3.120
nobile
i2V
mobile
v.3.153-8
Obsitus: et
tetricis
Alcman
cantatus
i3v
Poetae
delos
Amyclis:
/
Stesichorusque
ferox:
saltusque
ingressa
uiriles / Non
formidata
temeraria
Leucade
Sappho:
/
Quosque
alios
dignata
chelys.
tu
pandere
doctus
/
Carmina
Battiadae,
latebrasque
Lycophronis
atri:
/
Sophronaque
implicitum,
tenuisque
arcana
Corinnae.
v.3.192
i4r
Phoenix
Achillis
v.3.261
Explicuit:
falsoque
tulit
sub tartara
i5r
Febre
somno id
est morte
somno.
v.3.287
In
quo
falsa
dies:
i5V
falsa dies
v.5
Epicedion
n
puerum
suum
Sivae
assage
arked
ff
y
sig. Queveds
a••
Psamnnotationk•••••
....i.......n
v.5.22 et te Natura pudebit. i6V aduerte
v.5-56-62
Non
tacuit.
nimius
fortasse,
auidusque
i7r Reyna
doloris
/
Dicor. et in
lachrymis
iustum
excessisse
pudorem.
/
Quis
nam
autem
gemitus,
lamentaque
nostra
reprendit?
/
O
nimium
felix,
nimium
crudelis,
et
expers
/
Imperij
fortuna
tui:
qui
dicere
legem
/
Fletibus: aut
fines audet
censere
dolendi.
/
Incitat
(heu)
planctus.
potius
fugientes
ripas
/
[Flumina devincas]
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166
HILAIRE
KALLENDORF AND
CRAIG KALLENDORF
Appendix
ii
List of
Quevedo's
Silvas
No.
(Blecua)
First
line
of
poem Eary
editions Date
1
(383)
Al
tronco
ya
la
fuente
NM
TM PE
1613-16
2
(138)
?D6nde
vas,
ignorante
navecilla NM
TM
SP
pre-1611
3
(201)
De tu
peso
vencido NM TM
1603-8
4
(400)
Aqui
la
vez
postrera
NM
TM
1613-16
5 (398) ?Con
que culpa
tan
grave
NM
TM
SP
pre-1611
6
(399)
iQu6
de robos han
visto del invierno NM TM SP
1603-8
7
(136)
Diste
credito a un
pino
NM
TM
SP
pre-1611
8
(139) ?Qu6
tienes
que
contar,
reloj
molesto NM TM
SP
pre-1611
9 (203)
iQue
alegre que
recibes NM TM SP
pre-1611
10
(137)
Esta
que
miras
grande
Roma
agora
NM
TM
1613-16
11
(144)
En
caircel de
metal,
loh
atrevimiento NM
TM
1613-16
12
(142)
Estas
que
ves
aqui, pobres y
escuras
NM
TM
1613-16
13
(135)
Esta
que
veis delante
NM
TM
1613-16
14 (401)
A
vosotras,
estrellas
NM TM
1613-16
15
(402)
O sea
que
olvidado NM TM
1613-16
16
(2oo)
Yace
pintado
amante
NM
TM PE
1613-16
17
(205)
Ti,
si en
cuerpo pequefio
NM
TM
1613-16
18
(12)
1Oh,
ti,
que,
inadvertido,
peregrinas
NM
TM
1613-16
19 (509) Voyme por
altos montes
paso
a
paso NM
TM PE
1613-16
20
(510)
iAy,
c6mo en
estos
airboles
sombrios NM TM PE
1613-16
21
(508)
Pues reinando en
tus
ojos
gloria
y
vida NM
TM PE
1613-16
22
(390)
iOh
vos, troncos,
anciana
compaiifa
NM
TM PE
1613-16
23 (403)
iOh
Floris,
quien pudiera
NM TM
1613-16
24
(143)
iOh,
ti,
del
cielo
para
mi
venida
NM TM
1613-16
25
(291)
El
instrumento artifice de
muros
NMt
TM
1613-16
26
(140)
El
metal animado TM
27
(420)
Este
polvo
sin
sosiego
TM
28
(141)
EVes,Floro,
que
prestando
la
Arism6tica
TM
29
(204)
Tti,
blas6n de los
bosques
TM
1625
30 (202) Este de los demais sitios Narciso TM post-1623
31 (236)
Esclarecidas
sefias da Fortuna TM PE
1623
32
(404)
Muere
porque
le mires
TM
33
(422)
Tiempo, que
todo lo mudas
TM PE
34 (385) ?C6mo
pudiera
ser hecho
piadoso
TM PE
?1611
35 (278)
Deja
l'alma
y
los
ojos
TM PE
36
(147)
Deja
la
procesi6n,
sibete
al
paso
TM
NM
=
Naples,
Biblioteca Nazionale MS
XIV.E.46.
TM
=
Las
tres musas ultimas
castellanas,
ed.
Pedro
Aldrete,
Madrid
1670.
(We
have used
'TM'
to
designate
all
except
one of the
poems
whose first lines
appear
in
the 'Indice
intercalado',
regardless
of
whether
or not the
poems
themselves
ctually ppear
n
Aldrete's
dition. See
above,n.
78.)
PE
=
ElParnaso
espafiol,
d.Jusepe
Antonio
Gonzdilez
de
Salas,
Madrid
1648.
SP
=
Segundaparte
de
lasflores
ilustres,
d.
Juan
Antonio Calder6n
[dedication
signed
1611
],
Seville
1896.
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QUEVEDO
AND
STATIUS
167
Appendix
III
Silvas
of
Quevedo
Linked
to Poems
of Statius as
Pairs
No.
(Blecua)
Quevedo's
silva
Poem of
Statius
Theme
1
(383)
Al
tronco
y
a la
11.4
Psittacus
Atedii
a bird
that dies
fuente
Melioris
2
(138)
jD6nde vas
III.2
Propempticon
Maecio
farewell to one
departing
ignorante
navecilla
Celeri
on
ajourney
3
(201)
De tu
peso
vencido
11.3
Arbor Atedii Melioris
tree
bending
down
to
the water
5 (398)
jCon
qu6 culpa
tan
v.4
Somnus
sleep
grave
29
(204)
Tfi,
blas6n
de los
1.5
Leo mansuetus
death
of
a
large,
fierce
bosques
animal
30
(202)
Este de los
demais
I.3
Villa
Tiburtina Manilii
country
home
sitios
Narciso
Vopisci
11.2
Villa
Surrentina
Pollii
country
home
Felicis
31 (236) Esclarecidas sefias Iv.1 Septimus Decimus homage to a ruler
da
Fortuna
Consulatus
Imp. Aug.
Germanici
34
(385)
?C6mo
pudiera
ser
1II.4
Capilli
Flavi Earini lock of
hair that must
hecho
piadoso
be cut off
35 (278)
Deja
l'alma
y
los
v.
1
Epicedion
in
Priscillam death of
a noble
woman
ojos
Notes to Appendices II and III
For
considerations
relating
to
the selection
and order
assigned
to the
poems
listed in
Appendix
ii
see
above,
p.
149.
For
ease in
cross-referencing,
the numbers
used in the most
recent modern
edition
(Blecua
1996,
cited
above
n.
1)
are
given
in
parentheses
after the
number
of
each
poem
in
our own
sequence.
For
the
dates
given
in
Appendix
ii
we
have relied
upon
Pablo
Jauralde
Pou's article 'Las
silvas de
Quevedo'
(as
in
n.
6,
pp.
176-9).
The
table also
indicates which of the
silvas
appeared
in
Quevedo's
early
autograph
manuscript
(NM);
in Pedro
Aldrete's
'Indice
intercalado'
(TM);
and
in
two
early
collections
in
which
Quevedo's
poetry
was
included-although
only
a few
of
the
silvas were
labelled as
such-El Parnaso
espafiol
PE)
and
Segvndaparte
de
lasflores
ilvstres
SP).
Appendix
iii
uses the
same
system
of
numbering
as
Appendix
ii. Poems of
Statius
are identified
by
number and title, according to modern convention.
t
(see
Appendix
ii,
no.
25).
This is the
only poem
that is described
by
Blecua as found
in the
Naples
manuscript
but
which was not
subsequently
transcribed
by Ettinghausen,
who indicated
that
one
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168
HILAIRE KALLENDORF
AND
CRAIG KALLENDORF
poem
was
missing,
but
that
he
did
not
know
which it was. See
Blecua,
ed.
(as
in
n.
5),
1,
p.
483;
and
Ettinghausen,
'Un nuevo manuscrito'
(as
in n.
14),
p.
222
n. 10.
Our own
examination of the manu-
script
confirms that
'El
instrumento artifice de
muros' is
absent
from it. We
have also learned that
the
manuscript
underwent
preservation
work
in
1961.
It
may
be that
the
now
missing
poem
became
lost
in
the
process
of
that
work,
and between
the times
when
the
manuscript
was examined
by
Blecua
and
Ettinghausen.