The ‘Mingana Palimpsest’ – A Manuscript Containing The Qur'ān From 1st Century Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 3rd August 2008
Last Updated: 14th August 2008
(a) (b)
The ‘Mingana Palimpsest’ showing the scriptio inferior Qur'anic text. (a) Folios 58b (top half), 55a (bottom half) and (b) Folios 151a (top half) and 150b (bottom half).
Date
1st century hijra.
Mrs. Agnes Smith Lewis was the first scholar to publish this unique palimpsest that has scriptio superior which is a Christian material (Arabic Christian homilies) and the scriptio inferior consisting of the Qur'anic verses.[1] Basing her
argument on "mistakes in spelling" of certain words, she dated the Qur'anic material from the time before caliph ʿUthmān.[2] On the othe hand, Dr. Alphonse Mingana was more circumspect and suggested a date of early 8th century CE
for some portion of the Qur'an in the scriptio inferior.[3]
Inventory No.
Or. 1287.
Size & Folios
Approximately 20 cm x 12 cm. The Arabic quires (a quire was originally an unfolded stack of 4 sheets of vellum or parchment, which, depending on the method used, would form an 8- or 16-page booklet when stitched and folded)
containing the Qur'an in the scriptio inferior are given below.[4] The Qur'an was written in three principal kinds of script: Qur'an A, Qur'an B and Qur'an C.
Quire IV: It consists of folios 13-20. The scriptio superior consists of Arabic writing. The scriptio inferior was identified by Mingana as Qur'an B. It contains the portion of the Qur'anic text 13:18–13:43; 14:1–14:8; 15:85–15:99;
16:1–16:41.
Quire IX: It consists of folios 53-60. The scriptio superior consists of Arabic writing. The scriptio inferior was identified as Qur'an C containing the portion of the Qur'anic text 9:35–9:59; 7:139–7:158 and Qur'an B containing 16:80–
16:117.
Quire XIV: It consists of folios 95-102. The scriptio superior consists of Arabic writing. The scriptio inferior was identified as Qur'an B. It contains the portion of the Qur'anic text 16:117–16:128; 17:1–17:57.
One odd Feuillet: Folio 103, between the quires XIV and XV. The scriptio inferior was identified as Qur'an C. It contains 7:158–7:168.
Quire XV: It consists of folios 104-109. The scriptio superior consists of Arabic writing. The scriptio inferior was identified as Qur'an C containing the portion of the Qur'anic text 9:18–9:35; 9:59–9:79 and Qur'an B containing 11:20–
11:39.
Part of Quire XXI: Two middle bifueillets (folios 149-152) of the quaternion (folios 147-154). The scriptio inferior was identified as Qur'an A. It contains the portion of the Qur'anic text 40:78–40:85; 41:1–41:20 and 44:38–44:59;
45:1–45:20.
Part of Quire XXII: Three middle bifueillets (folios 156-161) of the quaternion (folios 155-162). The scriptio inferior was identified as Qur'an A. It contains the portion of the Qur'anic text 24:17–24:29; 28:41–28:51; 29:17–29:30.
History Of The Manuscript
Mrs. Agnes Smith Lewis bought the folios at Suez from a commercial antiquary during her third journey to Egypt in 1895. The manuscript contained 162 folios, bound in 22 quires, in the first of them (the binion 1, 2 - 114, 115), were
inserted the following 15 quires. In the scriptio superior, there are a few homilies of the early Christian Fathers, written in Arabic, while the material recycled by the scribe came from different manuscripts. Mrs. Lewis realized that the
scriptio inferior was hiding various texts. So, she reluctantly, took the old manuscript to pieces by cutting the cord which held the quires together and smoothed out the folios and unbound the codex. Mrs. Lewis brought the scriptio
inferior text up by treating the folio with a reagent, hydrogen sulphide of ammonia. In the scriptio inferior she recognized the text of the Protevangelium Jacobi and Transitus Mariae in two columns of Estrangelo Syriac and fragments
of the Qur'anic text. Her preliminary findings were published in Studia Sinaitica No. XI in 1902.[5] A few years later, Mrs. Lewis and Dr. Alphonse Mingana published a detailed study of the Qur'anic material in scriptio inferior.[6]
Mingana presented a full transcription of the Qur'anic text of the scriptio inferior of the manuscript, with the parallel text from the present day Qur'an, together with three pictures of the manuscript. He reported a list of various readings
and omissions too.[7] This manuscript was again studied by Alba Fedeli recently, who confirmed some of the readings of Mingana, but sometimes found Mingana's transcription unfounded and manuscript unreadable. Her "inevitable
and easy conclusion" is that all of Mingana's transcription can be suspected to be wrong.[8]
This palimpsest manuscript did not the attention it deserved primarily because of Reverend Mingana's character. He was suspected of involving in forgeries at least twice.[9] Consequently, no scholar believed in the words that Mingana
wrote in his introduction to Leaves From Three Ancient Qur'âns Possibly Pre-‘Othmânic With A List Of Their Variants. The suspicion of his textual manipulation for his list of variants, omissions and interpolations was severe and,
therefore, nobody believed in the manuscript or in the Qur'anic text of the scriptio inferior. Thus it was not surprising that for nearly 100 years Mingana's work was forgotten.
Soon afterwards in 1914, the manuscript was restored and sent to an international exhibition in Leipzig, but on the outbreak of World War I, it disappeared. Its whereabouts were traced by Dr. Oman of Westminister College,
Cambridge, with the help of Professor Huene, of Tübingen, and the manuscript was finally returned to University Library at Cambridge University in 1936 where it remained unknown to most people.[10] It is known as the ‘Mingana
Palimpsest’ even though it did not originate from the "Mingana Collection".
The palimpsest manuscripts of the Qur'an are rare. The only other known palimpsest is Codex ṢanṢāṢ DAM 01-27.1.
Script & Ornamentation
Ṣijāzī script. Noseda lists this manuscript among the early Ṣijāzī manuscripts.[11]
Diacritical points in Qur'an C are absent but can be seen in Qur'an A and Qur'an B. The verse endings are represented by dashes. The ending of one surah and beginning of another are represented by no markings, and in some cases by
row of circles or by a combination of straight and wiggly strokes.
The leaves of the Qur'anic text, which has been erased and reused, were rewritten perpendicular to the scriptio superior. The former leaves were assembled in new quires of a smaller size, i.e., they were folded in half and some of them
were cut out (bifeuillet 149-150).
Contents
The Qur'anic leaves had not been used in the Arabic Christian homilies in the same order as the original. So, the folio numbers appear in a haphazard fashion as seen below. The table below is constructed from the content of the various
folios of this codex published.[12] A facsimile edition of this manuscript would also appear in the series Sources De La Transmission Manuscrite Du Texte Coranique.
Cambridge University Library Or. 1287
Folio Number Qur'anic Sūrah / Ayah Script Image Publication Comments
Folio 59a 7:139 - 7:144 Qur'an C – –
Folio 54b 7:144 - 7:150 Qur'an C – –
Folio 59b 7:150 - 7:155 Qur'an C Mingana & Lewis, 1914 –
Folio 54a 7:155 - 7:158 Qur'an C Mingana & Lewis, 1914 Part of 7:155 is fragmented
Folio 103a 7:158 - 7:160 Qur'an C – Parts of 7:158, 7:159 and 7:160 are fragmented
Folio 103b 7:165, 7:168 Qur'an C – Fragmented
Folio 104a 9:18 - 9:24 Qur'an C – Part of 9:24 is fragmented
Folio 109b 9:24 - 9:28 Qur'an C – –
Folio 104b 9:28 - 9:31 Qur'an C – –
Folio 109a 9:31 - 9:35 Qur'an C – Part of 9:31 is fragmented
Folio 60a 9:35 - 9:39 Qur'an C – Parts of 9:37 and 9:39 are fragmented
Folio 53b 9:40 - 9:45 Qur'an C – Part of 9:40 is fragmented
Folio 60b 9:45 - 9:52 Qur'an C – Part of 9:52 is fragmented
Folio 53a 9:53 - 9:59 Qur'an C – –
Folio 105a 9:59 - 9:65 Qur'an C – Parts of 9:65 and 9:66 are fragmented
Folio 108b 9:66 - 9:70 Qur'an C – –
Folio 105b 9:70 - 9:74 Qur'an C – Parts of 9:73 and 9:74 are fragmented
Folio 108a 9:74 - 9:79 Qur'an C – –
Folio 106a 11:20 - 11:22 Qur'an B – Part of 11:22 is fragmented
Folio 107b 11:23 - 11:29 Qur'an B – –
Folio 106b 11:29 - 11:33 Qur'an B – –
Folio 107a 11:33 - 11:39 Qur'an B – –
Folio 17a 13:18 - 13:22 Qur'an B – –
Folio 16b 13:22 - 13:27 Qur'an B – –
Folio 17b 13:27 - 13:30 Qur'an B – –
Folio 16a 13:30 - 13:34 Qur'an B – –
Folio 19a 13:34 - 13:38 Qur'an B – –
Folio 14b 13:38 - 13:43 Qur'an B – –
Folio 19b 14:1 - 14:4 Qur'an B – –
Folio 14a 14:4 - 14:8 Qur'an B – –
Folio 18a 15:85 - 15:97 Qur'an B – –
Folio 15b 15:97 - 15:99; 16:1 - 16:4 Qur'an B – –
Folio 18b 16:4 - 16:11 Qur'an B – –
Folio 15a 16:11 - 16:18 Qur'an B – –
Folio 20a 16:18 - 16:28 Qur'an B – –
Folio 13b 16:28 - 16:32 Qur'an B – Part of 16:28 is fragmented
Folio 20b 16:32 - 16:37 Qur'an B A. S. Lewis, 1902 –
Folio 13a 16:37 - 16:41 Qur'an B A. S. Lewis, 1902 Part of 16:37 is fragmented
Folio 58b 16:80 - 16:84 Qur'an B Mingana & Lewis, 1914 –
Folio 55a 16:84 - 16:90 Qur'an B Mingana & Lewis, 1914 –
Folio 58a 16:91 - 16:94 Qur'an B – –
Folio 55b 16:94 - 16:98 Qur'an B – –
Folio 56b 16:98 - 16:104 Qur'an B – –
Folio 57a 16:104 - 16:108 Qur'an B – –
Folio 56a 16:108 - 16:113 Qur'an B –
Folio 57b 16:113 - 16:117 Qur'an B – Part of 16:117 is fragmented
Folio 101a 16:117 - 16:124 Qur'an B – Parts of 16:124 and 16:125 are fragmented
Folio 96b 16:125 - 16:128 Qur'an B – –
Folio 101b 17:1 - 17:5 Qur'an B – Parts of 17:4 and 17:5 are fragmented
Folio 96a 17:5 - 17:10 Qur'an B – –
Folio 97a 17:10 - 17:16 Qur'an B – –
Folio 100b 17:16 - 17:20 Qur'an B – –
Folio 97b 17:20 - 17:25 Qur'an B – Part of 17:25 is fragmented
Location
University Library, University of Cambridge (United Kingdom).
References
[1] A. S. Lewis (Editor and Translator), Apocrypha Syriaca: The Protevangelium Jacobi And Transitus Mariae With Texts From The Septuagint, The Corân, The Peshitta, And From A Syriac Hymn In A Syro-Arabic Palimpsest Of The Fifth And
Other Centuries, 1902, Studia Sinaitica No. XI, C. J. Clay and Sons: London, pp. xvii-xxi, Plates IV and V.
[2] Rev. A. Mingana & A. S. Lewis (Eds.), Leaves From Three Ancient Qur'âns Possibly Pre-‘Othmânic With A List Of Their Variants, 1914, Cambridge: At The University Press, p. vii. A good criticism of such a position was made by R. A.
Nicholson in his review of this book. See R. A. Nicholson, "Review Of Leaves From Three Ancient Qur'ans Possibly Pre-‘Othmanic", Journal Of Theological Studies, 1915, Volume XVI, pp. 437-440.
[3] ibid., p. xli.
[4] A. Fedeli, "Mingana And The Manuscript Of Mrs. Agnes Smith Lewis, One Century Later", Manuscripta Orientalia, 2005, Volume 11, No. 3, pp. 4-5.
[5] A. S. Lewis (Editor and Translator), Apocrypha Syriaca: The Protevangelium Jacobi And Transitus Mariae With Texts From The Septuagint, The Corân, The Peshitta, And From A Syriac Hymn In A Syro-Arabic Palimpsest Of The Fifth And
Folio 100a 17:26 - 17:32 Qur'an B – Part of 17:26 is fragmented
Folio 98a 17:32 - 17:37 Qur'an B – Part of 17:37 is fragmented
Folio 99b 17:38 - 17:42 Qur'an B – Part of 17:38 is fragmented
Folio 98b 17:42 - 17:48 Qur'an B – Part of 17:48 is fragmented
Folio 99a 17:49 - 17:53 Qur'an B – –
Folio 102b 17:53 - 17:57 Qur'an B – Parts of 17:56 and 17:57 are fragmented
Folio 158b 24:17 - 24:23 Qur'an A – Left and right hand sides of the folio are fragmented
Folio 159a 24:24 - 24:29 Qur'an A – Left and right hand sides of the folio are fragmented
Folio 161b 28:41 - 28:46 Qur'an A – Left and right hand sides of the folio are fragmented
Folio 156a 28:47 - 28:51 Qur'an A – Left and right hand sides of the folio are fragmented
Folio 160a 29:17 - 29:24 Qur'an A – The left hand side of the folio is fragmented
Folio 157b 29:24 - 29:30 Qur'an A – The left hand side of the folio is fragmented
Folio 152a 40:78 - 40:85 Qur'an A Mingana & Lewis, 1914 Parts of 40:78 and 40:79 are fragmented
Folio 149b 40:85; 41:1 - 41:6 Qur'an A Mingana & Lewis, 1914 –
Folio 152b 41:9 - 41:14 Qur'an A – Part of 41:9 is fragmented
Folio 149a 41:14 - 41:20 Qur'an A – Part of 41:14 is fragmented
Folio 151a 44:38 - 44:46; 44:53 - 44:56 Qur'an A Lewis, 1902 Parts of 44:46 to 44:52 are fragmented
Folio 150b 44:57 - 44:59; 45:1 - 45:5 Qur'an A Lewis, 1902 Part of 45:5 is fragmented
Folio 151b 45:9 - 45:15 Qur'an A – –
Folio 150a 45:15 - 45:20 Qur'an A – –
Other Centuries, 1902, op. cit., pp. xvii-xxi, Plates IV and V.
[6] Rev. A. Mingana & A. S. Lewis (Eds.), Leaves From Three Ancient Qur'âns Possibly Pre-‘Othmânic With A List Of Their Variants, 1914, op. cit., pp. 1-74.
[7] ibid., pp. xxxvii-xli.
[8] A. Fedeli, "Mingana And The Manuscript Of Mrs. Agnes Smith Lewis, One Century Later", Manuscripta Orientalia, 2005, op. cit., pp. 3-7, especially p. 5 and p. 7, refs. 26 and 28.
[9] ibid., p. 4. Fedeli mentions the supposed forgery by Mingana when he published the work of Narsai and a scandal among the scholars when he taught a priest how to make the vellum look older than its actual age.
[10] ibid., p. 5.
[11] S. Noja Noseda, "Note Esterne In Margin Al 1° Volume Dei Materiali Per Un'edizione Critica Del Corano", Rendiconti Classe Di Lettere E Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2000, Vol. 134, pp. 18-28. Efim Rezvan also commented on this
manuscript but provides no firm dates. See E. Rezvan, "Mingana Folios: Where And Why", Manuscripta Orientalia, 2005, Volume 11, No. 4, pp. 5-9.
[12] Rev. A. Mingana & A. S. Lewis (Eds.), Leaves From Three Ancient Qur'âns Possibly Pre-‘Othmânic With A List Of Their Variants, 1914, op. cit., pp. 1-74.
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Back To The Qur'anic Manuscripts
The “Qur'ān Of ʿUthmān” At The Egyptian National Library (Dār Al-Kutub Al-Misrīyya), Cairo, Egypt, From 1st / 2nd Century Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 3rd September 2009
Last Updated: 6th September 2009
(a) (b)
(c) (d)
Figures: (a) Ms. 139, sūrah 5:80-83. (b) Ms. 139, sūrah 5:87-5:89. (c) Ms. 139, sūrah 5:92-5:95. (d) Ms. 139, sūrah 5:96-5:100. (e) Ms. 139, sūrah 5:107-5:110. (f) Arabe 324c, f. 39, sūrah 75:29-40.
Date
Late 1st century / early 2nd century of hijra.
Hussein dates this manuscript to the 7th century CE.[1] Moritz dates this manuscript to the 1st / 2nd century hijra.[1] Déroche gives three dates for this manuscript, the beginning of the 2nd century hijra / 8th century CE,[3] the middle of the 2nd century hijra / 8th century CE[4] and the latter half of the 2nd century hijra / 8th century CE,[5] although it is not clear which of these dates he prefers. Von Bothmer dates this manuscript to the 2nd century hijra / 8th century CE.[6] On the basis of a privately held fragment of the Qur'an carbon dated to the 7th century CE (609-694 CE with a 95.2% confidence level) showing similar script, textual aids and illumination, Dutton dated Arabic Palaeography Plates 1-12 (i.e., Ms. 139) to a roughly similar timeframe, i.e., the Umayyad period.[7]
Accession Number
Ms. 139 (Cairo); Ms. Arabe. 324a, 324b, 324c, 324d (Paris); Ms. Orient. A. 462 (Gotha).
Size & Folios
The size of the folios varies slightly with approximate dimensions of 53 x 63 cm, although the folios are heavily cropped and would have originally measured roughly 53 x 68 cm. Writing surface approximately 47-48 x 55-56 cm.[8] This manuscript is another example of a large format Qur'an with 12 lines per page containing a significant number of extant folios. It was the largest manuscript examined by Déroche in his catalogue of early Qur'anic manuscripts held at the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.[9]
Total number of folios: 306 folios = 562 folios preserved at the Egyptian National Library, Cairo, including 248 folios on true parchment, 34 folios on fake parchment, 61 folios from another Qur'an and 219 folios written on paper
(e) (f)
completed in 1830 CE (Ms. 139)[10] + 46 folios preserved in Paris (Ms. Arabe. 324a, 324b, 324c, 324d)[11] + 12 folios preserved in Gotha (Ms. Orient. A. 462).[12] Déroche estimates this manuscript would have originally contained more than 600 folios.[13]
History Of The Manuscript
When it was resolved that a museum should be established in Gotha, Ernest II, Duke of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg (d. 1804) endowed Ulrich Jaspar Seetzen (d. 1811), German physician and explorer, with considerable material means and sums of money in order to purchase any interesting objects related to the arts, religion and literature, during his travels in the middle east. During his time in Cairo, Seetzen "purchased" 1574 manuscripts, 3536 archaeological objects and numerous other biological and geological specimens. It was around about this time Seetzen disguised himself as a Muslim in order to gain the confidence of the Egyptians and Arabs. On the 17th January 1809, Seetzen entered the ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀs mosque, Fustāt, with the intention of "purchasing" ancient manuscripts of the Qur'an but failed. A contemporary of his with similar interests, Jean-Louis Asselin de Cherville (d. 1822), consular agent of France in Egypt, fared much better, seen by the 46 folios of this manuscript preserved in Paris today.[14] The 12 folios presently held in Gotha were apparently conveyed there by Seetzen, who, it appears, either bought or was gifted them from Cherville.
Scholars interested in ancient manuscripts of the Qur'an that make mention of this important manuscript are very seldom aware of all its constituent parts. Usually, only certain sections of this manuscript are discussed in contemporary publications (most notably Arabic Palaeography, Plates 1-12) to the exclusion of the rest. A good example of this can be seen in an encyclopaedia entry published this year whereby the entry on "Illumination" sub-section ‘Manuscripts of the Koran’ assigns Ms. 139 and Ms Arabe 324a as belonging to the same manuscript, without showing any knowledge of the other sections.[15]
Script & Ornamentation
Kufic. According to his typology of early Qur'anic scripts, Déroche has assigned this manuscript the category CIa. Letter forms in this category are very close to those of H(ijāzī IV. The form of hā in this manuscript is very similar indeed to that found in the inscriptions on the Dome of the Rock dating from 72 AH / 691 CE.
This manuscript is written on parchment with 12 lines per page showing the presence of line fillers to complete certain lines. The script is slightly sloping backwards with tall ascenders and is strongly reminiscent of the type of well executed kufic script exhibited during the Umayyad period. There is no vocalisation and a very limited amount of consonantal pointing (i.e., diacritical marks) – on some folios there are no diacritical marks at all. Multi-coloured (e.g., red, green, black, brown) diagonally arranged dashes are usually used to indicate verse-endings. Groups of five verses are marked with medallions and square cartouches containing quatrefoil emblems are used to indicate groups of ten verses. There are some arcaded bands that separate sūrahs without mentioning the name of the sūrah, some containing triangular-shaped crenellations. A modern cursive hand has added Arabic text at the top and bottom of each folio identifying the first and last verse.[16]
There are good number of other Qur'ans [such as the ones at St. Petersburg, two in Istanbul (Topkapi Library and TIEM), Cairo and Samarqand] having at times turned up in different parts of the Islamic world, almost all purporting to show the traces of the blood of the third caliph ʿUthmān upon certain pages, and thus the genuine ʿUthmānic Qur'an, the imām, which he was reading at the time of his death. Considering the palaeographic considerations, this Qur'an does not belong to time of the third caliph ʿUthmān.
Contents
The contents of the manuscript, as tabulated below, are gathered from the published material. They are arranged according to the folio number of Ms. 139 given by Shebunin[17] as well as in the numerical order of the sūrahs. Only the folios written on true parchment are considered here. Other manuscripts from the same codex are added to maintain the continuity of the sūrah order. Shebunin's indexing of the verse numbers on the folios have some errors which need to be corrected by checking the original codex. Some of them have been indicated by asterisk, i.e., ‘*’, next to the verse numbers.
Folio No. Qur'anic Sūrah Manuscript Image Publication
– 3:104-113, 120-133, 180-187 Arabe 324a –
– 3:139-146 Arabe 324b –
– 4:3-9, 24-29, 36-42 Arabe 324a –
– 4:11-12, 89-92, 122-128 Arabe 324c –
66 - 72 4:128-171* Ms. 139 –
– 5:2-23, 41-45 Arabe 324c –
83 - 93 5:59-114* Ms. 139 Islamic Awareness, 2009
96 - 97 6:8-25 Ms. 139 –
99 - 107 6:33-94 Ms. 139 –
252 - 255 18:22-54* Ms. 139 –
257 - 258 18:62-82* Ms. 139 –
269 - 273 20:50-102 Ms. 139 –
275 20:115-127 Ms. 139 –
278 - 288 21:9-22:13 Ms. 139 –
292 22:43-53 Ms. 139 –
294 22:62-71* Ms. 139 –
298 - 300 23:25-67 Ms. 139 –
302 23:80-92* Ms. 139 –
305 24:1-8 Ms. 139 –
307 - 313 24:14-56* Ms. 139 –
320 - 322 25:36-65* Ms. 139 –
324 - 327 25:74-26:44 Ms. 139 –
330 - 338 26:84-27:22 Ms. 139 –
340 - 341 27:34-49* Ms. 139 –
343 - 344 27:60-82* Ms. 139 –
351 - 360 28:64-29:53 Ms. 139 –
362 30:4-12* Ms. 139 –
365 - 367 30:30-54* Ms. 139 –
369 - 374 31:5-32:19* Ms. 139 –
376 - 382 32:27-33:38 Ms. 139 –
384 - 388 33:49-34:6* Ms. 139 –
– 34:12-35:36 Arabe 324c –
– 35:36-42 Arabe 324d –
398 - 402 36:2-71* Ms. 139 –
404 - 454 37:1-43:51 Ms. 139Moritz, 1905, Pl. 1-2 (end of sūrah 37 beginning of sūrah
38)
– 43:51-46:14 Ms. Orient. A. 462von Bothmer, 1997, f. 3b (sūrah 43:85-44:3), f. 6b-7a
(sūrah 44:52-45:7), f. 11a (sūrah 45:37-46:4)
461 - 476 46:15-49:13* Ms. 139Moritz, 1905, Pl. 4 and Pl. 5 (end of sūrah 46 beginning of sūrah 47), Pl. 6 (end of sūrah 48 beginning of sūrah
49)
478 50:3-16* Ms. 139 –
480 - 486 51:1-53:39* Ms. 139 –
488 - 490 54:2-55 Ms. 139 –
– 55:1-27 Arabe 324c –
493 - 505 55:75-58:22 Ms. 139Moritz, 1905, Pl. 7 (end of sūrah 56 beginning of sūrah
57)
507 - 529 59:10-68:51 Ms. 139Moritz, 1905, Pl. 8 (end of sūrah 59 beginning of sūrah 60), Pl. 9 (end of sūrah 63 beginning of sūrah 64), Pl. 10 (end of sūrah 65 beginning of sūrah 66), Pl. 11 (end of
Location
Dār al-Kutub al-Misriyya, Cairo; Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; Forschungsbibliothek, Gotha.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Dār al-Kutub al-Misrīyya, Cairo, for providing some images of the manuscript.
References
[1] M. A. Hussein (Trans. D. Jaeschke & D. Sharp), Origins Of The Book: Egypt's Contribution To The Development Of The Book From Papyrus To Codex, 1972, New York Graphics Society Ltd., Greenwich: Connecticut (Original German Edition, 1970: Leipzig), p. 91, p. 106 & p. 130.
[2] B. Moritz (Ed.), Arabic Palaeography: A Collection Of Arabic Texts From The First Century Of The Hidjra Till The Year 1000, 1905, Publications of the Khedivial Library - No. 16, Cairo, Plates 1-12.
[3] F. Déroche (Trans. D. Dusinberre & D. Radzinowicz, Ed. M. I. Waley), Islamic Codicology: An Introduction To The Study Of Manuscripts In Arabic Script, 2006, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation Publication - No. 102, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation: London (UK), p. 114, footnote 77.
[4] ibid., p. 122.
[5] ibid., p. 14.
[6] H-C. G. Von Bothmer, "Korane" in Orientalische Buchkunst In Gotha: Ausstellung Zum 350jährigen Jubiläum Der Forschungs- Und Landesbibliothek Gotha (Spiegelsaal 11. September 1997 bis 14. Dezember 1997), 1997, Forschungs- Und Landesbibliothek Gotha Gesamtherstellung: Gotha Druck Und Verpackung GmbH & Co. KG, p. 105.
[7] Y. Dutton, "An Umayyad Fragment Of The Qur'an And Its Dating", Journal Of Qur'anic Studies, 2007, Volume 9, No. 2, p. 76.
sūrah 66 beginning of sūrah 67)
– 68:51-72:16 Arabe 324c Déroche, 2004,[18] f.32, (end of sūrah 69 beginning of sūrah 70)
536 74:31-56* Ms. 139 –
– 75:1-76:22 Arabe 324c Déroche, 2004, f.39, (end of sūrah 75)[19]
– 77:11-41 Arabe 324c –
540 77:41-78:19 Ms. 139 –
542 - 543 79:1-80:8 Ms. 139 –
– 80:11-81:2 Arabe 324c –
545 81:4-?? (damaged) Ms. 139 –
547 83:2-83:23 (damaged) Ms. 139 –
549 - 551 84:8-87:1 Ms. 139Moritz, 1905, Pl. 12 (end of sūrah 86 beginning of sūrah
87)
553 - 554 89:5-90:16* Ms. 139 –
– 95:5-96:19 Arabe 324c –
– 100:2-102:4 Arabe 324c –
– 105:1-107:7 Arabe 324c –
[8] F. Déroche, Catalogue Des Manuscrits Arabes: Deuxième Partie: Manuscrits Musulmans - Tome I, 1: Les Manuscrits Du Coran: Aux Origines De La Calligraphie Coranique, 1983, Bibliothèque Nationale: Paris, pp. 75-77 & p. 143; idem., "Manuscripts Of The Qur’ān" in J. D. McAuliffe (Gen. Ed.), Encyclopaedia Of The Qur'ān, 2003, Volume Three (J – O), Koninklijke Brill NV: Leiden (The Netherlands), p. 261.
[9] F. Déroche, Catalogue Des Manuscrits Arabes: Deuxième Partie: Manuscrits Musulmans - Tome I, 1: Les Manuscrits Du Coran: Aux Origines De La Calligraphie Coranique, 1983, op. cit., p. 19.
[10] A. N. Shebunin, "Kuficheskii Koran Khedivskoi Biblioteki V Kaire", Zapiski Vostochnago Otdeleniia Imperatorskago Russkago Arkheologicheskago Obshchestva, 1902, Volume 14, pp. 120-125.
[11] F. Déroche, Catalogue Des Manuscrits Arabes: Deuxième Partie: Manuscrits Musulmans - Tome I, 1: Les Manuscrits Du Coran: Aux Origines De La Calligraphie Coranique, 1983, op. cit., pp. 75-77 & p. 142.
[12] H-C. G. Von Bothmer, "Korane" in Orientalische Buchkunst In Gotha: Ausstellung Zum 350jährigen Jubiläum Der Forschungs- Und Landesbibliothek Gotha (Spiegelsaal 11. September 1997 bis 14. Dezember 1997), 1997, op. cit., p. 106; W. Pertsch, Die Arabischen Handschriften Der Herzoglichen Bibliothek Zu Gotha: Auf Befehl Sr. Hoheit Des Herzogs Ernst II. Von Sachsen-Coburg-Gotha, 1878, Band I, Friedrich Andreas Perthes: Gotha, pp. 395-396 (Ms. 462).
[13] F. Déroche, "Manuscripts Of The Qur’ān" in J. D. McAuliffe (Gen. Ed.), Encyclopaedia Of The Qur'ān, 2003, Volume Three (J – O), op. cit., p. 261.
[14] "Seetzen, Ulrich Jaspar" in The Penny Cyclopædia, 1841, Volume XXI (Scanderoon – Signet), Charles Knight and Co., London, p. 184; Asselin de Chervillé, "Lettre De M. Asselin De Chervillé, À M. Dacier", Magasin Encyclopédique, Ou Journal Des Sciences, Des Lettres Et Des Arts, 1815, Tome III, p. 88; H-C. G. Von Bothmer, "Korane" in Orientalische Buchkunst In Gotha: Ausstellung Zum 350jährigen Jubiläum Der Forschungs- Und Landesbibliothek Gotha (Spiegelsaal 11. September 1997 bis 14. Dezember 1997), 1997, op. cit., p. 106.
For a romanticised account of the misappropriation of hundreds of ancient Qur'anic manuscripts from Egypt, see D. S. Powers, Muhammad Is Not The Father Of Any Of Your Men: The Making Of The Last Prophet, 2009, University of Pennsylvania Press, pp. 166-167. The fact Seetzen was informed by a member of the mosque that Qur'anic manuscripts could not be purchased due to their status as religious endowments is seemingly brushed aside as a diversion awaiting a solution; the services of Cherville, a French colonial administrator, are utilised and he succeeds where Seetzen fails.
[15] "Illumination" in J. M. Bloom & S. S. Blair (Eds.), The Grove Encyclopedia Of Islamic Art And Architecture, 2009, Volume 2 (Delhi - Mosque), Oxford University Press, p. 186. It would appear the first scholar to highlight the totality of this manuscript was Hans-Casper Graf von Bothmer in an article published in 1997 (see above).
[16] Summarised from Y. Dutton, "An Umayyad Fragment Of The Qur'an And Its Dating", Journal Of Qur'anic Studies, 2007, Volume 9, No. 2, op. cit., pp. 75-76; F. Déroche, Catalogue Des Manuscrits Arabes: Deuxième Partie: Manuscrits Musulmans - Tome I, 1: Les Manuscrits Du Coran: Aux Origines De La Calligraphie Coranique, 1983, op. cit., pp. 75-77 & p. 142; idem., The Abbasid Tradition: Qur'ans Of The 8th To The 10th Centuries AD, 1992, The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, Volume I, Oxford University Press, p. 36 & pp. 40-41; H-C. G. Von Bothmer, "Korane" in Orientalische Buchkunst In Gotha: Ausstellung Zum 350jährigen Jubiläum Der Forschungs- Und Landesbibliothek Gotha (Spiegelsaal 11. September 1997 bis 14. Dezember 1997), 1997, op. cit., pp. 105-107.
[17] A. N. Shebunin, "Kuficheskii Koran Khedivskoi Biblioteki V Kaire", Zapiski Vostochnago Otdeleniia Imperatorskago Russkago Arkheologicheskago Obshchestva, 1902, op. cit., pp. 121-125.
[18] F. Déroche, Le Livre Manuscrit Arabe: Préludes À Une Histoire, 2004, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, p. 100.
[19] F. Déroche, Le Livre Manuscrit Arabe: Préludes À Une Histoire, 2004, op. cit., p. 105; E. Tisserant, Specimina Codicvm Orientalivm, 1914, Tabvlae In Vsvm Scholarvm - 8, A. Marcvs Et E. Weber: Bonnae & Apvd Parker Et Filivm: Oxoniae, Plate 42.
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The “Qur'ān Of ʿUthmān” At The Al-Hussein Mosque, Cairo, Egypt, From 1st / 2nd Century Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 21st May 2000
Last Updated: 16th September 2009
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
Figures: (a) Folios 23a and 24a showing sūrah al-Baqarah - part of verse 139 to beginning of verse 143. (b) Folios 511b and 512a showing sūrah al-Isrāʾ - part of verse 110 to the end, and sūrah al-Kahf - from the beginning until part of verse 5. (c) Folios 541b and 542a showing sūrah
Maryam - part of verse 85 to the end, and the beginning of sūrah Tāhā. (d) Folios 500b and 501a - the former shows the missing folio written in a later hand and the latter shows fixing of lacunae in the manuscript, especially at the bottom left hand side edge, presumably by the same later
hand. The folios contain sūrah al-Isrāʾ part of verse 58 to end of verse 62. (e) Display and (f) restoration of the monumental Qur'an attributed to caliph Uthmān at the al-Hussein mosque by Mohamed Seif el-Shazli and his son Ahmed.
Date
(e) (f)
Late 1st century / early 2nd century of hijra. Moritz publishd four folios of this manuscript and dated them to 1st / 2nd century of hijra.[1] A facsimile edition of this manuscript was prepared by Dr. Tayyar Altikulaç in the year 2009.[2]
The dating of this manuscript by various scholars has been summarized by Dr. Altikulaç.[3] Muh)ammad Bakhit considers it to be one of ʿUthmāni mushaf. Labīb al-Saʿīd opines that it may be the mushaf sent to Madinah or Syria.
Muh)ammad ʿAbd al-ʿAz)īm al-Zurqānī, author of Manāhil al-ʿIrfan, considers it to be a copy of one of the ʿUthmāni mushaf. On the other hand, palaeographer S)alāh) al-Dīn al-Munajjid did not consider this manuscript to be from
the time of caliph ʿUthmān.[4] His says that, in all probability, it was a copy made on the order of the Governor of Egypt ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn Marwān, brother of Umayyad caliph ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Marwān. Therefore, it can be said
that this is one of the oldest copies of the Qur'an written in Egypt in the second half of 1st century hijra. This dating is also endorsed by Dr. Altikulaç, the editor of the facsimile edition, as well as others.[5] Finally, Dr. Suʿād Maher,
who examined this Qur'an, believes that it is not one of the Qur'ans sent by the third caliph ʿUthmān to various regions of the Islamic Empire.[6]
Furthermore, there are palaeographic reasons to believe that this Qur'an does not belong to time of the third caliph ʿUthmān. There are good number of other Qur'ans [such as the ones at St. Petersburg, Cairo, Samarqand and two in
Istanbul (Topkapi Library and TIEM)] having at times turned up in different parts of the Islamic world, almost all purporting to show the traces of the blood of the third caliph ʿUthmān upon certain pages, and thus the genuine
ʿUthmānic Qur'an, the imām, which he was reading at the time of his death. The manuscript clearly shows the script, illumination and marking of vowels that are from the Umayyad times, i.e., late 1st century / early 2nd century of
hijra.
Accession Number
-
Size & Folios
Total number of folios: 1087. Only 4 folios are missing (after folios nos. 100, 637, 883, 1051) and others restored by a later hand (folio nos. 43, 63, 64, 65, 500, 1051, 1053, 1086, 1087). Size: 57 cm x 68 cms. Written area: 48 cm x 51
cm. The height of the mushaf is 40 cm and weighs 80 kgs.[7] The extant folios contain more than 99% of the text of the Qur'an.
History Of The Manuscript
The manuscript was kept in the special collection of Qadhi ʿAbd al-Rah)īm al-Bisānī al-Asqalānī in Madrasah Al-Fadiliyah in the Ayyubid period [596 AH / 1200 CE], then transferred to the dome, next the madrasah, built by Mamluk
Sultan Al-Gūrī [922 AH / 1516 CE]. It remained there until 1275 AH / 1858-59 CE. From the dome, it was shifted to Masjid al-Zainabī, then to Muh)ammad ʿAlī's castle, then to Dīwān al-Awqāf in the year 1304 AH / 1886-87 CE,
then to Qasr Abidīn next year, arriving finally at al-Mashad al-Husseini in the year 1305 AH / 1887-88 CE. It remained there until 2006 CE until it was transferred to the Centre Library for Islamic Manuscripts, Masjid al-Sayyida
Zaynab.
Script & Ornamentation
Kufic.
This monumental Qur'anic manuscript on parchment showing a well-formed Kufic script, written in dark-brown ink with sparse diacritical marks and no ornamentation. There are 12 lines per folio, but some folios also have 8-10 lines.
The verse endings are marked by a set of diagonal dashes; the tenth verse is marked with a square medallion illuminated in blue, green, and red with a stellar design. A rectangular ornate band separates the two sūrahs. The verse
endings and the tenth verse marker in this manuscript show striking similarity with those present in the Samarqand manuscript attributed to ʿUthmān. This suggests that these two manuscripts are probably contemporary.
There are some lacunae in this manuscript such as missing folios or worn out writing. Some of them were fixed by adding extra folios or reinking the existing text - both of them clearly done using a later hand [Figure (d)]. This has
resulted in copying mistakes - 7 out of 22 mistakes are due to restorations. The parchment of this Qur'an was restored in the time of Sultan al-Gūrī, the last of the Mamluk sultans, and was restored from time to time since then due to
wear and tear.
Contents
The contents of the manuscript, as tabulated below, are gathered from the facsimile edition.
Folios Qur'anic Sūrah Image Publication Comments
1b al-Fātih)ah Altikulaç, 2009 Fragmented on the sides
1b - 59a al-Baqarah Altikulaç, 2009Folios 2a-4b fragmented on the sides. Folios 43a and
43b are written in a later hand due to lacunae.
59a - 99b āl-ʿImrān Altikulaç, 2009; Moritz 1905, Pls. 13, 14 (end of sūrah) Folios 63a-65b are written in a later hand due to lacunae.
99b - 148a al-NisāAltikulaç, 2009; Moritz 1905, Pls. 13, 14 (beginning of
sūrah)Part of the verse 6 to part of verse 8 are missing due to
lacunae.
148a - 186a al-Mā'idah Altikulaç, 2009 -
186a - 231b al-Anʿām Altikulaç, 2009 -
231b - 286a al-Aʿrāf Altikulaç, 2009 -
286a - 307a al-Anfāl Altikulaç, 2009 -
307a - 343b Tawbah Altikulaç, 2009 -
343b - 371a Yūnus Altikulaç, 2009 -
371a - 400b Hūd Altikulaç, 2009 -
400b - 427a Yūsuf Altikulaç, 2009 -
427a - 439a al-Rʿad Altikulaç, 2009 -
439a - 451a Ibrāhīm Altikulaç, 2009 -
451a - 460a al-H)ijr Altikulaç, 2009 -
460b - 486b al-Nahl Altikulaç, 2009 -
487a - 511b al-Isrāʿ Altikulaç, 2009Folios 500a-500b are written in a later hand due to
lacunae.
511b - 533b al-Kahf Altikulaç, 2009 -
534a - 542a Maryam Altikulaç, 2009 -
542a - 554a T)āhā Altikulaç, 2009 -
554a - 566a al-Anbiyā Altikulaç, 2009 -
566a - 579a al-H)ajj Altikulaç, 2009 -
579b - 592a al-Muʿminūn Altikulaç, 2009 -
592a - 608b al-Nūr Altikulaç, 2009 -
608b - 620b al-Furqān Altikulaç, 2009 -
620b - 638a al-Shuʿarā Altikulaç, 2009Verse 211 to part of verse 225 are missing due to
lacunae.
638a - 654b al-Naml Altikulaç, 2009 -
654b - 673a al-Qas)as) Altikulaç, 2009 -
673a - 687b al-ʿAnkabūt Altikulaç, 2009 -
687b - 700a al-Rūm Altikulaç, 2009 -
700a - 708b Luqmān Altikulaç, 2009 -
708b - 714a al-Sajdah Altikulaç, 2009; Moritz, 1905, Pl. 15 (end of sūrah). -
714a - 735a al-Ah)zāb Altikulaç, 2009; Moritz, 1905, Pl. 15 (beginning of sūrah). -
735a - 749a Sabʿ Altikulaç, 2009 -
749a - 762a Fāt)ir Altikulaç, 2009 -
762a - 774a Yāsīn Altikulaç, 2009 -
774a - 787a al-S)āffāt Altikulaç, 2009 -
787a - 797a S)ād Altikulaç, 2009 -
797a - 814a al-Zumar Altikulaç, 2009 -
814a - 834b Ghāfir Altikulaç, 2009 -
834b - 846a Fussilat Altikulaç, 2009 -
846b - 859b al-Shūra Altikulaç, 2009 -
859b - 873a al-Zukhruf Altikulaç, 2009 -
873a - 878a al-Dukhān Altikulaç, 2009 -
878a - 883b al-Jāthiya Altikulaç, 2009 Verse 33 to the end of surah are missing due to lacunae.
884a - 892b al-Ah)qāf Altikulaç, 2009 Verse 1 to part of verse 2 are missing due to lacunae.
892b - 900b Muh)ammad Altikulaç, 2009 -
900b - 909a al-Fatah) Altikulaç, 2009; Moritz, 1905, Pl. 16 (end of sūrah). -
909b - 914b al-H)ujurāt Altikulaç, 2009 -
914b - 920a Qāf Altikulaç, 2009 -
920a - 925b al-Dhāriyāt Altikulaç, 2009 -
925b - 929b al-T)ūr Altikulaç, 2009 -
930a - 935b al-Najm Altikulaç, 2009 -
935b - 941a al-Qamar Altikulaç, 2009 -
941a - 946b al-Rah)mān Altikulaç, 2009 -
947a - 952b al-Wāqiʿah Altikulaç, 2009 -
953a - 961b al-H)adid Altikulaç, 2009 -
961b - 968b al-Mujādilah Altikulaç, 2009 -
969a - 975b al-H)ashr Altikulaç, 2009 -
975b - 981b al-Mumtah)inah Altikulaç, 2009 -
982a - 985a al-S)aff Altikulaç, 2009 -
985a - 988a al-Jumuʿah Altikulaç, 2009 -
988a - 990b al-Munāfiqūn Altikulaç, 2009 -
990b - 995a al-Taghābūn Altikulaç, 2009 -
995a - 999b al-Talāq Altikulaç, 2009 -
999b - 1004a al-Tahrīm Altikulaç, 2009 -
1004a - 1009b al-Mulk Altikulaç, 2009 -
1009b - 1014b al-Qalam Altikulaç, 2009 -
1014b - 1018b al-H)aqqah Altikulaç, 2009 -
1018b - 1022a al-Maʿārij Altikulaç, 2009 -
1022a - 1026a Nūh) Altikulaç, 2009 -
1026a - 1030b al-Jinn Altikulaç, 2009 -
1031a - 1034a al-Muzzammil Altikulaç, 2009 -
1034b - 1038b al-Muddathir Altikulaç, 2009 -
1038b - 1041a al-Qiyāmah Altikulaç, 2009 -
1041a - 1045b al-Insān Altikulaç, 2009 -
1045b - 1048b al-Mursalāt Altikulaç, 2009 -
1048b - 1051a al-Nabāʿ Altikulaç, 2009 Folio 1051a is written in a later hand due to lacunae.
1051a - 1053a al-Nāziʿāt Altikulaç, 2009Folios 1051a-1051b and 1053a are written in a later hand due to lacunae. Verse 20 to part of verse 31 are missing
due to lacunae.
1053a - 1055a al-ʿAbasa Altikulaç, 2009Folios 1053a-1053b are written in a later hand due to
lacunae.
1055a - 1056b al-Takwīr Altikulaç, 2009 -
1057a - 1058a al-Intifār Altikulaç, 2009 -
1058a - 1060b al-Mutaffifīn Altikulaç, 2009 -
1060b - 1062b al-Inshiqāq Altikulaç, 2009 -
1062b - 1064a al-Burūj Altikulaç, 2009 -
1064a - 1065a al-Tāriq Altikulaç, 2009 -
1065a - 1066a al-ʿAlā Altikulaç, 2009 -
1066b - 1067b al-Ghāshīyah Altikulaç, 2009 -
1068a - 1070a al-Fajr Altikulaç, 2009 -
1070a - 1071b al-Balad Altikulaç, 2009 -
1071b - 1072b al-Shams Altikulaç, 2009 -
1072b - 1073b al-Layl Altikulaç, 2009 -
1073b - 1074a al-D)uh)a Altikulaç, 2009 -
1074b - 1075a al-Sharh) Altikulaç, 2009 -
1075a - 1075b al-T)īn Altikulaç, 2009 -
1075b - 1076b al-ʿAlaq Altikulaç, 2009 -
1077a al-Qadr Altikulaç, 2009 -
1077b - 1078b al-Bayyinah Altikulaç, 2009 -
1079a - 1079b al-Zalzalah Altikulaç, 2009 -
1079b - 1080a al-ʿAdiyāt Altikulaç, 2009 -
1080a - 1081a al-Qāriʿah Altikulaç, 2009 -
1081a - 1081b al-Takāthur Altikulaç, 2009 -
1081a - 1082a al-ʿAsr Altikulaç, 2009 -
1082a - 1082b al-Humazah Altikulaç, 2009 -
1082b - 1083a al-Fīl Altikulaç, 2009 -
1083a - 1083b al-Quraysh Altikulaç, 2009 -
1083b - 1084a al-Māʿun Altikulaç, 2009 -
Location
Al-Hussein Mosque, Cairo, and now shifted to the Centre Library for Islamic Manuscripts, Masjid al-Sayyida Zaynab, Cairo, Egypt.
References
[1] B. Moritz (Ed.), Arabic Palaeography: A Collection Of Arabic Texts From The First Century Of The Hidjra Till The Year 1000, 1905, Publications of the Khedivial Library - No. 16, Cairo, Plates 13-16.
[2] T. Altikulaç, Hz. Osman’a Nisbet Edilen Mushaf- I Şerîf (Kahire El-Meşhedü’l-Hüseynî Nüshası), 2009, Volumes I and II, Organization of the Islamic Conference Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture: Istanbul (Turkey).
[3] ibid., pp. 119-120 (Volume I, Turkish section), pp. 139-140 (Volume I, Arabic section).
[4] S. al-Munajjid, Dirāsāt fī Tārīkh al-Khatt al-ʿArabī Mundhu Bidayatihi ilā Nihayat al-ʿAsr al-Umawi (French Title: Etudes De Paleographie Arabe), 1972, Dār al-Kitāb al-Jadid: Beirut (Lebanon), pp. 53-54.
[5] T. Altikulaç, Hz. Osman’a Nisbet Edilen Mushaf- I Şerîf (Kahire El-Meşhedü’l-Hüseynî Nüshası), 2009, Volume I, op. cit., p. 120 (Turkish section) and p. 140 (Arabic section).
[6] S. al-Munajjid, Dirāsāt fī Tārīkh al-Khatt al-ʿArabī Mundhu Bidayatihi ilā Nihayat al-ʿAsr al-Umawi (French Title: Etudes De Paleographie Arabe), 1972, op. cit., pp. 53-54.
[7] T. Altikulaç, Hz. Osman’a Nisbet Edilen Mushaf- I Şerîf (Kahire El-Meşhedü’l-Hüseynî Nüshası), 2009, Volume I, op. cit., p. 116; Also see S. N. Noseda, "Uno Dei Cosiddetti ‘Corani Di ʿUt)mān’: Quello Nella Moschea H)usayn Al Cairo",
Studi Magrebini, 2006, New Series, Volume IV, p. 262.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
Back To The Qur'anic Manuscripts
1084a - 1084b al-Kawthar Altikulaç, 2009 -
1084b - 1085a al-Kafirūn Altikulaç, 2009 -
1085a - 1085b al-Nas)r Altikulaç, 2009 -
1085b - 1086a al-Masad Altikulaç, 2009 -
1086a al-Ikhlās Altikulaç, 2009 Folio 1086a is written in a later hand due to lacunae.
1086b al-Falaq Altikulaç, 2009 Folio 1086b is written in a later hand due to lacunae.
1087a al-Nās Altikulaç, 2009 Folio 1087a is written in a later hand due to lacunae.
A Qur'anic Leaf In The H�ijāzī Script On Vellum, 1st Century Of Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 10th April 2009
Last Updated: 6th May 2009
Date
1st century hijra / Second half of 7th century CE.
Size
Approximately 35.5 cm x 27.5 cm.
Script & Ornamentation
It is written in the h�ijāzī script in brown ink on vellum. There are 23 lines on recto and 21 lines on verso. No vocalization, verses indicated occasionally by four
dots, a few dots and angled dashes indicating diacritical marks and consonants.
Contents
Sūrah Ibrahīm, verses 19-44.
Location
Not known.
References
recto verso
[1] Arts Of The Islamic World Including Fine Carpets And Textiles, London 8 October 2008, 2008, Lot No. 3, Sotheby's: London, pp. 16-18.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for
non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of
the copyright holder.
Back To The Qur'anic Manuscripts
The “Qur'ān Of ʿUthmān” At St. Petersburg (Russia), Katta Langar, Bukhārā And Tashkent
(Uzbekistan), From 2nd Century Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 16th June 2000
Last Updated: 24th June 2008
A folio from the "Qur'an of ‘Uthman" (Manuscript E20) at the Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg, Russia showing the last part of Surah al-
Sāffat (verses 158-182) and beginning of Surah Sād (verses 1-8).
Date
2nd century hijra (final quarter of the 8th century CE).[1]
The results of radiocarbon dating of this manuscript were published by Efim Rezvan. For this manuscript, a
68.3% confidence level (1σ) yields the dating ranges, 781 CE - 791 CE, 825 CE - 843 CE, 859 CE - 903 CE
and 915 CE - 977 CE. The 95.4 % confidence level (2σ) yields 775 CE - 995 CE.[2] Palaeographic analysis of
this manuscript gave the date around the final quarter of the 8th century CE.[3] This dating was also agreed by
François Déroche.[4]
History Of The Manuscript
The major portion of this manuscript is at the Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg, Russia, with smaller
number of folios scattered in Katta Langar, Bukhara and Tashkent. Manuscript E 20 at St. Petersburg was
bought by the Institute of Oriental Studies in 1936 from an elderly lady who most probably "purchased" it
from the library of Irinei Georgievich Nofal, Professor of Arabic and Islamic law at the School of Oriental
Languages of the Ministry of Affairs during the second half of the nineteenth century. Nofal was born into a
very well-known Arab-Christian family in Tripoli, Syria, and had received a typical Leventine education and
spoke French fluently. He divided his time between commerce, representing foreign powers and literary
endeavours. The fate of his library, however, is not as remarkable as his upbringing. Nofal's sons were neither
interested in scholarship nor literature and consequently they did not make careers for themselves, preferring to
live at their father's expense. Gradually reaching a point where, taking advantage of his advanced years, they
secretly sold off his library piecemeal to booksellers. After his death, the entire library was disposed off.[5]
In June 1998, Efim Rezvan published an article with the detailed description of the manuscript at the Institute
of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg, in the ḥijāzī script.[6] About a year later François Déroche published the
Qur'anic fragments at Katta Langar and compared it with the manuscript E 20 at St. Petersburg.[7] Here he
positively identified both these manuscripts belonging to the same codex. Déroche also mentioned yet another
folio from this codex held in the collection of the Uzbekistan Academy of Sciences, Bīrūnī Institute of Oriental
Studies, Tashkent. Later Rezvan identified two more folios from this codex held at the Ibn Sīnā Bukhārā
Regional Library, Bukhārā. With this information, Rezvan surmised that this codex of the Qur'an originated
from the Greater Syria and Nofal brought it with him from his homeland (Tripoli, Syria).[8] The discovery of
other folios at Katta Langar, Bukhārā and Tashkent suggests that this manuscript arrived in St. Petersburg via
Central Asia. A facsimile edition of this codex was prepared by Rezvan in 2004.[9]
Script & Text
The text is written in what is called the late ḥijāzī script.[10] It was written by two copyists, A and B. In
accordance with François Déroche's classification, both hands correspond to the styles B.I and B.II among the
early Abbasid scripts.[11] The style of medial jīm / ḥāʾ / khāʾ, however, largely corresponds to style A.I. On
the whole the manuscript is indicative of the transition from the ḥijāzī script to later styles. As a rule alif is
perpendicular to the line, although it sometimes preserves a slight incline to the right, as does the vertical
stroke in tāʾ and lām. Copyist B, a more professional hand, is characterized by a rounded finish to final jīm /
ḥāʾ / khāʾ, ḥayn and ghayn, which serves as a principal distinguishing characteristic from copyist A. The
number of lines per page varies widely (Copyist A - 23 to 31 lines; Copyist B - 21 to 26 lines), as does the size
of the letters.
Diacritical marks to distinguish the consonants are consistently provided in the manuscript. For example, dots
above tāḥ are set vertical to the line; dots above the thāḥ are either vertical or in a single horizontal line at a
slight angle to the line of the text. Initial and medial qāf are marked both by two dots above the letter and a dot
below it; the two dots could have been added possibly later by another hand.
The blanks between the surahs were later filled in with ornamented illuminations, each of them an original
composition of triangles and semicircles made up of parallel, interwoven and intersecting red and green lines
and, in number of cases added vignettes. The basmala is treated as a separate āya throughout the text.
Total number of folios: 97 = 81 (Manuscript E 20, Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg, Russia) + 1
(Call no. 11604, Collection of the Uzbekistan Academy of Sciences, Bīrūnī Institute of Oriental Studies,
Tashkent, Uzbekistan) + 2 (Ibn Sīnā Bukhārā Regional Library, Bukhārā, Uzbekistan) + 12 (Mazār of the
shaykhs of the ʾIshqiyya brotherhood in Katta Langar, Uzbekistan) + 1 (Library of Administration of Muslim
Affairs, Tashkent, Uzbekistan). The manuscript contains about 40% of the text of the Qur'an, with full texts of
22 surahs and fragments of another 22. The sequence of the surahs correspond to rasm al-ḥUthmānī. This
manuscript was falsely attributed to caliph ʾUthmān in Katta Langar[such as the one at Samarqand, two in
Istanbul (Topkapi Library and TIEM), and two in Cairo (al-Hussein mosque and Dār al-Kutub)].
Contents
The table below is produced by combining Tables 1 and 14 as seen in the facsimile edition.[12]
Folio Number (True)
Qur'anic Surah / Ayah
CopyistNumber of Lines
Location
1r 2:17 - 2:29 A 27Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
1v 2:30 - 2:47 A 26
1a 2:126 - 2:140
Library of Administration of Muslim Affairs,
Tashkent
1b 2:140 - 2:144
2r 2:176 - 2:184 A 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
2v 2:184 - 2:190 A 23
2a 3:26 - 3:42 Bīrūnī Institute of Oriental Studies,
Taskhent
2b 3:42 - 3:61
3r 3:95 - 3:112 A 31Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
3v 3:112 - 3:131 A 31
4r 3:163 - 3:179 A 29Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
4v 3:179 - 3:191 A 29
5r 4:25 - 4:36 A 26Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
5v 4:36 - 4:47 A 26
6r 4:47 - 4:58 A 26Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
6v 4:58 - 4:71 A 26
7r 4:71 - 4:81 A 26Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
7v 4:81 - 4:91 A 26
8r 4:91 - 4:102 A 28Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
8v 4:102 - 4:114 A 28
9r 4:114 - 4:127 A 25Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
9v 4:127 - 4:136 A 25
3a 4:136 - 4:146 Katta Langar Complex
3b 4:146 - 4:157
4a 4:157 - 4:169 Katta Langar Complex
4b 4:169 - 4:176
5a 5:1 - 5:4 Katta Langar Complex
5b 5:4 - 5:9
6a 5:10 - 5:17 Katta Langar Complex
6b 5:17 - 5:27
7a 5:28 - 5:40 Katta Langar Complex
7b 5:40 - 5:45
8a 5:46 - 5:54 Katta Langar Complex
8b 5:54 - 5:64
9a 5:64 - 5:73 Katta Langar Complex
9b 5:73 - 5:85
10a 5:86 - 5:95 Katta Langar Complex
10b 5:95 - 5:106
11a 5:106 - 5:113 Katta Langar Complex
11b 5:113 - 6:3
12a 6:3 - 6:19 Katta Langar Complex
12b 6:19 - 6:33
13a 6:33 - 6:46 Katta Langar Complex
13b 6:46 - 6:59
14a 6:59 - 6:70 Katta Langar Complex
14b 6:70 - 6:82
10r 6:82 - 6:93 A 25Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
10v 6:93 - 6:102 A 25
11r 6:125 - 6:136 A 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
11v 6:136 - 6:144 A 24
12r 6:144 - 6:151 A 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
12v 6:151 - 6:159 A 23
13r6:159 - 6:165, 7:1 -
7:9 A 21 + 2
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
13v 7:9 - 7:22 A 23
14r 7:23 - 7:33 A 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
14v 7:33 - 7:42 A 23
15r 7:42 - 7:53 A 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
15v 7:53 - 7:62 A 24
16r 7:62 - 7:73 A 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
16v 7:73 - 7:84 A 23
17r 7:84 - 7:93 A 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
17v 7:93 - 7:104 A 23
18r 7:104 - 7:125 A 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
18v 7:125 - 7:135 A 23
19r 7:168 - 7:178 A 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
19v 7:178 - 7:190 A 25
20r 7:190 - 7:205 A 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
20v7:206 - 7:206, 8:1 -
8:9 A 20.5 + 2.5
21r 9:61 - 9:70 A 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
21v 9:70 - 9:78 A 23
22r 9:96 - 9:105 A 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
22v 9:105 - 9:113 A 23
23r 9:113 - 9:122 A 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
23v9:123 - 9:129, 10:1 -
10:4A 22 + 2
24r 10:4 - 10:15 A 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
24v 10:15 - 10:23 A 23
25r 10:23 - 10:33 A 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
25v 10:33 - 10:45 A 24
26r 10:45 - 10:61 A 25Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
26v 10:61 - 10:73 A 25
27r 10:73 - 10:88 A 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
27v 10:88 - 10:99 A 24
28r10:100 - 10:109, 11:1
- 11:2 A 20.5 + 2.5
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
28v 11:2 - 11:14 A 25
29r 20:89 - 20:108 B 23 Institute of Oriental Studies, St.
Petersburg
29v 20:108 - 20:124 B 23
30r 24:11 - 24:22 B 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
30v 24:22 - 24:31 B 24
31r 24:31 - 24:39 B 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
31v 24:39 - 24:49 B 24
32r 24:49 - 24:58 B 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
32v 24:58 - 24:62 B 23
33r24:63 - 24:64, 25:1 -
25:9 B 20 + 3
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
33v 25:9 - 25:23 B 23
34r 25:23 - 25:40 B 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
34v 25:41 - 25:58 B 24
35r 25:58 - 25:74 B 25Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
35v25:75 - 25:77. 26:1 -
26:19 B 22 + 3
36r 26:19 - 26:45 B 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
36v 26:45 - 26:75 B 24
37r 26:75 - 26:115 B 26Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
37v 26:116 - 26:152 B 25
38r 26:152 - 26:181 B 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
38v 26:183 - 26:215 B 24
39r 27:54 - 27:66 B 22Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
39v 27:66 - 27:82 B 22
40r27:82 - 27:93, 28:1 -
28:3 B 20.5 + 1.5
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
40v 28:3 - 28:15 B 23
41r 28:15 - 28:25 B 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
41v 28:25 - 28:35 B 23
15a 28:35 - 28:45 Ibn Sīnā Bukhārā Regional Library,
Bukhārā
15b 28:45 - 28:56
16a 28:57 - 28:70 Ibn Sīnā Bukhārā Regional Library,
Bukhārā
16b 28:70 - 28:81
Institute of Oriental
42r28:81 - 28:88, 29:1 -
29:6 B 21.5 + 1.5
Studies, St. Petersburg
42v 29:6 - 29:17 B 23
43r 29:17 - 29:29 B 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
43v 29:29 - 29:40 B 23
44r 29:40 - 29:51 B 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
44v 29:51 - 29:65 B 23
45r 30:27 - 30:39 B 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
45v 30:39 - 30:51 B 24
46r30:51 - 30:60, 31:1 -
31:7 B 22 + 2
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
46v 31:7 - 31:19 B 24
47r 31:19 - 31:32 B 25Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
47v31:32 - 31:34, 32:1 -
32:10 B 22.5 + 2.5
48r 32:10 - 32:24 B 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
48v32:24 - 32:33, 33:1 -
33:5 B 21.5 + 2.5
49r 33:5 - 33:16 B 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
49v 33:16 - 33:25 B 23
50r 33:25 - 33:35 B 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
50v 33:35 - 33:47 B 24
51r 33:47 - 33:53 B 25Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
51v 33:53 - 33:69 B 25
52r33:69 - 33:73, 34:1 -
34:8 B 24.5 + 1.5
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
52v 34:8 - 34:20 B 26
53r 34:20 - 34:33 B 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
53v 34:33 - 34:44 B 24
54r34:44 - 34:54, 35:1 -
35:3 B 22 + 2
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
54v 35:3 - 35:12 B 24
55r 35:38 - 35:45 B 21.5 + 1.5 Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
55v 36:1 - 36:21 B 23
56r 36:21 - 36:41 B 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
56v 36:41 - 36:61 B 23
57r 36:61 - 36:83, 37:1 B 24 + 1 Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
57v 37:2 - 37:36 B 25
58r 37:36 - 37:76 B 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
58v 37:76 - 37:114 B 24
59r 37:114 - 37:158 B 25Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
59v37:158 - 37:182, 38:1
- 38:8 B 22 + 2
60r 38:8 - 38:26 B 25Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
60v 38:26 - 38:43 B 25
61r 38:43 - 38:69 B 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
61v38:69 - 38:88, 39:1 -
39:3 B 20.5 + 2.5
62r 43:8 - 43:28 B 25Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
62v 43:28 - 43:48 B 25
63r 44:3 - 44:21 B 23Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
63v44:31 - 44:59, 45:1 -
45:2 B 22 + 2
64r 45:2 - 45:17 B 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
64v 45:17 - 45:30 B 24
65r45:30 - 45:37, 46:1 -
46:5 B 21.5 + 2.5
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
65v 46:5 - 46:15 B 24
66r 46:15 - 46:26 B 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
66v 46:26 - 46:35 B 23 + 1
67r 47:1 - 47:13 B 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
67v 47:13 - 47:25 B 24
68r 47:25 - 47:28, 48:1 B 23.5 + 2.5Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
68v 48:2 - 48:15 B 26
69r 48:15 - 48:26 B 26Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
69v48:26 - 48:29, 49:1 -
49:6 B 23.5+1.5
70r 49:6 - 49:16 B 26Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
70v49:16 - 49:18, 50:1 -
50:18 B 24 + 2
71r 50:18 - 50:44 B 25Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
71v 50:45, 51:1 - 51:36 B 24.5 + 1.5
Location
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg, Russia; Collection of the Uzbekistan Academy of Sciences, Bīrūnī
Institute of Oriental Studies, Tashkent, Uzbekistan; Ibn Sīnā Bukhārā Regional Library, Bukhārā, Uzbekistan;
Mazār of the shaykhs of the ʾIshqiyya brotherhood in Katta Langar, Uzbekistan; Library of Administration of
Muslim Affairs, Tashkent, Uzbekistan).
References
[1] E. A. Rezvan, "The Qur'ān Of ḥUthmān" (St. Petersburg, Katta-Langar, Bukhara, Tashkent), 2004, Volume I, St.
Petersburg Centre For Oriental Studies: St. Petersburg (Russia), pp. 69-70.
[2] E. A. Rezvan, "On The Dating Of An “‘Uthmanic Qur'an” From St. Petersburg", Manuscripta Orientalia, 2000,
72r51:36 - 51:60, 52:1 -
52:11 B 23.5 + 1.5
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
72v 52:11 - 52:40 B 25
73r52:41 - 52:49, 53:1 -
53:23 B 22 + 2
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
73v 53:23 - 53:45 B 23
74r53:46 - 53:62, 54:1 -
54:10 B 18.5 + 2.5
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
74v 54:10 - 54:33 B 22
75r54:34 - 54:55, 55:1 -
55:2 B 20.5 + 2.5
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
75v 55:3 - 55:33 B 22
76r 55:33 - 55:59 B 22Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
76v55:60 - 55:78, 56:1 -
56:11 B 19.5 + 2.5
77r 56:11 - 56:51 B 22Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
77v 56:51 - 56:83 B 22
78r56:83 - 56:96, 57:1 -
57:6 B 19.5 + 1.5
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
78v 57:6 - 57:13 B 21
79r 57:13 - 57:20 B 22Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
79v 57:20 - 57:27 B 22
80r57:27 - 57:29, 58:1 -
58:4B 20 + 2
Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg
80v 58:4 - 58:11 B 22
81r 70:1 - 70:37 B 24Institute of Oriental
Studies, St. Petersburg
81v70:38 - 70:44, 71:1 -
71:12B 22 + 2
Volume 6, No. 3, pp. 19-22.
[3] E. A. Rezvan, "The Qur'an And Its World VI. Emergence Of A Canon: The Struggle For Uniformity", Manuscripta
Orientalia, 1998, Volume 4, No. 2, p. 26.
[4] F. Déroche, "Note Sur Les Fragments Coraniques Anciens De Katta Langar (Ouzbékistan)", Cahiers D'Asie Centrale,
1999, Volume 7, p. 70.
[5] E. A. Rezvan, "The Qur'ān Of ḥUthmān" (St. Petersburg, Katta-Langar, Bukhara, Tashkent), 2004, Volume I, op. cit.,
pp. 17-18.
[6] E. A. Rezvan, "The Qur'an And Its World VI. Emergence Of A Canon: The Struggle For Uniformity", Manuscripta
Orientalia, 1998, op. cit., p. 13-54; idem., "Yet Another “‘Uthmanic Qur'an” (On The History Of Manuscript E 20 From
The St. Petersburg Branch Of The Institute Of Oriental Studies", Manuscripta Orientalia, 2000, Volume 6, No. 1, pp. 49-
68.
[7] F. Déroche, "Note Sur Les Fragments Coraniques Anciens De Katta Langar (Ouzbékistan)", Cahiers D'Asie Centrale,
1999, op. cit., pp. 65-73.
[8] E. A. Rezvan, "The Qur'ān Of ḥUthmān" (St. Petersburg, Katta-Langar, Bukhara, Tashkent), 2004, Volume I, op. cit.,
p. 19.
[9] ibid.
[10] ibid., pp. 61-65. The discussion in this section is taken from these pages.
[11] F. Déroche, The Abbasid Tradition: Qur'ans Of The 8th To The 10th Centuries AD, 1992, The Nasser D. Khalili
Collection of Islamic Art, Volume I, Oxford University Press, pp. 35-36.
[12] E. A. Rezvan, "The Qur'ān Of ḥUthmān" (St. Petersburg, Katta-Langar, Bukhara, Tashkent), 2004, Volume I, op.
cit., pp. 124-129 and p. 146.
The image above is reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
Back To The Qur'anic Manuscripts
A Qur'anic Manuscript In The H�ijazi Script From c. 700 CE
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 19th October 2007
Last Updated: 27th October 2007
Folio 2b
Folio 3a
Date
Late 1st century hijra / c. 700 CE
Size
41.0 cm x 28.6 cm.
Scripts and contents
H�ijazi.
Sūrah āl-‘Imrān, verses 34-184.
Important Features
Eight leaves (one fragmentary), 20-27 lines to the page written in brown h�ijazi script, diacritical marks, where
present, consists of oval dots or angled dashes, no vowel points, clusters of brown ink dots to indicate verse
divisions, circular devices consisting of green and red dots every ten verses, one long, narrow rectangular
panel of green and red decoration with a circular marginal device consisting of coloured dots on final folio,
probably to indicate the sūrah heading of Sūrah al-Nisa‘, leaves sewn together with original stitching, 5 leaves
trimmed with some loss of text, final two folios with holes and some loss of text, creased, stained, water-
damaged, some later re-inking.
It appears that the scribes must have copied the Qur'an on the single leaves which were then stitched together
using stitching probably made from animal gut. If all the physical sections of the Qur'an were made up from
eight leaves and contained more or less the same number of verses, they would have needed approximately
thirty gatherings of eight single leaves. This physical division is close to the modern Qur'an sections (juz') and
although the latter are certainly based on a division of the texts for purpose of recitation (one juz' for each day
for the holy month of Ramad�an) the need for phyical divisions of groups of leaves in the early Qur'ans may
well have had an influence on this.
Location
Not known.
References
[1] Oriental Manuscripts And Miniatures, Friday 22nd October 1993 (Catalogue No. 93561), Sotheby's: London, pp. 26-29
(Lot 34).
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
Back To The Qur'anic Manuscripts
The “Qur'ān Of ʿUthmān” At The Topkapi Museum, Istanbul, Turkey, From 1st / 2nd Century Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 19th November 2003
Last Updated: 31st July 2008
(a) (b)
(c) (d)
(e)
A display of what is widely held to be the ‘Uthmanic manuscript of the Qur'an in the Topkapi Museum, Istanbul, Turkey. (a) A distant view showing folios 4b and 5a, (b) a closer view of left folio (i.e., folio 5a), (c) folio 42b showing vowels using red dots, (d) folio 333a showing no vowels and (e)
folio 253b showing end of surah al-Qasas and beginning of surah al-ʿAnkabūt.
Date
Late 1st century / early 2nd century of hijra.
Accession Number
H.S. 194. The number was later changed as H.S. 22 and later shown as H.S. 44/32.
Size & Folios
Size: 41 cm x 46 cms. The text is 32 cm x 40 cm, written on vellum. The thickness of the codex is 11 cm.
Total number of folios: 408. Only two folios are missing. The extant folios contain more than 99% of the text of the Qur'an.
History Of The Manuscript
Mehmed Ali Pasha, Governor of Egypt, sent this mus�h�af to the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II as a gift in 1226 AH / 1811 CE. A note in the beginning of the mus�h�af says that it was brought to the Topkapi Palace and kept in the Holy
Relics Department, which was built during the reign of Sultan Selim I. A facsimile edition of this manuscript appeared in the year 2007.[1]
Did is the Qur'an that belong to the third caliph ʿUthmān? The answer is no. There are good number of other Qur'ans [such as the ones at St. Petersburg, Samarqand, Istanbul and two at Cairo, viz., at al-Hussein mosque and Dār al-
Kutub al-Misriyya] having at times turned up in different parts of the Islamic world, almost all purporting to show the traces of the blood of the third caliph ʿUthmān upon certain pages, and thus the genuine ʿUthmānic Qur'an, the
imām, which he was reading at the time of his death. Moreover, the manuscript clearly shows the script, illumination and marking of vowels that are from the Umayyad times (i.e., late 1st century / early 2nd century of hijra).[2]
Furthermore, this manuscript was also briefly discussed by SCalāhC al-Dīn al-Munajjid who did not consider it to be from the time of caliph ʿUthmān.[3]
Script & Ornamentation
Kufic.
It is extensively dotted perhaps by a later hand. A general examination of the codex indicates that its script varies in thickness and size. For example, parts between folios 1b-6b and 11a-11b exhibit a different hand as compared with the
script in rest of the codex. This needs to be further investigated. It could be that some of the folios were lost and damaged for some reason and were rewritten and added to the codex later. If so, these additions must have been made
within short intervals of time.
The letters contain vowel marks in the form of red dots according to the method of Abū al-Aswad al-Duʿalī (d. 69 AH / 688 CE). Single dots were placed above, beside or below the letters. Two dots were placed to indicate the
nunation known as tanwīn. Diacritical marks are represented by dashes.
The surahs are separated by wide horizontal bands in the form of rectangles. Sometimes the corners of these rectangles are decorated. The sequence of the surahs is just like what is seen in modern day copies of the Qur'an.
The codex is contains rosettes in the form of big circles after every 5 and 10 verses, rectangular shaped signs after every 100 verses and signs of similar shape following every 200 verses in surahs such as al-Baqarah, āl-ʿImrān and al-
Shuʿarā. These rosettes are illuminated in a colour different from the other signs.
Contents
The contents of the manuscript, as tabulated below, are gathered from the facsimile edition.
Folios Qur'anic Sūrah Image Publication Comments
1b al-Fātih+ah Altikulaç, 2007 Fragmented
1b - 30b al-Baqarah Altikulaç, 2007Slight fragmentation of verses 84 - 102, 108 - 109, 113 -
114, 282, 284 - 286
30b - 47a āl-ʿImrān Altikulaç, 2007 Slight fragmentation of verses 3 - 7
47b - 66a al-Nisā Altikulaç, 2007 Slight fragmentation of verses 25 - 27, 31 - 37
66a - 78b al-Mā'idah Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio containing part of verses 3 - 8
78b - 93a al-Anʿām Altikulaç, 2007 -
93a - 109a al-Aʿrāf Altikulaç, 2007 -
109a - 115b al-Anfāl Altikulaç, 2007 -
115b - 128a Tawbah Altikulaç, 2007 -
128a - 137a Yūnus Altikulaç, 2007 -
137a - 146b Hūd Altikulaç, 2007 -
146b - 155b Yūsuf Altikulaç, 2007 -
155b - 159b al-Rʿad Altikulaç, 2007 -
159b - 163b Ibrāhīm Altikulaç, 2007 -
163b - 167a al-H+ijr Altikulaç, 2007 -
167a - 176b al-Nahl Altikulaç, 2007 Slight fragmentation of verses 33 - 35, 39 - 40
176b - 183b al-Isrāʿ Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio containing part of verses 17 - 33
183b - 191b al-Kahf Altikulaç, 2007 -
191b - 196a Maryam Altikulaç, 2007 -
196a - 203a T+āhā Altikulaç, 2007 Slight fragmentation of verses 53 - 54, 63
203a - 209b al-Anbiyā Altikulaç, 2007 -
209b - 216a al-H+ajj Altikulaç, 2007 -
216a - 221b al-Muʿminūn Altikulaç, 2007 -
221b - 228b al-Nūr Altikulaç, 2007 -
228b - 233b al-Furqān Altikulaç, 2007 -
233b - 240a al-Shuʿarā Altikulaç, 2007 -
240a - 246a al-Naml Altikulaç, 2007 -
246a - 253b al-Qas+as+ Altikulaç, 2007 -
253b - 259a al-ʿAnkabūt Altikulaç, 2007 -
259a - 263a al-Rūm Altikulaç, 2007 -
263a - 266a Luqmān Altikulaç, 2007 -
266a - 268a al-Sajdah Altikulaç, 2007 -
268a - 275a al-Ah+zāb Altikulaç, 2007 -
275a - 279b Sabʿ Altikulaç, 2007 -
279b - 283b Fāt+ir Altikulaç, 2007 Slight fragmentation of verses 40 - 42
283b - 287b Yāsīn Altikulaç, 2007 -
287b - 292b al-S+āffāt Altikulaç, 2007 -
292b - 296b S+ād Altikulaç, 2007 -
296b - 302b al-Zumar Altikulaç, 2007 -
302b - 310a Ghāfir Altikulaç, 2007 -
310a - 314b Fussilat Altikulaç, 2007 -
314b - 319b al-Shūra Altikulaç, 2007 -
319b - 324b al-Zukhruf Altikulaç, 2007 -
324b - 326b al-Dukhān Altikulaç, 2007 -
326b - 329a al-Jāthiya Altikulaç, 2007 -
329a - 332b al-Ah+qāf Altikulaç, 2007 -
332b - 336a Muh+ammad Altikulaç, 2007 -
336a - 339a al-Fatah+ Altikulaç, 2007 -
339a - 341b al-H+ujurāt Altikulaç, 2007 -
341b - 343b Qāf Altikulaç, 2007 -
343b - 345b al-Dhāriyāt Altikulaç, 2007 -
345b - 347b al-T+ūr Altikulaç, 2007 -
347b - 349b al-Najm Altikulaç, 2007 -
349b - 351b al-Qamar Altikulaç, 2007 -
351b - 354a al-Rah+mān Altikulaç, 2007 -
354a - 356a al-Wāqiʿah Altikulaç, 2007 -
356b - 359b al-H+adid Altikulaç, 2007 -
359b - 362b al-Mujādilah Altikulaç, 2007 -
362b - 365a al-H+ashr Altikulaç, 2007 -
365a - 367a al-Mumtah+inah Altikulaç, 2007 -
367a - 368b al-S+aff Altikulaç, 2007 -
368b - 369b al-Jumuʿah Altikulaç, 2007 -
369b - 370b al-Munāfiqūn Altikulaç, 2007 -
370b - 372a al-Taghābūn Altikulaç, 2007 -
372a - 373b al-Talāq Altikulaç, 2007 -
373b - 375a al-Tahrīm Altikulaç, 2007 -
375a - 377a al-Mulk Altikulaç, 2007 -
377a - 379a al-Qalam Altikulaç, 2007 -
379a - 380b al-H+aqqah Altikulaç, 2007 -
380b - 382a al-Maʿārij Altikulaç, 2007 -
382a - 383b Nūh+ Altikulaç, 2007 -
384a - 385a al-Jinn Altikulaç, 2007 -
385b - 386b al-Muzzammil Altikulaç, 2007 -
386b - 388a al-Muddathir Altikulaç, 2007 -
388a - 389a al-Qiyāmah Altikulaç, 2007 -
389a - 390b al-Insān Altikulaç, 2007 -
390b - 391b al-Mursalāt Altikulaç, 2007 -
391b - 393a al-Nabāʿ Altikulaç, 2007 -
393a - 394a al-Nāziʿāt Altikulaç, 2007 -
394a - 395a al-ʿAbasa Altikulaç, 2007 -
395a - 395b al-Takwīr Altikulaç, 2007 -
395b - 396a al-Intifār Altikulaç, 2007 -
396a - 397a al-Mutaffifīn Altikulaç, 2007 -
397b - 398a al-Inshiqāq Altikulaç, 2007 -
398a - 398b al-Burūj Altikulaç, 2007 -
399a al-Tāriq Altikulaç, 2007 -
Location
The Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul, Turkey.
References
399a - 399b al-ʿAlā Altikulaç, 2007 -
399b - 400a al-Ghāshīyah Altikulaç, 2007 -
400b - 401a al-Fajr Altikulaç, 2007 -
401a - 401b al-Balad Altikulaç, 2007 -
401b - 402a al-Shams Altikulaç, 2007 -
402a - 402b al-Layl Altikulaç, 2007 -
402b - 403a al-D+uh+a Altikulaç, 2007 -
403a al-Sharh+ Altikulaç, 2007 -
403a - 403b al-T+īn Altikulaç, 2007 -
403b - 404a al-ʿAlaq Altikulaç, 2007 -
404a al-Qadr Altikulaç, 2007 -
404a - 404b al-Bayyinah Altikulaç, 2007 -
404b - 405a al-Zalzalah Altikulaç, 2007 -
405a al-ʿAdiyāt Altikulaç, 2007 -
405b al-Qāriʿah Altikulaç, 2007 -
405b al-Takāthur Altikulaç, 2007 -
406a al-ʿAsr Altikulaç, 2007 -
406a al-Humazah Altikulaç, 2007 -
406a - 406b al-Fīl Altikulaç, 2007 -
406b al-Quraysh Altikulaç, 2007 -
406b al-Māʿun Altikulaç, 2007 -
407a al-Kawthar Altikulaç, 2007 -
407a al-Kafirūn Altikulaç, 2007 -
407a al-Nas+r Altikulaç, 2007 -
407b al-Masad Altikulaç, 2007 -
407b al-Ikhlās Altikulaç, 2007 -
408a al-Falaq Altikulaç, 2007 -
408a al-Nās Altikulaç, 2007 -
[1] T. Altikulaç, Al-Mus�h�af Al-Sharif: Attributed To ʿUthmān Bin ʿAffān (The Copy At The Topkapi Palace Museum), 2007, Organization of the Islamic Conference Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture: Istanbul (Turkey).
[2] ibid., pp. 10-11
[3] S. al-Munajjid, Dirāsāt fī Tārīkh al-Khatt al-ʿArabī Mundhu Bidayatihi ilā Nihayat al-ʿAsr al-Umawi (French Title: Etudes De Paleographie Arabe), 1972, Dar al-Kitab al-Jadid: Beirut (Lebanon), p. 55.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
Back To The Qur'anic Manuscripts
Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-27.1 – A Qur'ānic Manuscript From Mid-1st Century Of Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 10th April 2008
Last Updated: 21st May 2009
Sotheby's 1993, recto Sotheby's 1993, verso
Sotheby's 1992, recto Sotheby's 1992, verso
Bonham's 2000, recto Bonham's 2000, verso
DAM 00-27.1
Christie's 2008, recto Christie's 2008, verso
DAM 01-27.1
Folios from codex DAM 01-27.1
Date
Mid-first century of hijra.
Script
H�ijāzī.
Although the script in this fragment is italic, yet its angles are sharp. One is advised to consult the after named publications for specific details on the published
folios lines per page, verse/surah divisions, specifics of script etc.
History Of The Manuscript
In 1965 heavy rains damaged the roof construction of the Western Library in the Great Mosque of S(anʿāʿ – a mosque established by a companion of Prophet
Muhammad. Qādī Hussain bin Ahmed al-Sayaghy, then Director of Administration at the Yemen National Museum, instructed an examination of the area
concerned be carried out to asses the extent of the damage. During this time a forgotten about storeroom with no access door and a single window was discovered
to contain a substantial cache of used Arabic manuscripts, almost all being ancient manuscripts of the Qur'an spanning the first few Islamic centuries. Before
repairs to the storeroom were complete, five or more sacks of Qur'anic manuscripts were removed and deposited in the Awqāf Library. Over time the curator of
the library sold off the contents of the sacks unlawfully with some of the manuscripts ending up in Western libraries. In 1972 in order to consolidate the north-
west corner of the external wall to the mosque, it was necessary to remove part of the roof to allow progress to be made in the restoration and renovation works.
As the storeroom was also located in this area the remaining manuscripts were permanently removed consisting of some twenty sacks and placed in the National
Museum.[1] Reminiscent of the adventures of Indiana Jones, the re-opening of the storeroom was photographed almost immediately after its occurrence, the Italian
Islamic archaeologist Paolo Costa proudly kneeling in front of the cache of manuscripts cradling a folio of the Qur'an.[2] After noticing the contents of the sacks
were gradually diminishing, the Yemeni authorities realised these valuable Qur'anic manuscripts were yet again being sold off piecemeal. Consequently in an
attempt to prevent further corruption, the remaining manuscripts were eventually retransferred back to the Great Mosque. At the international level an urgent call
for the preservation of these manuscripts would soon gain widespread attention. A Colloquium on the Islamic City organised by the World of Islam Festival Trust,
sponsored by UNESCO, was held at the Middle East Centre, Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Cambridge, in July 1976. Drawing a wide variety of
experts from both the Muslim and non Muslim world, a number of specific research activities were recommended, amongst which was highlighted the pressing
need to conserve the rich corpus of Qur'anic texts discovered in the Great Mosque of S(anʿāʿ.[3]
Apparently with no indigenous expertise to conserve the badly damaged manuscripts, Qādī Ismāʿīl al-Akwá, President of the General Organization Of
Antiquities and Libraries initiated the effort to secure external specialists to conserve the manuscripts.[4] As word spread of the find, Denmark contacted the
Yemeni government with the offer to preserve the manuscripts on the condition they were sent to Denmark where the restoration work would take place. This
offer was rejected by the Yemeni authorities who preferred the manuscripts to remain in the country. Finally, after much deliberation, al-Akwá authorised a
special project funded by the cultural section of the Foreign ministry of West Germany, to restore and catalogue the manuscripts on location in Yemen. After the
signing of a ‘bilateral’ agreement entitled ‘Arrangement Between The Government Of The Federal Republic Of Germany And The Government Of The Yemen
Arab Republic Concerning The Restoration And Cataloguing Of Arabic Manuscripts’,[5] work took place beginning in the autumn of 1980, the overall director of
the project being Gerd-R Puin. The chief conservator Ursula Dreibholz joined the project in 1982. Gerd-R Puin was subsequently replaced by his colleague Hans-
Casper Graf von Bothmer, an art historian from the Universität des Saarlandes, who remained director until the end of the project in the final months of 1989.[6]
After the work had been completed, the assessment concluded there were almost 1,000 unique copies of the Qur'an comprising approximately 15,000 parchment
fragments, with less than 1% of the find belonging to non-Qur'anic material.[7] Funding for the project ran out before a catalogue or even a handlist could be
compiled.[8] Perhaps the most outstanding realisation was that a small percentage of these Qur'anic manuscripts displayed signs of great antiquity, allowing them
to be placed with a degree of certitude into the first century of hijra. It was also discovered about one hundred manuscripts contained elaborate decorations.
Realising the importance of the find the German team, which enjoyed exclusive access to the site, began to microfilm as much of the material as they could
totalling more than 35,000 images.[9] It is from the context thus described that the story of codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-27.1 emerges.
The first occasion where the existence of this codex was made known to the general public was with the publication of Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, an exhibition catalogue
presenting some of the findings of the project. A single palimpsest folio of codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-27.1, folio 17a according to Noseda's classification, was displayed along with some brief comments regarding the script and its contents. The folio was tentatively dated to the first half of the first century of hijra.[10] A couple of years later Hans-Casper Graf von Bothmer showcased a bifolio from this codex, folio 18a according to Noseda's classification. Discussing the script, contents and the fact it was palimpsest, von Bothmer tentatively dated the folio also to the first half of the first century of hijra.[11] It would appear with the publication of these folios the importance of this codex became impressed upon those studying the most ancient Qur'anic manuscripts. In October 1992, the latter
instance of Sotheby's (London) biannual sale of Islamic art, a folio from codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-27.1 was put under the hammer fetching a princely sum of
£159,500 (including buyers premium) around five times the estimated asking price. The experts-in-charge of the sale were Nabil Saidi and Marcus Fraser, now an
independent Islamic art consultant. At the time, they noted the ‘similarity' between this folio and the folio displayed in the exhibition catalogue without ever fully
describing their intimate connection.[12] Further folios from this manuscript were sold at Sotheby's (London) as Lot 31 in October 1993[13] and Bonham's (London)
as Lot 13 in October 2000.[14] It was not until the folio sold at Sotheby's in 1992 was put under the hammer yet again at Christie's (London) as Lot 12 in May
2001, that the genetic connection between all the folios just discussed would soon become public knowledge. Renowned antiquarian Sam Fogg subsequently
acquired this folio and it promptly made its way into their Islamic Calligraphy catalogue published in 2003. For the first time it was explicitly stated that Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985, Sotheby's 1992, Sotheby's 1993 and Bonham's 2000 were folios originating from the same manuscript,[15] namely codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-27.1.
This particular folio has been the subject of some detailed discussion. The scriptio superior and scriptio inferior text of this folio was first discussed by Dr. Yasin Dutton from Department of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Edinburgh, at a conference entitled "The Qur'an: Text, Interpretation and
Translation", held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London in 2003. Discussing the readings of the scriptio inferior text (i.e., washed-away text) of the Qur'an, he suggested that they originated from pre-‘Uthmanic times. This folio was discussed (amongst others) at a Symposium on Islamic Calligraphy held at Vortragssaal, Kunstgewerbemuseum, Kulturforum, Berlin which drew together six internationally recognised experts in the field of Islamic calligraphy; some
notable attendees include François Déroche and Sheila Blair as well as others. The symposium inaugurated the exhibition Ink and Gold: Masterpieces of Islamic Calligraphy, held at the Museum für Islamische Kunst (Museum of Islamic Art), Berlin, in July-August of 2006. Held in collaboration with Sam Fogg, this
exhibition charted the development of Islamic calligraphy from its beginnings in the seventh century Arabia onwards. The stated catalogue accompanying this
exhibition was published on behalf of Sam Fogg in 2006.[16] One will note in this publication the date of the folio is more cautiously given as mid to late seventh
century as opposed to mid-seventh century in the previous catalogue. The provenance of this folio has also been extended to include Syria as well as the H�ijāz. Recently, the scriptio inferior text of this folio including one of its sister folios has been studied again by Alba Fedeli, a pupil of Noseda and now Director of
Fondazione Ferni Noja Noseda, who confirmed some of the readings were of Ibn Mas‘ūd as well as some other companions as reported in the Islamic traditions.[17] Fedeli has established no more than what the scribe who washed away this text around fourteen centuries ago already knew: the initial text contained on this
parchment was not in accordance with the Qur'anic text collected by ‘Uthman. The author notes it is baseless to assert this folio was one of Ibn Mas‘ūd's or a leaf
from one of the Qur'ans ‘Uthman distributed. However, suggesting as she does, that this folio could originate from the tenth century (fourth century hijra), the author leaves anyone with a passing knowledge of the chronology of Arabic palaeography scratching their heads. On the other hand, Déroche stated this folio
could be one of the oldest examples of an Arabic palimpsest and that it was apparently in use sometime in the first century AH / seventh century CE.[18] The
palimpsest manuscripts of the Qur'an are rare. The only other known palimpsest is the ‘Mingana Palimpsest’.
Whatever the reason may be, none of the aforementioned publications mentioned the dozens of other folios belonging to this manuscript still kept at Dār al-
Makht(ūtāt. The late Sergio Noja Noseda, Professor Emeritus of Arabic Language and Literature at the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart, founded the
Armari project whose goal was to put in the hands of western scholars scale facsimile reproductions of the earliest Qur'anic manuscripts known to him and his
colleagues with the hope of creating a ‘critical edition’ of the Qur'an.[19] As part of this ongoing project, Noseda visited S(anʿāʿ in 2002 in order to examine,
organise and have photographed those manuscripts that would become part of the forthcoming volumes of his Sources De La Transmission Manuscrite Du Texte Coranique.[20] Writing his obituary, Giuliana Malpezzi of Centro di Cultura Italia Asia, reported that Noseda's visit, in cooperation with the L'Académie
Française, was made possible by special Yemeni presidential decree and that he was also permitted to have some samples of the manuscripts taken for the
purposes of radiocarbon dating.[21] Noseda described in detail the contents of all thirty-two folios from a palimpsest Qur'an - codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-27.1 - still present at Dār al-Makht(utāt[22] as well as listing other ancient h�ijāzī codices such as DAM 01-32.1,[23] DAM 01-18.3 (sixteen folios),[24] DAM 01-29.1,[25] DAM 01-30.1,[26] DAM 01-20.7 (one folio), DAM 01-28.1 (sixty folios),[27] DAM 01-25.1 (twenty-nine folios).[28] We now know that Noseda's list of codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-27.1 can be expanded by a further four folios, namely, Sotheby's 1992, Sotheby's 1993, Bonham's 2000 and, most recently, Christies' 2008 where yet another
folio from this codex went under the hammer selling for a remarkable £2,200,000, around fifteen times the estimated asking price.[29] For the purposes of
consistency and to prevent confusion, Noseda's list is reproduced exactly below along with the number he assigned to each folio. For additional clarity the folio
numbers assigned by Noseda are cross-referenced with those images already published.[30] The additional folios not catalogued by Noseda are given first to
preserve verse order.
Contents
This codex contains 36 folios. They are listed below.
Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-27.1
Folio Number Qur'anic Surah Size of the Folio (cm.) Image Publication
– 2.265 – 2.272 36.5 x 28.1 Sotheby's 1993, recto
– 2.272 – 2.277 Sotheby's 1993, verso
– 2.277 – 2.282 36.6 x 28.2 Sotheby's 1992, recto
– 2.282 – 2.286 Sotheby's 1992, verso
– 4.33 – 4.43 36.8 x 27.6 Bonham's 2000, recto
– 4.43 – 4.56 Bonham's 2000, verso
– 4.171 – 5.3 36.3 x 28.0 Christie's 2008, recto
– 5.3 – 5.9 Christie's 2008, verso
1a 6.49 – 6.62 36.0 x 28.0 UNESCO Image No. 152255B
1b 6.62 – 6.73
2a 6.149 – 6.159 37.0 x 27.0 UNESCO Image No. 152254B
2b 6.159 – 7.11
3a 15.1 – 15.16
3b 15.32 – 15.41
4a 16:73 – 16.89 36.0 x 28.0 UNESCO Image No. 027002B
4b not examined
5a 16.102 – 16:118 36.0 x 28.0 UNESCO Image No. 027004B
5b not examined
6a 17.40 – 17.58
6b 17.59 – 17.77
7a 19.38 – 19.64
7b 19.74 – 19.97
8a 20.1 – 20.43 37.0 x 28.0 UNESCO Image No. 152256B
8b 20.44 – 20.74
9a 20.74 – 20.98
9b 20.98 – 20.129
10a 21.42 – 21.72
10b 21.72 – 21.92
11a 25.10 – 25.34
11b 25.34 – 25.59
12a 26.128
12b 26.201
13a 27.25 – 27.29
13b 27.46 – 27.49
14a 28.58 – 28.74
14b 28.74 – 28.86
15a 29.29 – 29.43
15b 29.43 – 29.53
16a 30.25 – 30.40
16b 30.40 – 30.54
17a 31.24 – 32.4 37.1 x 28.0 Mas3āh3if S3an‘a', 1985
17b 32.4 – 32.20
18a 32.20 – 33.6 (bifolio) - Hans-Casper von Bothmer, 1987?
18b 33.6 – 33.18 (bifolio)
19a 33.18 – 33.29 (bifolio)
19b 33.29 – 33.37 (bifolio)
20a 34.52 – 35.9
20b 35.10 – 35.18
21a 37.39 – 37.58
21b 37.73 – 37.86
22a 37.102 – 37.134
22b 37.134 – 37.171
23a 41.18 – 41.27
23b 41.33 – 41.43
24a 41.47 – 42.1
24b 42.10 – 42.16
25a 42.21 – 42.29
25b 42.38 – 42.48
26a 43.63 – 43.70
26b – 44.11
Noseda informs us he was able to personally examine these manuscripts on site at S(anʿāʿ. Some brief comments are in order limited to the folios in the public
domain. He states he was unable to examine the verso side of folios 4 and 5. He provides the last verse of folio 4 recto and the first verse of folio 5 recto. One is unsure why Noseda did not specify the full contents especially since the images of these folios were already published in the Memory Of The World: S�anʿāʿ Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation by UNESCO, a resource that Noseda makes mention of in his article. Additionally Noseda has also made two small mistakes
regarding the contents of folios 1a and 31a. Folio 1a finishes at verse 61 not 62; folio 31a finishes at verse 10 not verse 9. This has been verified by reading the text from the images of the respective manuscripts.
The Use Of Ultraviolet Photography In Studying Palimpsests
Written in the h�ijāzī script, the above palimpsests have a few diacritical marks with no vocalization and sūrah titles. Underneath the bold, dark brown writing (i.e., scriptio superior), faint light brown traces of an earlier script (i.e., scriptio inferior) can be seen. This has been washed off to make the parchment reusable once
again. The under-writing of palimpsest is, of course, often difficult to read, although modern tools such as ultraviolet photography are useful to highlight them.
The ultraviolet photography enhances the washed off earlier script which now forms the scriptio inferior.
The principle of ultraviolet photography to detect under-writings and forgeries in the manuscripts and documents is quite simple. The ink used in writing early
documents was iron-gallotannate type or simply "iron-gall". Iron-gall inks absorb long-wave ultraviolet radiation strongly without generation of fluorescence, so
the legibility of faded, bleached or erased parts of handwriting can be improved considerably. On the other hand, the parchment exhibits a weak fluorescence
under long-wave ultraviolet light. Traces of iron compounds on the parchment quench this fluorescence, and the areas formerly carrying ink (i.e., scriptio inferior) appear dark against a lighter background as observed in the above figure. Compare the above figure with images of palimpsests (e.g., Sotheby's 1992, recto) to see the improvement of contrast of the faded writing observed in ultraviolet photography as opposed to what is seen in the ordinary colour photography.
Location
Principally at Dār al-Makht(ūtāt, S(anʿāʿ, Yemen. Also at the David Collection, Copenhagen, and other private collections.
27a 47.15 – 47.19
27b 47.38 – 48.1
28a 55.17 – 56.4
28b 56.5 – 56.69
29a – 57.10
29b 57.10 – 57.22
30a 57.27 – 57.29 2* fram. 58.6
30b – 58.19
31a 59.2 – 59.9 2* 59.4 – 59.9 19.0 x 16.0 UNESCO Image No. 152257B
31b 59.14 – 60.1 2* 59.24 – 60.1
32a 41.5
References
[1] Qādī Ismāʿīl al-Akwá, "The Mosque Of Sanʿāʿ: The Most Prominent Landmark Of Islamic Culture In Yemen" in Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985, Dār al-Athar al-Islamiyyah:
Kuwait, pp. 20-21 (Arabic Section). For a review of this publication including a very brief summary of al-Akwá's article in English see J. J. Witkam, "Mas(āh(if S(an‘a' …",
Manuscripts Of The Middle East, 1986, Volume 1, pp. 123-124. Witkam adds circumspectly, “One does indeed wonder, when reading this disheartening information, whether
the numerous fragments of vellum Korans that have been offered for sale by auctions at Sotheby's, Christie's and the like during the past fifteen years, do not in fact originate
from this or similar finds.” [ibid., p. 123]
[2] P. M. Costa, "The Great Mosque Of San‘ā" in P. M. Costa (Ed.), Studies In Arabian Architecture, 1994, Variorum Collected Studies Series CS 455, p. 16 & pl. 30a, 30b
(II). This is a slightly revised version of the original Italian publication translated into English, P. M. Costa, "La Moschea Grande Di San‘ā", Annali Dell'Istituto Orientale Di Napoli, 1974, Volume 34, pp. 487-506. Regrettably Costa's description of the physical space as "hidden" has led some to construct some very strange theories regarding the
discovery of these manuscripts. There are certain protocols regarding the proper method of disposal of Qur'anic manuscripts. Joseph Sadan was the first to write at length
about the "Islamic Genizah" in the West publishing a pair of articles on the topic in the 1980s. His research and subsequent work has now resulted in the general abandonment
of calling the physical space where the manuscripts were discovered as a ‘hiding place'. See J. Sadan, "Genizah and Genizah-Like Practices In Islamic And Jewish Tradition",
Bibliotheca Orientalis, 1986, Volume XLIII, cols 36-58; also see M. R. Cohen, "Geniza for Islamicists, Islamic Geniza, And The “New Cairo Geniza”", Harvard Middle Eastern And Islamic Review, 2006, Volume 7, pp. 129-145.
[3] "Recommendations" in R. B. Serjeant (Ed.), The Islamic City, 1980, UNESCO: France, pp. 207-208.
[4] Al-Akwá did not think the Yemenis or indeed much of the Islamic World had any appreciation of the architectural heritage of their country in contrast with the ‘concern'
registered by foreign observers. At a seminar on the Architectural Transformations In The Islamic World held at Sanʿāʿ in May 1983, in his opening remarks to the Yemeni
Prime Minister, other dignitaries and scholars, he declared that, “Until recently we Yemenis did not have an appreciation of our architectural heritage. The people of Sanʿāʿ,
and indeed the people in many Islamic countries did not feel that their cities contained anything that was worth preserving. … Foreign scientists, architects and experts
registered their concern with our heritage. They praised the beauty of architecture, the type of buildings and the traditional methods of building in Sanʿāʿ. …” See Qadi
Ismail al-Akwá, "Opening Remarks", in A. Evin (Ed.), Development And Urban Metamorphosis: Proceedings Of Seminar Eight In The Series Architectural Transformations In The Islamic World Held In Sana‘a, Yemen Arab Republic May 25–30, 1983, 1983, Volume I, The Aga Khan Awards, p. xiv. – It is in such an atmosphere one can
appreciate the circumstances as they unfolded.
[5] As this arrangement is regulated by the German Federal Archives Act it cannot be published earlier than thirty years after its coming into force. Therefore this document
will not be open to the public until 2010. (Personal Communication – Anna-Lena Aßmann, German Federal Foreign Office). For a flavour of the type of official agreements
between Germany and Yemen spanning a wide range of issues such as finance, economics, politics, friendship and archaeological co-operation, one can immerse oneself in
the United Nations Treaty Series. For example see "No. 27713. Federal Republic Of Germany And Yemen: Agreement On Archaeological Cooperation. Signed At San'a On
30 August 1989" in Treaty Series: Treaties And International Agreements Registered Or Filed And Recorded With The Secretariat Of The United Nations, 1998, Volume
1587, United Nations: New York, pp. 439-444. Available online. The signatories are al-Akwá and Reiners.
[6] U. Dreibholz, "Treatment Of Early Islamic Manuscript Fragments On Parchment: A Case History: The Find At Sana‘a, Yemen", in Y. Ibish (Ed.), The Conservation And Preservation Of Islamic Manuscripts, Proceedings Of The Third Conference Of Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation 18-19 November 1995, 1996, Al-Furqān Islamic
Heritage Foundation Publication: No. 19: London (UK), p. 131 & p. 140.
[7] ibid., p. 132; idem., "Preserving A Treasure: The Sana'a Manuscripts", Museum International, 1999, Volume LI, No. 3, p. 22.
[8] This is rather befuddling given the title of the ‘bilateral' agreement. The original German director of the project neglected to follow his own cogent advice on these matters.
Pointing out the “… major obstacles to all kinds of Qur'anic research is the limited access to manuscripts”, Puin goes on to say, “As in the case of the San‘ani manuscripts,
most oriental collections of fragments are not properly catalogued and classified, which would be the pre-requisite for microfilming as well as for proper quotations”. See
Gerd-R Puin, "Methods of Research On Qur'anic Manuscripts – A Few Ideas" in Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985, op. cit., p. 16.
[9] T. Lester, "What Is The Koran?", The Atlantic Monthly, 1999 (January), Volume 283, Number 1, p. 44. Available online. The reverberations of this article were felt in the
heart of Yemen prompting Puin and von Bothmer to engage in an impromptu diplomacy. Just over one month after Lester's article, both of them had written dated personal
handwritten letters in Arabic addressed directly to al-Akwá attempting to free themselves from the sentiments expressed therein. The full text of Puin's letter can be found in
the Yemeni daily newspaper Al-Thawra issue 24.11.1419 / 11.3.1999. For a partial reproduction of Puin's letter one can consult M. M. Al-Azami, "Orientalists And The
Qur'an (Part 2)", Impact International, 2000 (March), Volume 30, Number 3, pp. 26-28. Puin terminates his letter with the following advice, no doubt wishing to resonate with
al-Akwá's own feelings previously expressed, “… whereas people of ignorance and hatred let them be as they are, until another new generation, well educated, interested in
their country's unique history, happy (proud) with their religious heritage, thankful for archaeologists to conserve it and maintain it and taking the expertise and cooperation –
even from China!”
[10] Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985, op. cit., p. 59, Plate 4.
[11] H. C. G. von Bothmer, "Masterworks Of Islamic Book Art: Koranic Calligraphy And Illumination In The Manuscripts Found In The Great Mosque In Sanaa", in W.
Daum (Ed.), Yemen: 3000 Years Of Art And Civilization In Arabia Felix, 1987?, Pinguin-Verlag (Innsbruck) and Umschau-Verlag (Frankfurt/Main), pp. 178-181 for text and
Plate I in p. 186 for the image.
[12] Islamic And Indian Art, Oriental Manuscripts And Miniatures, Thursday 22nd and Friday 23rd October 1992 (Catalogue No. 2961), Sotheby's: London, pp. 254-259 (Lot 551).
[13] Oriental Manuscripts And Miniatures, Friday 22nd October 1993 (Catalogue No. 93561), Sotheby's: London, pp. 18-23 (Lot 31). This leaf immediately precedes the leaf
described in the previous Sotheby's auction containing the verses 2:264-277.
[14] Islamic And Indian Works Of Art, Wednesday 11th October 2000, Bonham's: London, pp. 11-14 (Lot 13).
[15] Islamic Calligraphy, 2003, Catalogue 27, Sam Fogg: London, p. 6.
[16] M. Fraser & W. Kwiatkowski, Ink And Gold: Islamic Calligraphy, 2006, Sam Fogg: London, pp. 14-17. One will note that the co-author of this entry is Marcus Fraser,
formerly Director of Islamic and Indian Art at Sotheby's (London), now an independent Islamic art consultant. Fraser was the expert in charge at the Sotheby's sale of this
manuscript in 1992; he was also the expert-in-charge at the Sotheby's sale in 1993 when another folio from the same codex was sold. He is currently preparing a catalogue of
Qur'anic manuscripts held at the Tareq Rajab Museum, Kuwait, dating from the first century hijra onwards.
[17] A. Fedeli, "Early Evidences Of Variant Readings In Qur'ānic Manuscripts", in K-H. Ohlig & G-R. Puin (Eds.), Die Dunklen Anfänge: Neue Forschungen Zur Entstehung Und Frühen Geschichte Des Islam, 2006, 2nd Auflage, Verlag Hans Schiler: Berlin (Germany), pp. 298-299 and pp. 304-306. Given the context of the discussion, it is more
than a little surprising that in discussing the acquisition of this leaf, Fedeli commits an error of fact (see footnote 29). Discussing the Sotheby's sale of 1992, she says the
description attached to the parchment was, “A highly important early Qur'an leaf in hijazi script from the period of the "Rashidun" caliphs”. In actual fact the description is as
follows: “Vellum Qur'an leaf in Hijazi script, (surat al-Baqara, verses 277-286) probably Medina, mid-seventh century”. Similar imprecision afflicts the succeeding
description also. Fedeli says Lot 34 refers to a “Qur'an section: an important early Qur'an section in Hijazi script”. In actuality the description states “Qur'an section (Surat al-
Amran, verses 34-184), Arabic manuscript on vellum written in late Hijazi script, Mecca or Medina, c.700 A. D.” See pp. 26-29 of the Sotheby's catalogue.
[18] F. Déroche (Trans. D. Dusinberre & D. Radzinowicz, Ed. M. I. Waley) Islamic Codicology: An Introduction To The Study Of Manuscripts In Arabic Script, 2006, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation Publication: No. 102, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation: London (UK), pp. 43-45. This is an English translation of Déroche's De Codicologie Des Manuscrits En Ècriture Arabe published by the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris, in the year 2000. Also see F. Déroche, "New Evidence About Umayyad Book Hands" in Essays In Honour Of S�alāh� Al-Dīn Al-Munajjid, 2002, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation Publication: No. 70, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage
Foundation: London (UK), p. 640, footnote 66. Déroche makes a passing mention that this manuscript is dated to the first half of the first century AH. Sheila Blair also makes
a passing mention of this manuscript. Please see S. S. Blair, Islamic Calligraphy, 2006, Edinburgh University Press Ltd: Scotland, p. 128 & p. 140, footnote 112. Speculating
on the early date, Blair states that the textual sources inform us that the first people to make copies of the Qur'an worked in the eighth century. Blair contradicts herself
however as in the previous chapter [p. 85] she confidently informs the reader that copies of the Qur'an were penned in the seventh century! Quite apart from what the textual
sources inform us, one would find it most remarkable that the powerful new Islamic "state" that was administering conquered lands, embarking on complex construction
projects, collecting taxes, minting coins, sending armies to the extremities of its realm on expeditions by land and sea, proclaiming the faith, etc., find themselves unable to
execute the relatively simple task of copying a book!
[19] F. Déroche and S. N. Noseda (Eds.), Sources de la transmission manuscrite du texte coranique. I. Les manuscrits de style hijazi. Volume 2. Tome I. Le manuscrit Or. 2165 (f. 1 à 61) de la British Library, 2001, Fondazione Ferni Noja Noseda, Leda, and British Library: London, pp. xx-xxiii.
[20] S. Noja Noseda, "La Mia Vista A Sanaa E Il Corano Palinseto", Rendiconti: Classe Di Lettere E Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2003 (Published 2004), Volume 137, Fasc. 1,
pp. 43-60.
[21] Ricordo di Sergio Noja Noseda, paragraph six, lines 10-15 (accessed 11th April 2008). That there has long been a lack of scholarly reciprocity between east and west is a
particular facet of orientalism. It would be hard to envisage a time when a Muslim scholar, no matter how qualified, could gain access to the Vatican Apostolic Library in
order to study, organise and photograph one of the most ancient Christian manuscripts such as Bodmer Papyrus XIV-XV (P75), thereafter removing some samples for the
purposes of radiocarbon dating, all with Papal approval.
[22] S. Noja Noseda, "La Mia Vista A Sanaa E Il Corano Palinseto", Rendiconti: Classe Di Lettere E Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2003 (Published 2004), op. cit., pp. 53-55. Readers may wonder why a folio from 00-27.1 is categorised as belonging to 01-27.1. Here is a description of the inventory scheme developed by Gerd-R Puin as described
by Dreibholz:
The signatures of the different volumes consist of three numbers which also represent the main criteria of classification: (a) the number of lines on the page; (b) the maximum length of the
lines in centimetres; and (c) how many different volumes with these same criteria already exist. For example, '7-11' means that there are seven lines to the page and they are not longer than
11 cm. Of course, there may be several Korans with these same criteria, distinguished from each other by different script, decoration, format, etc. For each of these an individual number is
added at the end of the signature (i.e., 7-11.1, 7-11.2, etc.). An inconsistent number of lines within a volume is designated by the number '01', followed by the length of the lines. Where the
number of lines or their length cannot be established, '00' is used.
U. Dreibholz, "Preserving A Treasure: The Sana'a Manuscripts", Museum International, 1999, op. cit., p. 22. Also see, idem., "Treatment Of Early Islamic Manuscript
Fragments On Parchment: A Case History: The Find At Sana'a, Yemen", in Y. Ibish (Ed.), The Conservation And Preservation Of Islamic Manuscripts, Proceedings Of The Third Conference Of Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation 18-19 November 1995, 1996, op. cit., pp. 140-141, for a more detailed description of the classification system.
Please note these two essays are similar in content.
[23] Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985, op. cit., p. 52, Plate 25, for sample folio.
[24] ibid., p. 54, Plate 23.
[25] ibid., p. 58, Plate 11.
[26] ibid., p. 53, Plate 24.
[27] ibid., p. 56, Plate 17.
[28] ibid., pp. 60-61, Plate 3.
[29] Art Of The Islamic And Indian Worlds, Tuesday 8th April 2008, Christie's: London, pp. 24-27 (Lot 20). If one studies the images carefully it will be observed the scriptio inferior text is written upside down. The recto side contains two surah headings, one between lines three and four, and the other on top of line twenty-six. This would suggest we are dealing with a short surah comprising approximately twenty-three lines which would correspond in length to a surah from the eighties or nineties. Direct observation
of the manuscript with assistive technological aids would be required to identify the exact surah. Given the tendency of frequently handled manuscripts to be acephalous and
apodal attention should be given to this welcome observation.
[30] Recently Elisabeth Puin, Gerd-R Puin's wife, has painstakingly gone through the Memory Of The World: S�anʿāʿ Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation by UNESCO and
provided a detailed index with additional information as an aid to the cumbersome poorly designed user interface. See K. Small & E. Puin, "UNESCO CD of S(anʿāʿ Mss.
Part 3: Qur'ān Palimpsests, And Unique Qur'ān Illustrations", Manuscripta Orientalia, 2007, Volume 13, Number 2, pp. 63-70.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for
non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of
the copyright holder.
Back To The Qur'anic Manuscripts
The “Qur'ān Of ʿUthmān” At The Türk ve Đslam Eserleri Müzesi (Turkish and Islamic Art Museum), Istanbul, Turkey, From 1st / 2nd Century Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 21st September 2009
Last Updated: 25th September 2009
(a) (b)
(e)
Figures: (a) Folio 4a showing sūrah al-Baqarah - part of verse 30 to part of verse 34. (b) Folio 317b showing sūrah Fātir - verse 44 to the end, and sūrah Yāsīn - from the beginning until part of verse 7. (c) Folio 419a showing sūrah al-Muddathir - part of verse 31 to part of verse 56. (d) Folio
(c) (d)
432b showing sūrah al-Duha - part of verse 4 to end. Sūrah al-Sharh - from the beginning until the end. Sūrah Tīn - from the beginning until end of verse 3. (e) Folio 439 say "Katabah �Uthmān bin �Affān fī sanat thalathyn".
Date
Late 1st century / early 2nd century of hijra. Two folios (183b, 439) of this manuscript were published by S%alāh% al-Dīn al-Munajjid.[1] A facsimile edition of this manuscript was prepared by Dr. Tayyar Altikulaç in the year 2007.[2]
Interestingly, on the last folio (no. 439) of the manuscript is written in kufic script “Katabahu ʿUthmān bin ʿAffān fī sanat thalathyn” (“ʿUthmān bin ʿAffān wrote in the year 30 AH”). However, the script and ornamentation negates this possibility. Dr. Altikulaç considers this manuscript to be from second half of 1st century or first half of 2nd century hijra.[3] He thinks that it is a Basran mus�h�af which does not fully confirm with any of 7 or 10 mutawatir readings in terms of dotting or vowelization. It was written, therefore, before the standardization and spread of famous readings. Likewise, S%alāh% al-Dīn al-Munajjid did not consider this manuscript to be from the time of caliph ʿUthmān and dates it to second half of 1st century hijra. According to him, this manuscript is the "earliest mus�h�af we have seen".[4]
The dating of this manuscript to late 1st century / early 2nd century of hijra is also supported by the fact that the script in this manuscript has interesting similarities to that of codex Mixt. 917, which is also dated to similar time period.
Accession Number
TIEM 457 (‘Türk ve Đslam Eserleri Müzesi 457’) .
Size & Folios
Total number of folios: 439. Only 17 folios are missing out of which 14 folios are restored by a later hand, by Dāwūd bin ʿAlī al-Kaylānī on 3rd December, 1437 CE. These folios are 1, 38, 91, 120, 139, 222, 299, 308, 408, 415, 427,
436, 437, 438. The other three missing folios are the ones after folio nos. 9, 215, 406. Size: 32 cm x 23 cms. Written area: 22 cm x 16 cm. Thickness: 13 cm.
History Of The Manuscript
Very little information is available. Transferred from the Aya Sofiya library to the Türk ve Đslam Eserleri Müzesi on 30th March, 1912 CE. It was here the manuscript was given the accession no. 457. Remains there till date. Its origins and when it arrived at the Aya Sofia library is unknown. On the first folio, a waqf seal of the Ottoman Sultan Mahmoud I (1730-1754 CE) is present.
Script & Ornamentation
Kufic.
The manuscript is written on gazelle skin. On the other hand, the folios restored in 1437 CE are made of paper.
There are 15 lines per folio except three folios, viz., f. 184a has 16 lines; f. 405a has 14 lines; f. 406a has 13 lines and f. 406b has 14 lines. The folios restored in 1437 CE folios have between 7 and 10 lines per page. The verse endings are marked by a set of diagonal dashes; every fifth verse is marked with a golden ‘d’ shaped character. Every tenth verse is marked with a patterned circular gold medallion connected by blue, green, and red dots [Figures (c) and (d)]. The consonants are frequently differentiated by dashes. The beginning of the sūrah, number of verses and whether Makki or Madani are indicated in gold [Figures (b) and (d)]. It appears that this sūrah separator along with the marking
of every fifth verse was done by a different (later?) hand.
On the last folio (no. 439) of the manuscript is written in kufic script “Katabahu ʿUthmān bin ʿAffān fī sanat thalathyn”. This statement is enclosed inside a highly ornate rectangular box with a semicircle jutting out from its left hand side [Figure (e)]. This appears to be a floor design of a mosque with mihrab.
There are good number of other Qur'ans [such as the ones at St. Petersburg, Istanbul, two in Cairo (al-Hussein mosque and Dār al-Kutub) and Samarqand] having at times turned up in different parts of the Islamic world, almost all
purporting to show the traces of the blood of the third caliph ʿUthmān upon certain pages, and thus the genuine ʿUthmānic Qur'an, the imām, which he was reading at the time of his death. Taking into account the palaeographic considerations, this Qur'an does not belong to time of the third caliph ʿUthmān.
Contents
The contents of the manuscript, as tabulated below, are gathered from the facsimile edition.
Folios Qur'anic Sūrah Image Publication Comments
1b al-Fātih'ah Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 1b is written in a later hand.
1b -34a al-Baqarah Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 1b is written in a later hand.
34a - 54a āl-ʿImrān Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folios 38a, 38b are written in a later hand.
54a - 75b al-Nisā Altikulaç, 2007 -
75b - 91b al-Mā'idah Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folios 91a, 91b are written in a later hand.
91b - 108a al-Anʿām Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 91b is written in a later hand.
108a - 127a al-Aʿrāf Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folios 120a, 120b are written in a later hand.
127a - 134a al-Anfāl Altikulaç, 2007 -
134a - 148b Tawbah Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folios 139a, 139b are written in a later hand.
148b - 159a Yūnus Altikulaç, 2007 -
159a - 169b Hūd Altikulaç, 2007 -
169b - 179b Yūsuf Altikulaç, 2007 -
179b - 183b al-Rʿad Altikulaç, 2007; Al-Munajjid, 1972 (f. 183b) -
184a - 188b Ibrāhīm Altikulaç, 2007 -
188b - 192a al-H'ijr Altikulaç, 2007 -
192a - 202a al-Nahl Altikulaç, 2007 -
202a - 211b al-Isrāʿ Altikulaç, 2007 -
211a - 218b al-Kahf Altikulaç, 2007 -
218b - 223b Maryam Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folios 222a, 222b are written in a later hand.
223b - 231a T'āhā Altikulaç, 2007 -
231a - 237b al-Anbiyā Altikulaç, 2007 -
237b - 244b al-H'ajj Altikulaç, 2007 -
244b - 250b al-Muʿminūn Altikulaç, 2007 -
250b - 258a al-Nūr Altikulaç, 2007 -
258a - 263b al-Furqān Altikulaç, 2007 -
263b - 271a al-Shuʿarā Altikulaç, 2007 -
271a - 277b al-Naml Altikulaç, 2007 -
277b - 285b al-Qas'as' Altikulaç, 2007 -
285b - 291a al-ʿAnkabūt Altikulaç, 2007 -
291a - 296a al-Rūm Altikulaç, 2007 -
296a - 299a Luqmān Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 299a is written in a later hand.
299a - 301a al-Sajdah Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folios 299a, 299b are written in a later hand.
301a - 308b al-Ah'zāb Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folios 308a, 308b are written in a later hand.
308b - 313b Sabʿ Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 308b is written in a later hand.
313b - 317b Fāt'ir Altikulaç, 2007 -
317b - 321b Yāsīn Altikulaç, 2007 -
321b - 326b al-S'āffāt Altikulaç, 2007 -
326b - 331a S'ād Altikulaç, 2007 -
331a - 337b al-Zumar Altikulaç, 2007 -
337b - 344b Ghāfir Altikulaç, 2007 -
344b - 349a Fussilat Altikulaç, 2007 -
349a - 353b al-Shūra Altikulaç, 2007 -
353b - 358b al-Zukhruf Altikulaç, 2007 -
358b - 360b al-Dukhān Altikulaç, 2007 -
360b - 363a al-Jāthiya Altikulaç, 2007 -
363a - 367a al-Ah'qāf Altikulaç, 2007 -
367a - 370a Muh'ammad Altikulaç, 2007 -
370a - 373b al-Fatah' Altikulaç, 2007 -
373b - 375b al-H'ujurāt Altikulaç, 2007 -
375b - 377b Qāf Altikulaç, 2007 -
377b - 379b al-Dhāriyāt Altikulaç, 2007 -
379b - 381b al-T'ūr Altikulaç, 2007 -
381b - 383b al-Najm Altikulaç, 2007 -
383b - 385b al-Qamar Altikulaç, 2007 -
385b - 388a al-Rah'mān Altikulaç, 2007 -
388a - 390a al-Wāqiʿah Altikulaç, 2007 -
390a - 393b al-H'adid Altikulaç, 2007 -
393b - 396a al-Mujādilah Altikulaç, 2007 -
396a - 398b al-H'ashr Altikulaç, 2007 -
399a - 400b al-Mumtah'inah Altikulaç, 2007 -
400b - 402a al-S'aff Altikulaç, 2007 -
402a - 403a al-Jumuʿah Altikulaç, 2007 -
403a - 404a al-Munāfiqūn Altikulaç, 2007 -
404a - 406a al-Taghābūn Altikulaç, 2007 -
406a - 407b al-Talāq Altikulaç, 2007 -
408a - 409a al-Tahrīm Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folios 408a, 408b are written in a later hand.
409a - 410a al-Mulk Altikulaç, 2007 -
410a - 411b al-Qalam Altikulaç, 2007 -
411b - 413a al-H'aqqah Altikulaç, 2007 -
413a - 414a al-Maʿārij Altikulaç, 2007 -
414a - 415b Nūh' Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folios 415a, 415b are written in a later hand.
415b - 417a al-Jinn Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 415b is written in a later hand
417a - 418a al-Muzzammil Altikulaç, 2007 -
418a - 419b al-Muddathir Altikulaç, 2007 -
419b - 420a al-Qiyāmah Altikulaç, 2007 -
420a - 421b al-Insān Altikulaç, 2007 -
421b - 422b al-Mursalāt Altikulaç, 2007 -
422b - 423b al-Nabāʿ Altikulaç, 2007 -
423b - 424b al-Nāziʿāt Altikulaç, 2007 -
424b - 425a al-ʿAbasa Altikulaç, 2007 -
425a - 426a al-Takwīr Altikulaç, 2007 -
426a - 426b al-Intifār Altikulaç, 2007 -
426b - 427b al-Mutaffifīn Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folios 427a, 427b are written in a later hand.
427b - 428a al-Inshiqāq Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 427b is written in a later hand.
428a - 428b al-Burūj Altikulaç, 2007 -
428b - 429a al-Tāriq Altikulaç, 2007 -
429a - 429b al-ʿAlā Altikulaç, 2007 -
429b - 430a al-Ghāshīyah Altikulaç, 2007 -
430a - 431a al-Fajr Altikulaç, 2007 -
431a - 431b al-Balad Altikulaç, 2007 -
431b al-Shams Altikulaç, 2007 -
431b - 432a al-Layl Altikulaç, 2007 -
432a - 432b al-D'uh'a Altikulaç, 2007 -
432b al-Sharh' Altikulaç, 2007 -
432b - 433a al-Tīn Altikulaç, 2007 -
433a - 433b al-ʿAlaq Altikulaç, 2007 -
433b al-Qadr Altikulaç, 2007 -
433b - 434a al-Bayyinah Altikulaç, 2007 -
434a - 434b al-Zalzalah Altikulaç, 2007 -
434b al-ʿAdiyāt Altikulaç, 2007 -
434b - 435a al-Qāriʿah Altikulaç, 2007 -
435a al-Takāthur Altikulaç, 2007 -
435a - 435b al-ʿAsr Altikulaç, 2007 -
435b al-Humazah Altikulaç, 2007 -
435b - 436a al-Fīl Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 436a is written in a later hand.
Location
Türk ve Đslam Eserleri Müzesi (Turkish and Islamic Art Museum), Istanbul, Turkey.
References
[1] S. al-Munajjid, Dirāsāt fī Tārīkh al-Khatt al-ʿArabī Mundhu Bidayatihi ilā Nihayat al-ʿAsr al-Umawi (French Title: Etudes De Paleographie Arabe), 1972, Dār al-Kitāb al-Jadid: Beirut (Lebanon), pp. 56-57, Figs. 26 and 27.
[2] T. Altikulaç, Hz. Osman’a Nisbet Edilen Mushaf- I Şerîf (Türk ve Đslâm Eserleri Müzesi Nüshası), 2007, Volumes I and II, Đslam Araştırmaları Merkezi (ĐSAM): Istanbul (Turkey).
[3] ibid., pp. 106-107 (Volume I, Turkish section), pp. 120-121 (Volume I, Arabic section).
[4] S. al-Munajjid, Dirāsāt fī Tārīkh al-Khatt al-ʿArabī Mundhu Bidayatihi ilā Nihayat al-ʿAsr al-Umawi (French Title: Etudes De Paleographie Arabe), 1972, op. cit., p. 55.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
Back To The Qur'anic Manuscripts
436b al-Quraysh Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 436b is written in a later hand.
436b al-Māʿun Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 436b is written in a later hand.
437a al-Kawthar Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 437a is written in a later hand.
437a al-Kafirūn Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 437a is written in a later hand.
437a - 437b al-Nas'r Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folios 437a and 437b are written in a later hand.
437b al-Masad Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 437b is written in a later hand.
437b al-Ikhlās Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 437b is written in a later hand.
438a al-Falaq Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 438a is written in a later hand.
438a al-Nās Altikulaç, 2007 Missing folio 438a is written in a later hand.
Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-28.1 – A Qur'ānic Manuscript From 1st / 2nd Century Of Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 5th May 2009
Last Updated: 9th May 2009
Folios from codex DAM 01-28.1
Date
1st / 2nd century of hijra.[1]
Inventory No.
DAM 01-28.1
Size & Folios
The folios have approximate dimensions of 40.0 cm (height) x 29.0 cms (width). The codex consists of 60 folios.[2]
History Of The Manuscript
Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985 von Bothmer, 1999
This manuscript was found in the Great Mosque in S-anʿāʿ, Yemen.
Script & Ornamentation[3]
H�ijāzī.
Number of lines in a folio varies. For example, there are 26 lines in the above folio and the reverse of it contains 28 lines. There is a clear definition of the text area and of the distance between the lines which has given a uniform
appearance, a feature which is generally uncommon in the h�ijāzī manuscripts (see, for example, DAM 01-27.1 where there is a lack of uniformity in appearance of the text). Diacritical marks are frequent.
The ends of verses are marked up vertical lines of dots. After every tenth verse, there are red circles surrounded by dotted circles. The illuminated band separating the two surahs generally consists of a sequence with internal direction.
Contents
It has Qur'an 2:1–71:14 (fragmented, not sequential text). Below are the published folios of this codex.
Location
Dār al-Makht-ūtāt, S-anʿāʿ, Yemen.
References
[1] Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985, Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah: Kuwait, p. 56, Plate 17.
[2] S. Noja Noseda, "La Mia Vista A Sanaa E Il Corano Palinseto", Rendiconti: Classe Di Lettere E Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2003 (Published 2004), Volume 137, Fasc. 1, p. 54.
[3] See H-C. G. von Bothmer's write-up and images in M. B. Piotrovsky & J. Vrieze (Eds.), Art Of Islam: Heavenly Art And Earthly Beauty, 1999, De Nieuwe Kerk: Amsterdam & Lund Humphries Publishers, pp. 99.
[4] H-C. G. von Bothmer, K-H. Ohlig & G-R. Puin, "Neue Wege Der Koranforschung", Magazin Forschung (Universität des Saarlandes), 1999, No. 1, p. 44.
[5] ibid., p. 39.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
Back To The Qur'anic Manuscripts
Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-28.1
Folio Number Qur'anic Surah Size of the Folio (cm.) Image Publication
– Last part of 33 – Beginning of 34 (Part of folio) – von Bothmer et al., 1999[4]
– Last part of 34 – Beginning of 35 (Part of folio) – von Bothmer et al., 1999[5]
– 52:40 – 53:25 41.5 x 30.0 Mas.āh.if S.anʿāʿ, 1985
– 53:25 – 54:1 40.9 x 29.4 von Bothmer, 1999
Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-25.1 – A Qur'ānic Manuscript From 1st Century Of Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 9th May 2009
Last Updated: 14th May 2009
(a) UNESCO Image No.151250B (b) UNESCO Image No.151251B
(c) Masāhif Sanʿāʿ, 1985
(d) UNESCO Image No. 026001B
Folios from codex DAM 01-25.1
Date
1st century of hijra.[1]
Inventory No.
DAM 01-25.1
Size & Folios
The folios have the approximate dimensions of 34.0 cm (height) x 27.0 cms (width). The codex consists of 29 folios.[2]
History Of The Manuscript
This manuscript was found in the Great Mosque in S-anʿāʿ, Yemen.
Script & Ornamentation
H�ijāzī.
There are few diacritical marks but no vocalization. The verses divisions indicate the beginning of the usage of simple ornamentation which is nothing but adjacent strokes. Set of strokes arranged as a triangle or rectangle or even a
straight line represent end of a verse. Every tenth verse has a circle enclosing set of strokes. The end of one sūrah and the beginning of another is usually indicated by an empty space.
Contents
It has Qur'an 1:7–46:17 (fragmented, not sequential text). An interesting feature of this early h�ijāzī manuscript is the presence of sūrah al-Fātih�ah [Figure (a)] which is followed immediately by sūrah al-Baqarah. The presence of sūrah
al-Fātih�ah is rare in the Qur'ans from first century hijra, the only other known example being the “Great Umayyad Qur'ān”, DAM 20-33.1, also from S-anʿāʿ.
Below are the published folios of this codex.[3]
Location
Dār al-Makht-ūtāt, S-anʿāʿ, Yemen.
References
Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-25.1
Folio Number Qur'anic Surah Size of the Folio (cm.) Image Publication
– 1:7 – 2:16 (31.0 x 20.0) UNESCO Image No. 151250B
– 7:29 – 7:37 34.0 x 37.0 UNESCO Image No. 151251B
– 7:37 – 7:44 + 7:204 – 8:17 (bifolio) 33.8 x 26.2 Mas6āh6if S6anʿāʿ, 1985; von Bothmer et al., 1999[4];
Déroche, 2002[5]
– 42:49 – 43:13 + 43:13 – 43:32 (bifolio) 33.0 x 36.0 UNESCO Image No. 026001B
– 26:122 – 26:156 (33.0 x 18.0) UNESCO Image No. 151252B
– 41:1 – 41:16 33.0 x 26.0 UNESCO Image No. 151253B
[1] Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985, Dār al-Athar al-Islamiyyah: Kuwait, pp. 60-61, Plate 3.
[2] S. Noja Noseda, "La Mia Vista A Sanaa E Il Corano Palinseto", Rendiconti: Classe Di Lettere E Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2003 (Published 2004), Volume 137, Fasc. 1, p. 54.
[3] Compiled from Memory Of The World: S�anʿāʿ Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation by UNESCO. Also see K. Small & E. Puin, "UNESCO CD of S-anʿāʿ Mss. Part 3: Qur'ān Palimpsests, And Unique Qur'ān Illustrations", Manuscripta
Orientalia, 2007, Volume 13, Number 2, pp. 63, 68-69.
[4] H-C. G. von Bothmer, K-H. Ohlig & G-R. Puin, "Neue Wege Der Koranforschung", Magazin Forschung (Universität des Saarlandes), 1999, No. 1, p. 34.
[5] F. Déroche, "New Evidence About Umayyad Book Hands" in Essays In Honour Of S�alāh� Al-Dīn Al-Munajjid, 2002, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation Publication: No. 70, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation: London (UK), pp. 620-
621.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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The “Great Umayyad Qur'ān” (Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 20-33.1) From The Time Of Caliph Al-Walīd, Late 1st Century Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 20th June 2006
Last Updated: 7th August 2008
(a) (b)
(c)
A fascinating double page display of two full pictures in the "Great Umayyad Qur'an" of (a) a courtyard mosque (left) and (b) a prayer hall consisting of four naves with a two-storey elevation and a transept leading off the mihrab. mosque. Fragments of the extant folios showing (c) Sūrah al-
(d) (e)
Muddathir, (d) Sūrah al-Fātihah and (e) Sūrah al-Nās. Details of the content are given below.
Date
Late 1st century hijra, 710 - 715 CE in the reign of the Umayyad Caliph al-Walīd.
By studying the palaeography, ornamentation and illumination of this manuscript, Hans-Caspar Graf von Bothmer dated it to the last decade of the 1st century of hijra, around 710 - 715 CE, in the reign of the Umayyad caliph al-Walīd.[1] However, the radiocarbon dating of this manuscript suggests an earlier date between 657 and 690 CE.[2]
Husband and wife team Jonathan Bloom and Sheila Blair are vocal critics of the Umayyad date attached to this manuscript. Bloom and Blair even suggest von Bothmer of being unscientific in his presentation and interpretation of the
data. In his article "The Introduction Of Paper To The Islamic Lands And The Development Of The Illustrated Manuscript", Bloom refuses to discuss this manuscript;[3] Blair adopts a more conciliatory stance by explaining the reasons
why the presentation of scientific evidence lacks a certain degree of robustness.[4] Oleg Grabar has conducted a detailed interaction and critique of the art-historical methodology adopted by von Bothmer in dating this manuscript and
was able to converse with him directly on the matter.[5]
Inventory No.
DAM 20-33.1
Size & Folios
The original codex had the approximate dimensions of 51 cm (height) x 47 cms (width). It had c. 520 folios.[6] But only 25(?) of them survive.[7] The extant folios are quite fragmented.
History Of The Manuscript
Although it was found in the Great Mosque in S?anʿāʿ this monumental Qur'anic manuscript, perhaps one of the most well-studied in recent times, appears to be originally from Syria. This codex may have been sent from Syria to
S?anʿāʿ after the Great Mosque of S?anʿāʿ was expanded.
Script & Ornamentation[8]
Kufic.
At present this is the earliest known Qur'anic manuscript in Kufic script. Almost square in format, this Qur'an occupies the middle ground between the vertical format of early h�ijāzī manuscripts and the horizontal codices which were
soon to follow for some two centuries. It has superb calligraphy. The calligrapher's pen was wide cut which enabled him to draw lines that range from hair-fine to bold and broad.
The rich illumination in this manuscript comprises of full page images, sūrah dividers and frames. The repertory of ornamental motifs is late classical. This manuscript is unique in the sense that it open with a group of full page images:
a representation of Paradise based on a 'cosmogram', a classical motif combining an octagon and a circle and, on the reverse, a mosque. The following page also depicts a mosque; on the reverse the text begins with the first sūrah
[Figure (d)]. If the image had not occupied the same leaf as the text, its association with a Qur'an would have been unlikely. These images are the only known Qur'an illustrations and are absolutely unique among extant Qur'an
manuscripts.
The mosque does not portray a specific building but rather a type of mosque as does the image on the following leaf. This type of mosque was first employed under the Umayyad caliph al-Walīd, in the Great Mosque of Damascus. The
painter has used an unusual combination of floor plan and elevation to show the main features of the building, such as the three sections of the prayer hall, two storeys high, which run parallel to the qibla wall, and the axial space which
cuts across these sections, leading from the main gate to the mihrab [Figure (b)]. Important details - the minbar in front of the mihrab, the mosque lamps suspended on long chains, the ablution facilities between the monumental flight
of steps, even the minaret with its inside staircase - are depicted with great fluency which testifies to a long pictorial tradition , now lost, which must have preceded this work. Both the type of mosque shown here and the courtyard
version on the opposite folio are closely connected with al-Walīd's architectural projects.
The refined techniques suggests that the manuscript was produced in a place with long tradition of book making. Certain features of this manuscript and the iconography suggests that this work was made for al-Walīd who himself may
have commissioned it.
Contents
The table below is constructed from the content of the various folios of this codex published so far.[9] It is clearly incomplete. We have not included those folios the contents of which are mentioned vaguely.
Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 20-33.1
Location
Dār al-Makhtūtāt, S?anʿāʿ, Yemen.
References
[1] H-C. G. von Bothmer, "Architekturbilder Im Koran Eine Prachthandschrift Der Umayyadenzeit Aus Dem Yemen", Pantheon, 1987, Volume 45, pp. 4-20.
[2] H-C. G. von Bothmer, K-H. Ohlig & G-R. Puin, "Neue Wege Der Koranforschung", Magazin Forschung (Universität des Saarlandes), 1999, No. 1, p. 45; Also see H-C. G. von Bothmer's write-up and images in M. B. Piotrovsky & J. Vrieze
(Eds.), Art Of Islam: Heavenly Art And Earthly Beauty, 1999, De Nieuwe Kerk: Amsterdam & Lund Humphries Publishers, pp. 101.
[3] J. M. Bloom, "The Introduction Of Paper To The Islamic Lands And The Development Of The Illustrated Manuscript", Muqarnas, 2000, Volume XVII, pp. 22-23 (footnote 15). He says, “I am deliberately neglecting the fragmentary double
frontispiece to a magnificent parchment manuscript of the Koran discovered in the Great Mosque of San’a … because there is no scientific proof for von Bothmer's claim that the manuscript has been carbon dated to the Umayyad period, and a
ninth-century date seems more likely on the basis of script.”
[4] S. S. Blair, Islamic Calligraphy, 2006, Edinburgh University Press Ltd: Edinburgh (Scotland), p. 125 & p. 139, footnote 95. Noting that the E20 Manuscript and the Samarqand Manuscript produce a range of 220 years and 260 years
respectively at the 95% confidence level, Blair is suspicious of the low range reported by von Bothmer, noting it is only 33 years in length. Furthermore, she complains that the testing facility and standard deviations (confidence levels) are absent.
Blair is not entirely correct when she says that the confidence level has not been given. The 95% confidence level for the radiocarbon dating of this manuscript was given elsewhere with the date 645-690 CE, see C. Hillenbrand, "Muhammad And
The Rise Of Islam", in P. Fouracre (Ed.), The New Cambridge Medieval History c. 500 – c. 700, 2005, Volume I, Cambridge University Press, p. 330. Matters are further complicated however as the reference provided by Hillenbrand does not
provide details of the radiocarbon dating! Hillenbrand took the details of the radiocarbon dating from her husband Professor Robert Hillenbrand who in turn took the information directly from von Bothmer himself (i.e., personal communication).
Von Bothmer is currently preparing a voluminous tome on the S?anʿāʿ manuscripts. Any judgements as to the soundness and completeness of the results reported above will be resolved by the publication of this volume.
Folio Number Qur'anic Surah Size of the Folio (cm.) Image Publication
– 1:1 - 1:7 42.0 x 35.0 von Bothmer, 1987
– 2:39 - 2:43 43.6 x 29.7 von Bothmer, 1999
– 55:55 - 55:78 36.0 x 35.0 UNESCO Image No. 077064B
– 56:1 - 56:20 43.0 x 32.0 UNESCO Image No. 078065B
– 67:21 - 67:30 36.0 x 43.0 UNESCO Image No. 162295B; von Bothmer, 1999
– 68:43 - 68:52 , 69:1 - 69:6 44.2 x 42.3 von Bothmer, 1987; idem., 1999; Mas4āh4if S4an‘a', 1985
– 69:6 - 69:22 – Déroche, 2002
– 69:23 - 69:50 39.0 x 31.0 UNESCO Image No. 079066C
– 74:56, 75:1 - 75:26 43.6 x 39.9 UNESCO Image No. 080067C; von Bothmer, 1999
– 77:5 - 77:27 27.0 x 37.0 UNESCO Image No. 162298B
– 79:25 - 79:34 Fragments UNESCO Image No. 162297B
– 85:1 - 85:5 45.0 x 13.0 UNESCO Image No. 082069B
– 89:13 - 89:30, 90:1 42.7 x 43.5 von Bothmer, 1999
– 99:2 - 100:8 30.0 x 40.0 UNESCO Image No. 162296B
– 110:2 - 110:3 32.0 x 13.0 UNESCO Image No. 083070B
– 114:3 - 114:6 32.0 x 24.0 UNESCO Image No. 081068B; von Bothmer, 1987
[5] O. Grabar, The Mediation Of Ornament, 1992, The A. W. Mellon Lectures In The Fine Arts, 1989, Bollingen Series XXXV, Princeton University Press: Princeton (USA), pp. 155-194. Although this S?anʿāʿ Qur'an is not exclusively discussed
in all these pages, one should read the entire chapter to appreciate the full extent of Grabar's argument; he also provides a detailed reconstruction of how these two frontispieces may have originally looked [ibid., pp. 158-159]. On a similar note, for
a brief study of early Bible and Qur'an illuminations with mention of this manuscript see, E. Baer, "Early Bible And Qur'ān Illuminations: Preliminary Remarks", in B. H. Hary, J. L. Hayes & F. Astren (Eds.), Judaism And Islam: Boundaries,
Communication And Interaction - Essays In Honor Of William M. Brinner, 2000, Brill: Leiden, pp. 139-156.
[6] H-C. G. von Bothmer, "Architekturbilder Im Koran Eine Prachthandschrift Der Umayyadenzeit Aus Dem Yemen", Pantheon, 1987, op. cit., p. 5.
[7] H-C. G. von Bothmer, "Masterworks Of Islamic Book Art: Koranic Calligraphy And Illumination In The Manuscripts Found In The Great Mosque In Sanaa", in W. Daum (ed.), Yemen: 3000 Years Of Art And Civilization In Arabia Felix,
1987?, Pinguin-Verlag (Innsbruck) and Umschau-Verlag (Frankfurt/Main), p. 180.
[8] The entire discussion in this section is taken and adapted from M. B. Piotrovsky & J. Vrieze (Eds.), Art Of Islam: Heavenly Art And Earthly Beauty, 1999, op. cit., p. 101.
[9] The published manuscripts can be seen in Memory Of The World: S�anʿāʿ Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation, UNESCO. A useful guide to the contents in the CD-ROM was prepared by K. Small & E. Puin, "UNESCO CD of S?anʿāʿ Mss.
Part 3: Qur'ān Palimpsests, And Unique Qur'ān Illustrations", Manuscripta Orientalia, 2007, Volume 13, Number 2, pp. 63-70. For other folios see H-C. G. von Bothmer, "Architekturbilder Im Koran Eine Prachthandschrift Der Umayyadenzeit
Aus Dem Yemen", Pantheon, 1987, op. cit., pp. 14-16; Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985, Dār al-Athar al-Islāmiyyah: Kuwait, p. 45; M. B. Piotrovsky & J. Vrieze (Eds.), Art Of Islam: Heavenly Art And Earthly Beauty, 1999, op. cit., pp. 102-104; H-C. G.
von Bothmer, "Masterworks Of Islamic Book Art: Koranic Calligraphy And Illumination In The Manuscripts Found In The Great Mosque In Sanaa", in W. Daum (ed.), Yemen: 3000 Years Of Art And Civilization In Arabia Felix, 1987?, op. cit., p.
186; F. Déroche, "New Evidence About Umayyad Book Hands" in Essays In Honour Of S�alāh� Al-Dīn Al-Munajjid, 2002, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation Publication: No. 70, Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation: London (UK), p. 630.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-32.1 – A Qur'ānic Manuscript From 2nd Century Of Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 17th May 2009
Last Updated: 21st May 2009
(a) UNESCO Image No.059041B (b) UNESCO Image No.060042B
Folios from codex DAM 01-32.1
Date
2nd century of hijra.[1]
Inventory No.
DAM 01-32.1
Size & Folios
The folios have approximate dimensions of 43.0 cm (height) x 34.0 cms (width). The total number of folios in this codex are not known but 7 of them have been published so far. Noseda mentions this manuscript at S,anʿāʿ but gives
no indication of the number of folios.[2]
History Of The Manuscript
This manuscript was found in the Great Mosque in S,anʿāʿ, Yemen.
Script & Ornamentation
Late h�ijāzī.
(c) UNESCO Image No.153260B (d) UNESCO Image No.153261B
About 12 lines per page. It has few diacritical marks but the vocalization is probably contemporary. The style bears many features common to both h�ijāzī and early Kufic. Perhaps this is the unique S�anʿānī style which is mentioned
briefly by Abū Muh,ammad al-H,asan al-H,amdānī in his Sifāt Jazirat al-ʿArab (Geography of the Arabian Peninsula).
Contents
Below are the published folios of this codex.[3]
Location
Dār al-Makht,ūtāt, S,anʿāʿ, Yemen.
References
[1] Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985, Dār al-Athar al-Islamiyyah: Kuwait, p. 52, plate 25.
[2] S. Noja Noseda, "La Mia Vista A Sanaa E Il Corano Palinseto", Rendiconti: Classe Di Lettere E Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2003 (Published 2004), Volume 137, Fasc. 1, p. 53.
[3] Compiled from Memory Of The World: S�anʿāʿ Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation by UNESCO. Also see K. Small & E. Puin, "UNESCO CD of S,anʿāʿ Mss. Part 3: Qur'ān Palimpsests, And Unique Qur'ān Illustrations", Manuscripta
Orientalia, 2007, Volume 13, Number 2, pp. 64, 69.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
Back To The Qur'anic Manuscripts
Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-32.1
Folio Number Qur'anic Surah Size of the Folio (cm.) Image Publication
– 2:31 – 2:38 (42.0 x 34.0) UNESCO Image No. 153261B
– 5:48 – 5:54 (42.0 x 32.0) UNESCO Image No. 153259B
– 5:72 – 5:80 43.8 x 35.4 UNESCO Image No. 153260B; Mas4āh4if S4anʿāʿ, 1985
– 7:3 – 7:9 (24.0 x 35.0) UNESCO Image No. 153258B
– 7:50 – 7:57 43.0 x 35.0 UNESCO Image No. 058040B
– 7:57 – 7:67 43.0 x 36.0 UNESCO Image No. 059041B
– 26:226 – 37:20 44.0 x 35.0 UNESCO Image No. 060042B
Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-18.3 – A Qur'ānic Manuscript From 1st / 2nd Century Of Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 17th May 2009
Last Updated: 18th May 2009
(a) UNESCO Image No. 044021B
(b) Masāhif Sanʿāʿ, 1985
Folios from codex DAM 01-18.3
Date
1st / 2nd century of hijra.[1]
Inventory No.
DAM 01-18.3
Size & Folios
The folios have approximate dimensions of 9.0 cm (height) x 19.0 cms (width). There are 16 folios in this codex.[2]
History Of The Manuscript
This manuscript was found in the Great Mosque in S-anʿāʿ, Yemen.
Script & Ornamentation
Late h�ijāzī.
About 12 lines per page. Few diacritical marks but no vocalization. The vertical format is a common feature of most Qur'ans written in the h�ijāzī style. The
example shown here is an exception, where the horizontal format contradicts somewhat vertical features of the script.
Contents
It contains Qur'an 7:163 to 32:9 (fragmented, not sequential text). Below are the published folios of this codex.[3]
Location
Dār al-Makht-ūtāt, S-anʿāʿ, Yemen.
References
[1] Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985, Dār al-Athar al-Islamiyyah: Kuwait, p. 54, plate 23.
[2] S. Noja Noseda, "La Mia Vista A Sanaa E Il Corano Palinseto", Rendiconti: Classe Di Lettere E Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2003 (Published 2004), Volume 137, Fasc. 1,
p. 53.
[3] Compiled from Memory Of The World: S�anʿāʿ Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation by UNESCO. Also see K. Small & E. Puin, "UNESCO CD of S-anʿāʿ Mss. Part 3:
Qur'ān Palimpsests, And Unique Qur'ān Illustrations", Manuscripta Orientalia, 2007, Volume 13, Number 2, p. 64.
Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-18.3
Folio Number Qur'anic Surah Size of the Folio (cm.) Image Publication
– 8:2 – 8:11 9.0 x 19.0 UNESCO Image No. 044021B
– 8:41 – 8:46 9.2 x 19.6 Mas/āh/if S/anʿāʿ, 1985
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for
non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of
the copyright holder.
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Radiocarbon (Carbon-14) Dating And The Qur'ānic Manuscripts
M S M Saifullah, Ghali Adi & ʿAbdullah David
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 21st May 2006
Last Modified: 8th November 2008
Assalamu-ʿalaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
1. Introduction
Radiocarbon, or Carbon-14 dating was developed by W. F. Libby, E. C. Anderson and J. R. Arnold in 1949.[1] This radiometric dating technique is a way of determining the
age of certain archaeological artefacts of a biological origin up to about 50,000 years old. It is perhaps one of the most widely used and best known absolute dating methods
and has become an indispensable part of an archaeologist's tool-kit. In 1960, Libby was awarded the Nobel Prize in chemistry for radiocarbon dating.[2]
In this paper we would briefly discuss the principles and practice of radiocarbon dating. This will enable the reader to gain an appreciation of the advantages and
disadvantages of this process. Is carbon dating applied to the Qur'anic manuscripts? Can radiocarbon dating provide more accurate results than traditional palaeographic
techniques and associated methods? We will also focus on these questions in the final section of our discussion.
2. Principles And Practice
Carbon has two stable, nonradioactive isotopes: carbon-12 (12C), and carbon-13 (13C). In addition, there are tiny amounts of the unstable radioactive isotope carbon-14 (14C) on
Earth. These isotopes are present in the following amounts 12C - 98.89 %, 13C - 1.11 % and 14C - 0.00000000010 %. In other words, one carbon 14 atom exists in nature for
every 1,000,000,000,000 12C atoms in a living being.
ORIGIN OF CARBON-14
When cosmic rays enter the earth's atmosphere, they undergo various interactions with gas molecules which results in the production of fast moving neutrons. These energetic
neutrons dissociate a nitrogen molecule into atoms and then reacts with these atoms to form 14C. The reaction can be written as:[3]
n + 14N 14C + p
where n is a neutron and p is a proton.
The highest rate of 14C production takes place at stratospheric altitudes of 9 to 15 km. Unlike the commonly available carbon, 12C, 14C is unstable and slowly decays, changing
it back to nitrogen and releasing energy. This instability makes it radioactive.
ASSIMILATION OF CARBON-14 IN THE EARTH'S BIOSPHERE
The 14C isotope is brought to the earth by atmospheric activities (such as storms) and becomes fixed in the biosphere. Since 14C reacts just like 12C and 13C isotopes of carbon, it
becomes part of a plant through photosynthesis reactions. Animals eating these plants in turn absorb 14C as well as the stable isotopes (i.e., 12C and 13C). This process of
ingesting 14C continues as long as the plant or animal remains alive. Because 14C is so well mixed up with 12C, the ratio between 14C and 12C is the same in a leaf from a tree, or
a part of an animal body. 14C also enters the Earth's oceans in an atmospheric exchange and as dissolved carbonate. The entire 14C inventory is termed the carbon exchange reservoir.[4]
DEATH, DECAY & DATING
As soon as a plant or animal dies, the metabolic function of carbon uptake is ceased. There is no replenishment of radioactive 14C and the amount of 14C gradually decreases
through radioactive decay as given by the following equation.
14C 14N + β
After the emission of a β particle, 14C is changed into stable and non-radioactive nitrogen, 14N. In other words, the 14C/12C ratio gets smaller and smaller over time. So, we have
something like a "clock" which starts ticking the moment a living being dies. Thus the radiocarbon dating method can, in principle, be uniformly applied throughout the world.
Libby, Anderson and Arnold were the first to measure the rate of this decay and found that the half life of 14C was 5568 years, i.e., in 5568 years half the 14C in the original
sample will have decayed. After another 5568 years, half of that remaining material will have decayed, and so on. A 14C half-life of 5568 ± 30 years is known as the Libby half-life.[5] Later measurements of the Libby half-life indicated the figure was approximately 3% lower; a more accurate half-life was 5730 ± 40 years. This value is known as
the Cambridge half-life.[6]
After 10 half-lives, there is a small amount of radioactive carbon left in a sample. In about 50,000-60,000 years, therefore, the limit of this technique is reached. It must be
emphasized that the 14C decay is constant and spontaneous. In other words, the probability of decay for an atom of 14C in a sample is constant, thus making it amenable to the
application of statistical methods for the analysis of counting data.
LIMITATIONS OF RADIOCARBON DATING
No technique is perfect and radiocarbon dating is no exception. Although with this technique almost any sample of organic material can be directly dated, there are a number
of limitations which makes the technique imperfect.
1. Size of the sample: The size of the archaeological sample is important, the larger the better, as purification of the sample removes some matter.
2. Sample handling: The handling of samples must be done with care in order to avoid contamination by more recent carbon. The samples should be packed in air-tight
and chemically neutral materials to avoid picking up new 14C from the atmosphere or packaging.
3. 14C to 12C ratio: It is assumed that the ratio of 14C to 12C was constant in the earlier periods. This, however, is not true.[7] Radiocarbon samples taken and cross dated
using other techniques like dendrochronology have shown that the ratio of 14C to 12C has varied significantly during the history of the Earth. Such a variation can be due
to changes in the intensity of the cosmic radiation bombardment of the Earth. The 14C level is affected by variations in the cosmic ray intensity which is affected by
variations caused by solar storms. A good example is the increased level of 14C in the atmosphere today as compared to about 20 years ago – a result of the recent
depletion of the ozone layer. Also after the advent of the industrial era, the massive burning of fossil fuels released a lot of carbon dioxide that was depleted in 14C
(Suess Effect).[8] This would make things which died at that time appear older in terms of radiocarbon dating. These variations are compensated by using standard
calibration tables developed in the past 15-20 years in various radiocarbon laboratories.
4. Limits due to exponential decay: As mentioned earlier, the decay of 14C is exponential in nature. This results in significant upper and lower limits. Radiocarbon dating
is not very accurate for fairly recent deposits as very little decay has occurred. This gives rise to large standard deviations or errors in the date obtained. As for the
practical upper limit, it is about 50,000 years. This is because so little 14C remains after almost 10 half-lives that it may be hard to detect and obtain an accurate reading,
irrespective of the size of the sample.
MATHEMATICS, MEASUREMENT AND CALIBRATION
The radioactive decay of 14C follows what is called an exponential decay. Here the amount of 14C decreases at a rate proportional to its value. Mathematically, it can be
expressed in the form of a differential equation, where N is the quantity of 14C and λ is called the decay constant.[9]
Solving this differential equation gives the standard form of the decay equation:
N0 = number of radiocarbon atoms at time t = 0, i.e., the origin of the disintegration time right after the death of plant or animal,
N = number of radiocarbon atoms remaining after radioactive decay during the time t, λ = radiocarbon decay constant.
Perhaps the most famous of all the radiocarbon measurement techniques is the Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS).[10] Just like other mass spectrometry studies, AMS is
performed by converting the atoms in the sample into a beam of fast moving ions. The sample is first ionized by bombarding it with caesium ions and then focused into a fast-
moving beam. The ions then enter the accelerator. The accelerator is used to help remove ions that might be confused with 14C ions before the final detection. The ions are
filtered and finally the 14C ions enter the detector where they can be counted. In AMS, the radiocarbon atoms are directly detected instead of waiting for them to decay as in
Gas Proportional Counting (GPC) or Liquid Scintillation Spectrometry (LSS).[11] Therefore, the sample sizes are typically very small, generally in the order of a few
milligrams.
Raw radiocarbon measurements are usually reported in years Before Present or BP. Before Present (BP) years are the units of time, counted backwards to the past, used to
report raw radiocarbon ages and dates referenced to the BP scale origin in the year 1950 CE.[12] There are two reasons as to why 1950 CE was established as the origin year for
the BP scale. Firstly, in this year the calibration curves for carbon-14 dating were established and secondly, the year 1950 predates atmospheric testing of nuclear weapons,
which altered the global balance of 14C to 12C (Atom Bomb Effect).[13]
The radiocarbon measurements reported in terms of BP years is directly based on the proportion of radiocarbon found in the sample. Its calculation is based on the assumption
that the atmospheric radiocarbon concentration has always been the same as it was in 1950. As we have noted earlier, this is not true. The 14C to 12C ratio varied by a few
percent over time. Hence this requires a need of calibration. Calibration of radiocarbon determinations is, in principle, very simple. The radiocarbon measurement of a sample
is compared with a tree ring with the same proportion of radiocarbon. Since the calendar age of the tree rings is known, this gives the age of the sample. In practice, there are
limitations. The measurements on both the sample and the tree rings have a limited precision. This will give rise to a range of possible calendar years. Furthermore, since the
atmospheric radiocarbon concentration has varied in the past, there might be several possible ranges. In order to understanding how radiocarbon dating works in practice, let
us study a few examples from the Qur'anic manuscripts.
3. Carbon-14 Dating Of Qur'anic Manuscripts
The mention of radiocarbon dating of Qur'anic manuscripts in the literature is rare. Apart from perhaps the biggest drawback of this technique being very expensive, there are
issues such as a wide range of calendar years in which a manuscript could have been written. This resulted in a faster development of the "traditional" methods of Qur'anic
palaeography that utilized script, ornamentation and illumination which were then compared with their dated counterparts in architecture. The radiocarbon dating, on the other
hand, even if it is carried out, is rarely mentioned. This will become clear when we discuss the Qur'anic manuscripts which were radiocarbon dated.
A QUR'ANIC CODEX FROM ST. PETERSBURG, KATTA LANGAR, BUKHĀRĀ AND TASHKENT
Figure 1: A folio from the "Qur'an of ʿUthmān" (Manuscript E20) at the Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg, Russia showing the last part of Surah al-Sāffat (verses 158-182) and beginning of Surah
Sād (verses 1-8).
The E20 manuscript, housed in the St. Petersburg branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies, comes from Uzbekistan (Figure 1). A detailed history of this manuscript was
published by Efim Rezvan in 2000.[14] In the same year, he also published a radiocarbon dating of this manuscript.[15] A radiocarbon analysis was conducted on parchment
fragments, the results of which are depicted in Figure 2.
(a)
(b)
Figure 2: (a) The radiocarbon concentration in the sample, calibration using the tree rings and depiction of possible ages of the sample in the form of a history (see text below). (b) A histogram showing the
possible ages of the E 20 manuscript.[16]
The main elements of Figure 2(a) are as follows:
� The left-hand axis shows radiocarbon concentration expressed in years Before Present or BP and the bottom axis shows calendar years derived from the tree ring data.
� The dotted curve on the left, marked with a blue arrow, indicates the radiocarbon concentration in the sample.
� The continuous curve, marked with a green arrow, shows the radiocarbon measurements on the tree rings.
� The dotted histogram, marked with a red arrow, shows possible ages for the sample; the higher the histogram the more likely that age is. This histogram is enlarged in
Figure 2(b).
In the case of this manuscript the radiocarbon result is 1150 ± 50 BP. This indicates that the age is 1150 BP with a standard uncertainty of ±50 years. The age of 1150 BP is calculated on the simplistic assumption that the amount of radiocarbon in the atmosphere has always been the same. This is not quite the case except that it is a rough
indication of the age. Hence the measurement must be calibrated against samples of known ages, for example, the tree rings. The radiocarbon data and the calibration curve
are used to plot the probability distribution of the age of the manuscript.
In the case of the E 20 manuscript from St. Petersburg, the 68.3% confidence level (1σ) yields the ranges, 781–791 CE, 825–843 CE, 859–903 CE and 915–977 CE. The 95.4
% confidence level (2σ) yields 775–995 CE. A palaeographic analysis of this manuscript proposed a date around the final quarter of the 8th century CE.[17] This dating was
also agreed by François Déroche.[18]
It should be highlighted that when conducting radiocarbon analysis, almost any date within the specified range generated by the confidence level is equally possible
scientifically. It is not the case that the range can be averaged to find the most probable date. Thus, given the wide range of calendar years, radiocarbon dating rarely provides
unexpected information to an experienced palaeographer; however this is not always the case as we will see next.
THE AL-WALĪD MANUSCRIPT FROM SANʿĀʿ, YEMEN (INV. NO. 20-33.1)
This is perhaps one of the most well-studied Qur'anic manuscripts and comes from Dār al-MakhtSūtāt, SSanʿāʿ, Yemen. Hans-Caspar Graf von Bothmer from the University
of Saarland, Germany, studied this manuscript in great detail from the point of view of script, ornamentation and illumination.[19] It is the earliest known and firmly dated
manuscript from the late 1st century of hijra written in the Kufic script. This monumental Qur'anic manuscript has the dimensions of 51 cm in length by 47 cm in width
(Figure 3). Its origin appears to be from Syria.
Figure 3: A folio of the "Great Umayyad Qur'an" from Sanʿāʿ, (Yemen).[20]
Using palaeography, ornamentation and illumination of this manuscript, von Bothmer dated it to the last decade of the 1st century of hijra, around 710–715 CE, in the reign of the Umayyad caliph al-Walīd. However, the radiocarbon dating of this manuscript suggests a date between 657 and 690 CE.[21] Again he confirms the dating of this manuscript
elsewhere by pointing out that:
Certain features of the manuscript and the iconography intimate that this work was made for a member of the Umayyad family; historical circumstances suggest that caliph al-Walid himself
may have commissioned it. However, the carbon dating points to a slightly earlier date.[22]
Here it is interesting to note that both the palaeographic considerations and radiocarbon dating have arrived at nearly the same conclusion, i.e., this manuscript dates to the last
part of the 1st century of hijra. However, as von Bothmer has noted, the radiocarbon dating gives a slightly earlier date. This could be due to the fact that the radiocarbon
dating gives the death of animal and not when the manuscript was actually written.
The interesting thing to note about this Qur'an from al-Walīd's time is its uncanny resemblance to a number of large Qur'anic manuscripts typified as "Group 2" by Estelle
Whelan. The most famous of them is the Chester Beatty 1404.[23] The Chester Beatty 1404 manuscript has very similar features that are reminiscent of the Umayyad period.
Moritz published details of the twenty ornamented pages.[24] This manuscript was dated to 1st century of hijra by A. S. Yahuda.[25] Moritz, in the legends to his photographs,
dated it to the 2nd / 3rd century hijra.[26] On the other hand, Josef von Karabacek dated it to the 3rd century.[27] However, now a firm dating of a Qur'an belonging to "Group 2"
from al-Walīd's time suggests that the Chester Beatty 1404 manuscript also dates from similar period, i.e., either late 1st century or early second century of hijra. Furthermore,
this also lends support to the early dating of the numerous primitive h-ijāzī manuscripts.
A MONUMENTAL QUR'ĀNIC MANUSCRIPT IN TASHKENT ATTRIBUTED TO CALIPH ʿUTHMĀN
Approximately one third of the Qur'an from which this massive folio originates - the ʿUthmān Qur'an, is housed in Tashkent in Uzbekistan (Figure 4). Late in the 19th
century the manuscript was in St. Petersberg, Russia, where it was studied by the Russian orientalist A. F. Shebunin and in 1905 a facsimile of it was published. It would
appear that during this period in St. Petersberg, a number of folios were separated from this manuscript and subsequently ended up under the hammer at Christie's[28] with
some folios appearing in Sam Fogg's collection of Islamic art.[29]
This is a massive Qur'anic manuscript on vellum with a size of approximately 68 cm x 53 cm, showing a well-formed Kufic script without pointing or diacritics (Figure 4).
The verse endings are marked by small panels of diagonals lines; the tenth verse is marked with a square medallion illuminated in blue, green, red and manganese with a
stellar design. Shebunin dated this manuscript to the late first / early second century hijra.[30] On the basis of the orthography as observed in the 1905 facsimile, Jeffrey dated it
to the early ninth century.[31] More recently, Déroche had assigned a date to the second half of the eight century.[32] The carbon-dating of a folio from this manuscript was
carried out at Oxford. The result showed a 68% probability of a date between 640 CE and 765 CE, and a 95% probability of a date between 595 CE and 855 CE.[33]
Commenting on this result, Rezvan noted that the paleographic dating of this manuscript also indicated a date at the turn of the eight/ninth century CE.[34]
Figure 4: A folio from a massive Qur'an attributed to caliph ʿUthmān. It was found in North Africa .[35]
The extra-ordinary size of the folios from this Qur'an is unparalleled in publications in the Western world. Folios from the Tashkent manuscript were sold at Christie's
(London) as lot nos. 225, 225a on 22nd October 1992;[36] and lot nos. 29, 30 on 21st October 1993.[37] In the years 2000 and 2003, a couple more folios appeared in Sam Fogg's
Islamic Manuscripts / Islamic Calligraphy catalogues.[38]
AN ‘UMAYYAD’ FRAGMENT OF THE QUR'ĀN
This private-owned fragment of the Qur'an was published recently by Yasin Dutton [Figure 5(a)].[39] On the basis of palaeography and radiocarbon analysis, he dated it to the
second half of the 1st century of hijra / late 7th or early 8th century CE.
(a)
Side B Side B (detail)
(b)
Figure 5: (a) The 'Umayyad' fragment and (b) its radiocarbon dating.[40]
The radiocarbon dating of the fragment was carried out at University of Oxford [Figure 5(b)]. Two calibration data-sets, viz., INTCAL98 and INTCAL04, were used. The
results are as follows.[41]
Results with INTCAL98 calibration data-set: The radiocarbon age of 1363 ± 33 BP yielded a 68.2% probability that the parchment in question dates to between
647 and 685 CE (i.e., 26–66 AH), a 95.4% probability that it dates to between 610 and 770 CE (i.e., twelve years before the hijra to 153 AH), with that range
being broken down into a 90.5% probability that it dates to between 610 and 720 CE (i.e., twelve years before the hijra to 102 AH) and a 4.9% probability that it
dates to between 740 and 770 CE (i.e., 122–53 AH). This suggests, as the report from the University of Oxford Radiocarbon Acceleration Unit put it, that ‘it is
most likely that the parchment was made between AD 610 and AD 720’, that is, broadly speaking, from some time within the first century of the hijra.
Results with INTCAL04 calibration data-set: Since the time of this test in 2001, a newer calibration data-set, INTCAL04, has yielded slightly narrower results for
the same radiocarbon age (i.e., 1363 ± 33 BP), namely, a 68.3% probability that the parchment dates from 644–75 CE (i.e. 25–56 AH), and a 95.4% probability
that it dates from either 609–94 CE (i.e., thirteen years before the hijra to 75 AH) (95.2%), or 702–6 CE (i.e., 83–7 AH) (0.006%), or 748–65 CE (i.e., 131–48
AH) (0.042%). It would therefore seem acceptable to revise the afore-mentioned estimate to read ‘it is most likely that the parchment was made between AD 609
and AD 694’, and therefore used for its present purpose some time in the first 75 years of the first century AH.
It is interesting to note that the results here lie within a rather narrow range of dates for 95% probability level – 160 years for the INTCAL98 result, and 156 years for the
INTCAL04 result. On the other hand, we have seen that the radiocarbon dating of the so-called ʿUthmānic codex from Tashkent yielded a wide 260 year range (595–855 CE)
at the 95% probability level. Likewise, the test on E20 Qur'anic manuscript in St. Petersburg yielded a 220 year range (775–995 CE). In these two cases, neither of them help
very much in establishing a narrow and possibly an accurate date for these particular manuscripts.
This fragment is remarkably similar to two other published folios and it has been concluded that they all come from the same codex. The first folio MS 678 in the Iraq Museum in Baghdad, published by SSalāhS al-Dīn al-Munajjid.[42] The second folio comes from the collection of the Hartford Seminary, Connecticut (USA),[43] which was put
for auction by Sotheby's in 2004.[44] It was also illustrated in a catalogue prepared by Sam Fogg to accompany an exhibition of Islamic calligraphy held at the Museum für Islamische Kunst, Berlin, in 2006.[45]
Our discussion points to the fact that the palaeographic and the radiocarbon datings sometimes nearly match each other. In fact, similar conclusions have been reached for the
Dead Sea Scrolls using radiocarbon and palaeographic datings. Various fragments of the Dead Sea Scrolls were radiocarbon dated in 1991[46] and more recently in 1995.[47]
Comparing the palaeographic and radiocarbon dating of the scrolls, the study published in 1991 concluded that:
Our research put to test both the radiocarbon method and palaeography; seemingly, both disciplines have fared well.[48]
Similar conclusions were also reached by the 1995 study. It says:
Ages determined from 14C measurements on the remainder of the Dead Sea Scroll samples are in reasonable agreement with palaeographic estimates of such ages, in the cases where those
estimates are available.[49]
It must be borne in mind that the conclusions of these two studies are based on the confidence level of 1σ (or 68%).[50] In other words, in 68% of the cases the date will be
within a particular range. If the range is increased from 1σ to 2σ, the percentage can be increased from 68% to 95%. Consequently, it will also effect the overall agreement
between radiocarbon and palaeographic datings.[51]
4. Conclusions
The radiocarbon dating of Qur'anic manuscripts in the literature is very rare as this technique is not only very expensive but also provides a wide range of calendar years in
which a particular manuscript could have been written. Just as no technique is perfect radiocarbon dating is no exception. There are a number of factors that can affect the
accuracy of the result, including sample type, sample size, sample handling and the 14C to 12C ratio (calibration data).
As for the examples of carbon-dated manuscripts, the E20 manuscript housed in the St. Petersburg branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies was discussed in detail. This
manuscript is palaeographically dated to around the final quarter of the 8th century CE. The carbon dating, depending upon the confidence levels, yields a variety of time
periods. A 95.4 % confidence level (2σ) yields 775–995 CE. The "Great Umayyad Qur'an" or the al-Walīd Manuscript from Dār al-MakhtSūtāt, SSanʿāʿ, Yemen, is carbon-
dated to between 657 and 690 CE. Using palaeography, ornamentation and illumination, H-C. Graf von Bothmer dated it to the last decade of the 1st century of hijra, around 710–715 CE, in the reign of the Umayyad caliph al-Walīd. Folios from a monumental Qur'anic manuscript in Kufic script on vellum attributed to caliph ʿUthmān with a size
of approximately 55 cm x 70 cm were auctioned by Christie's (London) in 1992 and 1993. The carbon-dating of this manuscript was carried out at Oxford, the results of which
show a 68% probability of a date between 640 CE and 765 CE, and a 95% probability of a date between 595 CE and 855 CE. Although the dates generated by the radiocarbon
dating at either confidence level do not rule out the possibility that this manuscript was produced in ʿUthmān's time, palaeographic studies suggest an 8th century (2nd
century hijra) date. Recently, a fragment in a private collection in London was carbon-dated with interesting results. Paleographically, this manuscript was dated to the
‘Umayyad’ times, i.e., the last half of the first century of hijra. Radiocarbon dating (i.e. with 1363 ± 33 BP) of this folio, with INTCAL98 calibration, showed a 68.2%
probability that the parchment in question dates to between 647 and 685 CE, a 95.4% probability that it dates to between 610 and 770 CE. On the other hand, the INTCAL04
calibration yielded slightly narrower results for the same radiocarbon age, namely, a 68.3% probability that the parchment dates from 644–75 CE, and a 95.4% probability that
it dates from 609–94 CE. It is interesting to note that the results here lie within a rather narrow range of dates for 95% probability level – 160 years for the INTCAL98 result,
and 156 years for the INTCAL04 result. On the contrary, we have seen that the radiocarbon dating of the so-called ʿUthmānic codex from Tashkent yielded a wide 260 year
range (595–855 CE) at the 95% probability level. Likewise, the test on E20 Qur'anic manuscript in St. Petersburg yielded a 220 year range (775–995 CE).
It is interesting to note that the palaeographic and the radiocarbon datings sometimes nearly match each other. Radiocarbon dating can't replace the traditional time-tested
method of palaeography. Radiocarbon dating can only supplement the "traditional" palaeography and is rarely used in dating.[52] In fact, von Bothmer points out that the
radiocarbon dating is not only expensive but also has the results scattered over a long time period,[53] sometimes spanning a few hundred years. He suggests that the
"traditional" methods of Arabic palaeography are more precise and offer a smaller range for dating the Qur'anic manuscripts. Whilst proposing a new data-base method for
collating, schematising and dating early Qur'anic manuscripts, Efim Rezvan laments at the methodological stagnation in accurately dating early Qur'anic manuscripts. With
regard to modern-physical methods such as radiocarbon dating, he states:
Modern physical methods make it possible to date various kinds of written materials with an margin of error of 100-200 years either way. Hence, we cannot rely on these methods. It is our
hope that the analysis of a great number of manuscripts using the data-base will enable us to find some new grounds for dating.[54]
Similar conclusions have also been reached by Gerd-R. Puin who states:
Because determining the age of the parchment itself by scientific methods is still very inaccurate - the margin of error being ± 100 - 200 years! - an art historical approach, in this case, seems
to be more suitable.[55]
And Allah knows best!
References & Notes
[1] W. F. Libby, E. C. Anderson & J. R. Arnold, "Age Determination By Radiocarbon Content: World-Wide Assay Of Natural Radiocarbons", Science, 1949, Volume 109,
pp. 227-228; J. R. Arnold & W. F. Libby, "Age Determination By Radiocarbon Content: Checks With Samples Of Known Age", Science, 1949, Volume 110, pp. 678-680.
[2] R. E. Taylor, Radiocarbon Dating: An Archaeological Perspective, 1987, Academic Press, Inc.: Orlando (FL), pp. 169-170. The text of the 1960 Nobel Prize in Chemistry
awarded to Williard F. Libby for development of the 14C dating technique is given on p. 170.
[3] ibid., p. 6.
[4] ibid., pp. 7-9.
[5] ibid., p. 9.
[6] ibid., p. 9.
[7] ibid., pp. 16-34.
[8] H. E. Suess, "Radiocarbon Concentration In Modern Wood", Science, 1955, Volume 122, pp. 415-417.
[9] R. E. Taylor, Radiocarbon Dating: An Archaeological Perspective, 1987, op. cit., p. 98.
[10] ibid., pp. 90-95.
[11] ibid., pp. 86-90.
[12] M. Stuiver & H. A. Polach, "Discussion: Reporting Of 14C Data", Radiocarbon, 1977, Volume 19, No. 3, pp. 355-363.
[13] H. de Vries, "Atomic Bomb Effect: Variation Of Radiocarbon In Plants, Shells, And Snails In The Past 4 Years", Science, 1958, Volume 128, pp. 250-251; Also see R. E.
Taylor, Radiocarbon Dating: An Archaeological Perspective, 1987, op. cit., pp. 37-38.
[14] E. A. Rezvan, "Yet Another “‘Uthmanic Qur'an” (On The History Of Manuscript E 20 From The St. Petersburg Branch Of The Institute Of Oriental Studies",
Manuscripta Orientalia, 2000, Volume 6, No. 1, pp. 49-68.
[15] E. A. Rezvan, "On The Dating Of An “‘Uthmanic Qur'an” From St. Petersburg", Manuscripta Orientalia, 2000, Volume 6, No. 3, pp. 19-22.
[16] ibid., pp. 20 and 21.
[17] E. A. Rezvan, "The Qur'an And Its World VI. Emergence Of A Canon: The Struggle For Uniformity", Manuscripta Orientalia, 1998, Volume 4, No. 2, p. 26.
[18] F. Déroche, "Note Sur Les Fragments Coraniques Anciens De Katta Langar (Ouzbékistan)", Cahiers D'Asie Centrale, 1999, Volume 7, p. 70.
[19] H-C. G. von Bothmer, "Masterworks Of Islamic Book Art: Koranic Calligraphy And Illumination In The Manuscripts Found In The Great Mosque In Sanaa", in W.
Daum (ed.), Yemen: 3000 Years Of Art And Civilization In Arabia Felix, 1987?, Pinguin-Verlag (Innsbruck) and Umschau-Verlag (Frankfurt/Main), pp. 180-181; idem.,
"Architekturbilder Im Koran Eine Prachthandschrift Der Umayyadenzeit Aus Dem Yemen", Pantheon, 1987, Volume 45, pp. 4-20; M. B. Piotrovsky & J. Vrieze (Eds.), Art Of Islam: Heavenly Art And Earthly Beauty, 1999, De Nieuwe Kerk: Amsterdam & Lund Humphries Publishers, pp. 101-104; H-C. G. von Bothmer, K-H. Ohlig & G-R.
Puin, "Neue Wege Der Koranforschung", Magazin Forschung (Universität des Saarlandes), 1999, No. 1, p. 45.
Also published in Mas-āh-if S-anʿāʿ, 1985, Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah: Kuwait, p. 45.
[20] Memory Of The World: S-anʿāʿ Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation, UNESCO.
[21] H-C. G. von Bothmer, K-H. Ohlig & G-R. Puin, "Neue Wege Der Koranforschung", Magazin Forschung (Universität des Saarlandes), 1999, op. cit., p. 45. Hans-Casper
Graf von Bothmer says:
Gestützt auf architektur- und ornamentgeschichtliche Argumente, zu denen u.a. kodikologische und paläographische Überlegungen kamen, habe ich diese Handschrift in das letzte Jahrzehnt
des ersten Jahrhunderts H. - etwa in die Jahre 710-15 n.Chr. - ans Ende der Regierungszeit al-Walids datiert. Eine später, und ohne Kenntnis meiner Datierung durchgeführte
naturwissenschaftliche Untersuchung nach der C14-Methode hat nach dem noch unveröffentlichten Untersuchungsbericht, als kalibriertes Ergebnis einen Entstehungszeitraum "zwischen 657
und 690", be stimmt. Ist damit die Datierung mittels kunsthistorischer Methoden in Frage gestellt? Ich denke nicht.
Noting that the E20 Manuscript and the Samarqand Manuscript produce a range of 220 years and 260 years respectively at the 95% confidence level, Sheila Blair is suspicious
of the low range reported by von Bothmer, noting it is only 33 years in length. Furthermore, she complains that the testing facility and standard deviations (confidence levels)
are absent. See S. S. Blair, Islamic Calligraphy, 2006, Edinburgh University Press Ltd: Edinburgh (Scotland), p. 125 and p. 139, footnote 95. Hans-Casper von Bothmer is
currently preparing a voluminous tome on the San‘a' manuscripts. Any judgements as to the soundness and completeness of the results reported above will be resolved by the
publication of this volume.
[22] M. B. Piotrovsky & J. Vrieze (Eds.), Art Of Islam: Heavenly Art And Earthly Beauty, 1999, op. cit., p. 101.
[23] E. Whelan, "Writing the Word of God: Some Early Qur'an Manuscripts And Their Milieux, Part I", Ars Orientalis, 1990, Volume 20, pp. 119-121 for the discussion on
"Group 2" manuscripts and Figs. 19-22 on pp. 146-147.
[24] B. Moritz (Ed.), Arabic Palaeography: A Collection Of Arabic Texts From The First Century Of The Hidjra Till The Year 1000, 1905, Publications of the Khedivial
Library, No. 16, Cairo, See Pls. 19-30.
[25] E. Whelan, "Writing the Word of God: Some Early Qur'an Manuscripts And Their Milieux, Part I", Ars Orientalis, 1990, op. cit., p. 120.
[26] B. Moritz (Ed.), Arabic Palaeography: A Collection Of Arabic Texts From The First Century Of The Hidjra Till The Year 1000, 1905, op. cit., see the legends of Pls. 19-30.
[27] J. von Karabacek, "Arabic Palaeography", Vienna Oriental Journal (Wiener Zeitschrift Für Die Kunde Des Morgenlandes), 1906, Volume 20, p. 136.
[28] Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 20 October 1992 at 10 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 22 October 1992 at 2.30 p.m., 1992, Christie's:
London, p. 88 (Lot 225); Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 20 October 1992 at 10 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 22 October 1992 at 2.30
p.m., 1992, Christie's: London, p. 89 (Lot 225A); Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 19 October 1993 at 10.30 a.m. and 2.30 p.m.,
Thursday, 21 October 1993 at 2.30 p.m., 1993, Christie's: London, p. 20 (Lot 29); Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 19 October 1993 at
10.30 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 21 October 1993 at 2.30 p.m., 1993, Christie's: London, p. 21 (Lot 30).
[29] Islamic Manuscripts, 2000, Catalogue 22, Sam Fogg: London, pp. 8-9; Islamic Calligraphy, 2003, Catalogue 27, Sam Fogg: London, pp. 12-13.
[30] A. Jeffery & I. Mendelsohn, "The Orthography Of The Samarqand Qur'an Codex", Journal Of The American Oriental Society, 1942, Volume 62, p. 195.
[31] op. cit.
[32] F. Déroche, "Note Sur Les Fragments Coraniques Anciens De Katta Langar (Ouzbékistan)", Cahiers D'Asie Centrale, 1999, op. cit., p. 65.
[33] Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 20 October 1992 at 10 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 22 October 1992 at 2.30 p.m., 1992, op. cit., p. 88 (Lot 225). Also see F. Déroche, "Manuscripts Of The Qur'an" in J. D. McAuliffe (Ed.), Encyclopaedia Of The Qur'an, 2003, Volume 3, Brill: Leiden & Boston, p. 261;
Islamic Calligraphy, 2003, Catalogue 27, op. cit., p. 12. Sam Fogg's catalogue contains a typographical error here. It reads 640-705 CE instead of 640-765 CE.
[34] E. A. Rezvan, "On The Dating Of An “‘Uthmanic Qur'an” From St. Petersburg", Manuscripta Orientalia, 2000, op. cit., p. 19.
[35] Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 20 October 1992 at 10 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 22 October 1992 at 2.30 p.m., 1992, op. cit., p. 88 (Lot 225).
[36] Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 20 October 1992 at 10 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 22 October 1992 at 2.30 p.m., 1992, op. cit., p. 88 (Lot 225); Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 20 October 1992 at 10 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 22 October 1992 at 2.30 p.m., 1992,
op. cit., p. 89 (Lot 225A).
[37] Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 19 October 1993 at 10.30 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 21 October 1993 at 2.30 p.m., 1993, op. cit., p. 20 (Lot 29); Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 19 October 1993 at 10.30 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 21 October 1993 at 2.30
p.m., 1993, op. cit., p. 21 (Lot 30).
[38] Islamic Manuscripts, 2000, Catalogue 22, op. cit., pp. 8-9; Islamic Calligraphy, 2003, Catalogue 27, op. cit., pp. 12-13.
[39] Y. Dutton, "An Umayyad Fragment Of The Qur'an And Its Dating", Journal Of Qur'anic Studies, 2007, Volume 9, No. 2, pp. 57-87.
[40] ibid., p. 60 and p. 63.
[41] ibid., pp. 63-64.
[42] S. al-Munajjid, Dirāsāt fī Tārīkh al-Khatt al-ʿArabī Mundhu Bidayatihi ilā Nihayat al-ʿAsr al-Umawi (French Title: Etudes De Paleographie Arabe), 1972, Dar al-
Kitab al-Jadid: Beirut (Lebanon), p. 88, Plate 45.
[43] D. A. Kerr, The Illuminated Manuscripts Of Hartford Seminary: The Art Of Christian-Muslim Relations, 1994, Hartford Seminary Bookstore: Connecticut, p.12.
[44] Sotheby's, Arts of the Islamic World, 2004 (13th October 2004), Sotheby's: London, pp. 10–11.
[45] M. Fraser & W. Kwiatkowski, Ink And Gold: Islamic Calligraphy, 2006, Sam Fogg: London, pp. 18–21.
[46] G. Bonani, M. Broshi, I. Carmi, S. Ivy, J. Strugnell, W. Wölfli, "Radiocarbon Dating Of Dead Sea Scrolls", ‘Atiqot, 1991, Volume 20, pp. 27-32; G. Bonani, S. Ivy, W.
Wölfli, M. Broshi, I. Carmi & J. Strugnell, "Radiocarbon Dating Of Fourteen Dead Sea Scrolls", Radiocarbon, 1992, Volume 34, No. 3, pp. 843-849. These dates were also
reproduced by James VanderKam in The Dead Sea Scrolls Today, 1994, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company: Grand Rapids (MI), p. 18, Table I. For a complete
discussion see pp. 17-18.
An overview of radiocarbon dating in 1991 was given by Hershel Shanks. See H. Shanks, "Carbon-14 Tests Substantiate Scroll Dates", Biblical Archaeology Review, 1991, Volume 17, No. 6, p. 72.
Perhaps the earliest 14C dating on the Dead Sea Scroll material was done by Libby. He dated the linen wrapping the scroll and determined the value to be 1917 ± 200 BP. See W. F. Libby, "Radiocarbon Dates, II", Science, 1951, Volume 114, p. 291.
[47] A. J. T. Jull, D. J. Donahue, M. Broshi & E. Tov, "Radiocarbon Dating Of Scrolls And Linen Fragments From The Judean Desert", Radiocarbon, 1995, Volume 37, No.
1, pp. 11-19; A. J. T. Jull, D. J. Donahue, M. Broshi & E. Tov, "Radiocarbon Dating Of Scrolls And Linen Fragments From The Judean Desert", ‘Atiqot, 1996, Volume 28,
pp. 85-91.
Hershel Shanks provided an overview of this dating. H. Shanks, "New Carbon-14 Tests Leave Room For Debate", Biblical Archaeology Review, 1995, Volume 21, No. 4, p.
61.
[48] G. Bonani, M. Broshi, I. Carmi, S. Ivy, J. Strugnell, W. Wolfli, "Radiocarbon Dating Of Dead Sea Scrolls", ‘Atiqot, 1991, op. cit., p. 31.
[49] A. J. T. Jull, D. J. Donahue, M. Broshi & E. Tov, "Radiocarbon Dating Of Scrolls And Linen Fragments From The Judean Desert", Radiocarbon, 1995, op. cit., p. 17.
For a dissenting view on the radiocarbon studies, see J. Atwill, S. Braunheim & R. Eisenman, "Redating The Radiocarbon Dating Of The Dead Sea Scrolls", Dead Sea Discoveries, 2004, Volume 11, No. 2, pp. 143-157.
[50] Commenting on the "lack" of radiocarbon dating of the Qur'anic manuscripts, the Christian missionary Joseph Smith says:
To begin with, they test the age of the paper on which the manuscript is written, using such chemical processes as carbon-14 dating. This is adequate for recent documents such as the Qur'an,
as precise dating of between +/-20 years is possible.
Perhaps this missionary is unaware that the "precision" of a 14C dating is based on confidence levels. The value of "precision" ±20 years is meaningless when the confidence
level, whether it is 1σ or 2σ, is not specified.
[51] A. J. T. Jull, D. J. Donahue, M. Broshi & E. Tov, "Radiocarbon Dating Of Scrolls And Linen Fragments From The Judean Desert", ‘Atiqot, 1996, op. cit., Table I, p. 86. Table I gives the dating range for 1σ and 2σ confidence levels. The palaeographic dating is given in Table II on p. 88.
The results of the 1995 radiocarbon dating of the Dead Sea Scrolls were described as "too gross and iffy to settle any arguments". See H. Shanks, "New Carbon-14 Tests
Leave Room For Debate", Biblical Archaeology Review, 1995, op. cit., p. 61.
[52] The rarity of radiocarbon dating for manuscripts is due to its inaccuracy and consequently its unenthusiastic support by palaeographers; therefore, it is rarely used.
François Déroche says:
Establishing a date for the earliest copies is thus dependent upon palaeographic studies, dating the decorations or, in rare cases, upon scientific methods such as Carbon-14 dating.
See F. Déroche, "Written Transmission" in A. Rippin (Ed.), The Blackwell Companion To The Qur'ān, 2006, Blackwell Publishing Limited, p. 176.
[53] H-C. G. von Bothmer, K-H. Ohlig & G-R. Puin, "Neue Wege Der Koranforschung", Magazin Forschung (Universität des Saarlandes), 1999, op. cit., p. 46, note 39. The text in German reads:
Es wird oft gefragt, ob nicht derartige Untersuchungen zuverlässigere Ergebnisse brächten als die geisteswissenschaftlichen, und deshalb öfter herangezogen werden sollten. Dagegen spricht
einmal, dass sie sehr kostspielig sind (die Bestimmung einer Probe kostet rund tausend Mark). Zum anderen ist die Unschärfe der Ergebnisse meist weitaus größer als in diesem Fall, und zumal
bei Anwendung "traditioneller" Methoden.
[54] E. A. Rezvan, "The Qur'ān: Between Textus Receptus And Critical Edition", in J. Hamesse (Ed.), Les Problèmes Posés Par L'Édition Critique Des Textes Anciens Et Médiévaux, 1992, Institut D'Etudes Médiévales De L'Université Catholique De Louvain, p. 300; Also see E. A. Rezvan, "The Data-Base On Early Qur'an MSS: New
Approach To The Text History Reconstruction", in A. Ubaydli & A. Brockett (Org.), Proceedings Of The 3rd International Conference And Exhibition On Multi-Lingual Computing (Arabic And Roman Script), 1992, The Documentation Unit, The Centre For Middle Eastern And Islamic Studies: University of Durham (UK), p. 3.3.4. These two
essays are nearly identical in content.
Even more recently, one should take heed of Blair's insistence on utilising a more comprehensive approach than is currently the case, insisting that the adoption of multi-
disciplinary sophistication will help to solve the disputes on dating early Qur'anic manuscripts. See S. S. Blair, Islamic Calligraphy, 2006, op. cit., p. 128.
[55] G-R. Puin, "Methods Of Research On Qur'anic Manuscripts - A Few Ideas" in Mas-āh-if S-anʿāʿ, 1985, op. cit., p. 10.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for
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PERF No. 665: The Earliest Extant Manuscript Of The Sirah Of Prophet Muhammad By Ibn
Hisham
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Created: 23rd February 2005
Last Updated: 9th March 2005
Recto Side
Verso Side
Date
First half of the third century of hijra. This manuscript is believed to be transmitted by students of Ibn Hisham
(d. 218 AH /834 CE), perhaps soon after his death.
Manuscript Number
PERF No. 665
Script
Fine papyrus 11 x 13 cm. Central section of folio covering 16 lines.
Small well formed early cursive hand with marked angularity. Note especially the initial alif with its consistent
bend to the right. The triangular head of the mim is particularly conspicuous in verso. Diacritical points or dots
are sparingly used and only for the letters ta, tha, dal with dot underneath, zain, nun and ya.[1]
The text contained in the manuscript concerns with the second meeting of `Aqabah.
According to Nabia Abbott:
It is, nevertheless, illustrative of the simple nature and limited extent of variants in the course of early
transmission... The papyrus thus affords us, at one and the same time, the earliest text fragment and the earliest
extant manuscript fragment of the famous Sirah.[2]
Location
Austrian National Library, Vienna.
Acknowledgement
We are grateful to the Austrian National Library, Vienna, for providing us the manuscript.
References
[1] N. Abbott, Studies In Arabic Literary Papyri: Historical Texts, 1957, Volume I, University of Chicago Press: Chicago
(USA), p. 61. Plate 5 in the end shows both recto and verso images.
[2] ibid., p. 64.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
Back To Issues Concerning Hadith
A Qur'anic Manuscript From 1st Century Hijra: Part Of Surah al-Ma'idah
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 16th May 2000
Last Updated: 16th May 2000
Date
Late 1st century hijra.
Manuscript Number
1611-mkh235
Contents
Surah al-Ma'idah. Verses number : Verses 7 through 12.
Script
Kufic.
A rare fragment of a Qur'anic manuscript written on parchment in this early form of the Kufic script, most
probably developed in Madinah during the late 7th Century C.E.
Location
Beit al-Qur'an, Manama, Bahrain. More information about Beit al-Qur'an and other museums in Bahrain is
also available.
Acknowledgement
Islamic Awareness would like to express its appreciation to Beit al-Qur'an for providing us with the
information regarding this Qur'anic manuscript and for allowing us to post it on our website.
Suggested Reading
On The Origins Of The Kufic Script
References
[1] Published in Beit al-Qur'an, 1996, Beit al-Qur'an: Manama (Bahrain).
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passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent
of the copyright holder.
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Arabe 328a – A Qur'ānic Manuscript From 1st Century Hijra In Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 28th June 2008
Last Updated: 2nd July 2008
(a) (b)
(c)
(a) Folios 56a of Mss. Arabe 328a at the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, (b) KFQ60 at the Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, London, and (c) Vaticani Arabi 1605. Folio 1v at Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City.
Date
Second half of first century of hijra.
Size & Folios
Parchment manuscript with a size of 33 cm x 24 cm. Writing area: 30 cm x 20.5 cm. There are 22-26 lines per page.[1] Traces of ruling are visible (folios 1-4), but the copyist did not always keep strictly to the horizontal.
Total number of folios are 58 = 56 (Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris)[2] + 1 (Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City)[3] + 1 (Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, London).[4] These folios contain about 26% of the text of the
Qur'an.
Script & Ornamentation
H�ijāzī.[5]
The format is vertical, and the script which is thin and slender, also has a distinct vertical emphasis, despite the slant to the right. The codex is written by two copyists A and B with their own characteristic writing. The text is written in
brown-black ink, with occasional diacritical strokes. There is no vocalization. Six oval dots ranked in three pairs punctuate the verses. Every fifth verse is marked by a red alif surrounded by dots. The surahs are separated by a space.
Contents
The contents of the manuscript are gathered primarily from the facsimile edition.[6] The content of other folios is noted from their respective sources.[7] By studying the consonantal text, it was shown by Yasin Dutton that this manuscript
is written in the qiraa'aat of Ibn AAmir.[8]
Folios Qur'anic Surah / Ayah Image Publication Comments
1a 2:275 - 2:281 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
1b 2:281 - 2:286
2a 3:1 - 3:13 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
2b 3:13 - 3:24
3a 3:24 - 3:33 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
3b 3:34 - 3:43
4a 3:84 - 3:96 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
4b 3:96 - 3:106
5a 3:106 - 3:117 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
5b 3:117 - 3:127
6a 3:128 - 3:140 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
6b 3:140 - 3:151
7a 3:152 - 3:156 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
7b 3:156 - 3:165
8a 3:166 - 3:176 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
8b 3:176 - 3:185
9a 3:186 - 3:195 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
9b 3:195 - 3:200, 4:1 - 4:2
10a 4:3 - 4:9 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
10b 4:9 - 4:12
11a 4:12 - 4:20 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
11b 4:20 - 4:25
12a 4:25 - 4:33 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
12b 4:33 - 4:40
13a 4:40 - 4:37 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
13b 4:37 - 4:58
14a 4:58 - 4:66 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
14b 4:66 - 4:77
15a 4:77 - 4:84 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
15b 4:84 - 4:91
16a 4:91 - 4:96 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
16b 4:96 - 4:103
17a 4:103 - 4:113 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
17b 4:114 - 4:124
18a 4:125 - 4:132 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
18b 4:132 - 4:140
19a 4:140 - 4:150 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
19b 4:150 - 4:160
20a 4:160 - 4:173 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
20b 4:173 - 4:176, 5:1 - 5:3
21a 5:3 - 5:6 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
21b 5:6 - 5:14
22a 5:15 - 5:23 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
22b 5:23 - 5:33
23a 6:20 - 6:33 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
23b 6:33 - 6:44
24a 6:44 - 6:56 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
24b 6:56 - 6:68
25a 6:68 - 6:76 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
25b 6:76 - 6:91
26a 6:91 - 6:99 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
26b 6:99 - 6:112
27a 6:112 - 6:123 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
27b 6:123 - 6:134
28a 6:134 - 6:142 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
28b 6:142 - 6:148
29a 6:148 - 6:154 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
29b 6:154 - 6:162
30a 6:162 - 6:165, 7:1 - 7:10 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
30b 7:10 - 7:25
31a 7:26 - 7:34 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
31b 7:35 - 7:43
32a 7:43 - 7:53 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
32b 7:53 - 7:64
33a 7:64 - 7:74 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
33b 7:74 - 7:85
34a 7:85 - 7:94 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
34b 7:94 - 7:111
35a 7:111 - 7:131 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
35b 7:131 - 7:139
36a 7:139 - 7:146 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
36b 7:146 - 7:154
37a 7:154 - 7:158 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
37b 7:158 - 7:165
38a 7:165 - 7:173 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
38b 7:173 - 7:184
39a 7:185 - 7:195 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
39b 7:195 - 7:206, 8:1
40a 8:1 - 8:13 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
40b 8:13 - 8:25
41a 9:66 - 9:73 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
41b 9:73 - 9:81
42a 9:81 - 9:90 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
42b 9:90 - 9:97
43a 9:97 - 9:105 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
43b 9:106 - 9:113
44a 9:113 - 9:121 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
44b 9:121 - 9:129, 10:1 - 10:2
45a 10:2 - 10:11 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
45b 10:11 - 10:19
46a 10:19 - 10:25 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
46b 10:26 - 10:34
47a 10:34 - 10:44 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
Location
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican City; Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, London.
References
[1] F. Déroche, Catalogue Des Manuscrits Arabes: Deuxième Partie: Manuscrits Musulmans - Tome I, 1: Les Manuscrits Du Coran: Aux Origines De La Calligraphie Coranique, 1983, Bibliothèque Nationale: Paris, pp. 59-60.
[2] ibid., p. 59.
[3] G. Levi Della Vida, Frammenti Coranici In Carattere Cufico: Nella Biblioteca Vaticana, 1947, Studi e testi no. 132, Citta Del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana: Vatican City, pp. 1-2 and Tavola 1.
[4] F. Déroche, The Abbasid Tradition: Qur'ans Of The 8th To The 10th Centuries AD, 1992, The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, Volume I, Oxford University Press, p. 32.
47b 10:44 - 10:57
48a 10:57 - 10:67 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
48b 10:67 - 10:78
- 10:102 - 10:109, 11:1 - 11:3 Levi Della Vida, 1947 Accession no.: Vaticani Arabi 1605. Folio 1v
- 11:4 - 11:13
- 11:14 - 11:35 Déroche, 1992Accession no.: KFQ60 (recto), Nasser D. Khalili
Collection
49a 12:85 - 12:100 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
49b 12:100 - 12:111, 13:1 - 13:2
50a 13:2 - 13:13 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
50b 13:13 - 13:23
51a 13:23 - 13:33 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
51b 13:33 - 13:43, 14:1 - 14:3
52a 14:3 - 14:13 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
52b 14:13 - 14:28
53a 14:28 - 14:44 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
53b 14:44 - 14:52, 15:1 - 15:19
54a 15:19 - 15:52 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
54b 15:52 - 15:87
55a 35:13 - 35:30 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
55b 35:30 - 35:41
56a 38:66 - 38:88, 39:1 - 39:4 Déroche and Noseda, 1998 Facsimile edition
56b 39:4 - 39:15
[5] F. Déroche, Catalogue Des Manuscrits Arabes: Deuxième Partie: Manuscrits Musulmans - Tome I, 1: Les Manuscrits Du Coran: Aux Origines De La Calligraphie Coranique, 1983, op. cit., p. 59; idem., The Abbasid Tradition: Qur'ans Of The
8th To The 10th Centuries AD, 1992, The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, Volume I, op. cit., p. 32.
[6] F. Déroche and S. N. Noseda (Eds.), Sources de la transmission manuscrite du texte coranique. I. Les manuscrits de style hijazi. Volume I. Le manuscrit arabe 328a (a) de la Bibliothèque Nationale de France, 1998, Fondazione Ferni Noja
Noseda, Leda, and Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris.
[7] G. Levi Della Vida, Frammenti Coranici In Carattere Cufico: Nella Biblioteca Vaticana, 1947, Studi e testi no. 132, op. cit., pp. 1-2; F. Déroche, The Abbasid Tradition: Qur'ans Of The 8th To The 10th Centuries AD, 1992, The Nasser D.
Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, Volume I, op. cit., p. 32.
[8] Y. Dutton, "An Early Mus�h�af According To The Reading Of Ibn AAmir", Journal Of Qur'anic Studies, 2001, Volume III (no. I), pp. 71-89.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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Ms. Or. Fol. 4313 – A Qur'ānic Manuscript From 1st Century Of Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 14th June 2009
Last Updated: 9th July 2009
Folios from Ms. Or. Fol. 4313.
Date
1st century of hijra. Noseda places this manuscript in the 1st century of hijra.[1] Likewise, Grohmann also dates another folio of this manuscript at Dār al-Kutub al-Misriyya, Cairo, to the 1st century.[2] This folio was first published by
Moritz around 100 years ago, who strangely dated it to the 3rd century of hijra![3]
Inventory No.
Ms. Or. Fol. 4313
Size & Folios
Arabic Palaeography Plate 44 Folio 4a from Ms. Or. Fol. 4313
The codex has 8 folios = 1 (Arabic Palaeography Plate 44) + 7 (Ms. Or. Fol. 4313).
History Of The Manuscript
Not known.
Script & Ornamentation
H�ijāzī.
Manuscript on parchment. The mus�h�af is not vocalised. The consonants are differentiated by dashes. Six oval dots ranked in three pairs usually punctuate the verses. Every tenth verse is marked by a hollow circle surrounded by dots.
There are 18 lines to page. The contents are as follows: 4:54–62 (Arabic Palaeography Plate 44); 4:137–155, 172–5:87 (Ms. Or. Fol. 4313).[4]
Contents
Below are the published information of folios in this codex.
Location
Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Germany, and Dār al-Kutub al-Misriyya, Cairo.
References
[1] S. Noja Noseda, "Note Esterne In Margin Al 1° Volume Dei ‘Materiali Per Un'edizione Critica Del Corano’", Rendiconti: Classe Di Lettere E Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2000, Vol. 134, Fasc. 1, pp. 19-25.
[2] A. Grohmann, "The Problem Of Dating Early Qur'ans", Der Islam, 1958, Volume 33, Number 3, p. 222; Also see B. Gruendler, The Development Of The Arabic Scripts: From The Nabatean Era To The First Islamic Century According To
Dated Texts, 1993, Harvard Semitic Series No. 43, Scholars Press: Atlanta (GA), p. 135.
[3] B. Moritz (Ed.), Arabic Palaeography: A Collection Of Arabic Texts From The First Century Of The Hidjra Till The Year 1000, 1905, Publications of the Khedivial Library - No. 16, Cairo, Plate 44.
[4] R. Sellheim, Arabische Handschriften: Materialien Zur Arabischen Literaturgeschichte, 1976, Teil 1, Verzeichnis Der Orientalischen Handschriften In Deutschland, Band 17A, F. Steiner: Wiesbaden, p. 1 (No. 1).
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
Back To The Qur'anic Manuscripts
Ms. Or. Fol. 4313
Folio Number Qur'anic Surah Size of the Folio (cm.) Image Publication
– 4:54 – 4:62 – x – Moritz, 1905
1a 4:137 – 4:146 26.0 x 35.0 Sellheim, 1976
1b 4:147 – 4:155 26.0 x 35.0 –
4a 5:18 – 5:28 – x – Corpus Coranicum poster
Codex Mixt. 917 – A Qur'ānic Manuscript From 1st / 2nd Century Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 8th August 2008
Last Updated: 18th January 2009
Folio 27v from Codex Mixt. 917 containing 3:49 to 3:55.
Date
Late 1st - 2nd century hijra / 8th century CE.
Josef von Karabacek was the first scholar to publish this manuscript.[1]
A rare form of punctuation is also displayed in this manuscript corroborating its eighth century dating. For
early Qur'anic writing, there were three different systems for identifying the letters ف and ق which have the same initial and medial forms. Following Leemhuis, the third method is one dash underneath for the ف and
one dash on top for the ق. This method did not survive very long and is actually a rather rare occurrence in early Qur'anic writing. Leemhuis points out this is exactly the method of punctuation adopted by the Qur'anic
inscriptions on the Dome of the Rock - wherever the ف and ق are punctuated. Thus, based on the external evidence, Leemhuis concludes that early Qur'anic manuscripts displaying the same method of punctuation also
date roughly from this same short period, i.e., from around 72 AH / 692 CE when the Dome of the Rock was
constructed.[2]
Inventory No.
Mixt. 917.
Size & Folios
Approximately 15.4 cm x 21.2 cm. The text is written in an area of 11.2 cm x 16.0 cm. Total number of folios:
105 = 104 (Austrian National Library) + 1 (Topkai Museum).[3] The extant folios contain about 27% of the text
of the Qur'an.
History Of The Manuscript
The codex came from Asia Minor. It came into the possession of the Austrian ambassador to Constantinople
Count Anton Prokesch-Osten in 1872 who gave it as a gift to the Austrian National Library.[4]
Script & Ornamentation
It is written in the late h�ijāzī script. Small scholars have also classified the script as kufic. It has 15 lines of text per page.
Contents
The contents of the manuscript, as tabulated below, are gathered from Karabacek's publication of this
manuscript. Zaynaddin published another folio of this manuscript located in Turkey.
Location
Austrian National Library, Vienna; Topkapi Museum, Istanbul.
Codex Mixt. 917
Folio Number Qur'anic Surah Image Publication Location
Folios 1r – 23r 2:97 - 2:286 –Austrian National Museum,
Vienna
Folios 23r – 40v Sūrah āl-ʿImrānAl-Samman & Mazal, 1988[5]; Cambridge Companion To The
Qur'an, 2006[6]
Austrian National Museum, Vienna
Folios 40v – 59r Sūrah al-Nisā –Austrian National Museum,
Vienna
Folios 59v – 73r Sūrah al-Mā'idah –Austrian National Museum,
Vienna
Folios 73r – 87v Sūrah al-Anʿām –Austrian National Museum,
Vienna
Folios 87v – 103v Sūrah al-Aʿrāf –Austrian National Museum,
Vienna
Folio 104r - 104v 9:19 - 9:29 –Austrian National Museum,
Vienna
– 34:46 - 34:54, 35:1 Zaynaddin, 1974.[7] Topkapi Museum, Istanbul
References
[1] J. von Karabacek, Zur Orientalischen Altertumskunde, VI Koranfragment Des IX. Jahrhunderts Aus Dem Besitze Des Seldschukensultans Kaikubad, 1917, Wein, pp. 10-40, especially pp. 10-11, pp. 31-33 and Tafel I and II.
[2] F. Leemhuis, "From Palm Leaves To The Internet" in J. D. McAuliffe (Ed.), The Cambridge Companion To The
Qur'an, 2006, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge (UK), pp. 147-148. At the time of writing his article Leemhuis was aware of only four manuscripts with this method of punctuation. The other three are Istanbul Saray Medina 1a, DAM 01-
29.2 and St. Petersburg Inv. No. E-20.
[3] H. Loebenstein, Katalog Der Arabischen Handschriften Der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek: Neuerwerbungen 1868-1968 Teil 1: Codices Mixti ab Nr 744, 1970, Hollinek: Wein, p. 4, No. 2026.
[4] T. Al-Samman & O. Mazal, Die Arabische Welt Und Europa, Ausstellung Der Handschriften - Und
Inkunabelsammlung Der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Handbuch Und Katalog, Prunksaal 20. Mai - 16. Oktober 1988, 1988, Akademische Druck - Und Verlagsanstalt: Graz (Austria), p. 76, No. 1, Plate Ia.
[5] ibid.
[6] D. A. Madigan, "Themes And Topics" in J. D. McAuliffe (Ed.), The Cambridge Companion To The Qur'an, 2006, op. cit., p. 95.
[7] N. Zaynaddin, Mus�awwar Al-Khat�t� Al-ʻArabī, 1974, Maktabat al-NahdMah: Beirut (Lebanon), pp. 314-315, Figure 68.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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Ms. Or. Fol. 4313 – A Qur'ānic Manuscript From 1st Century Of Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 14th June 2009
Last Updated: 9th July 2009
Folios from Ms. Or. Fol. 4313.
Date
1st century of hijra. Noseda places this manuscript in the 1st century of hijra.[1] Likewise, Grohmann also dates another folio of this manuscript at Dār al-Kutub al-Misriyya, Cairo, to the 1st century.[2] This folio was first published by
Moritz around 100 years ago, who strangely dated it to the 3rd century of hijra![3]
Inventory No.
Ms. Or. Fol. 4313
Size & Folios
Arabic Palaeography Plate 44 Folio 4a from Ms. Or. Fol. 4313
The codex has 8 folios = 1 (Arabic Palaeography Plate 44) + 7 (Ms. Or. Fol. 4313).
History Of The Manuscript
Not known.
Script & Ornamentation
H�ijāzī.
Manuscript on parchment. The mus�h�af is not vocalised. The consonants are differentiated by dashes. Six oval dots ranked in three pairs usually punctuate the verses. Every tenth verse is marked by a hollow circle surrounded by dots.
There are 18 lines to page. The contents are as follows: 4:54–62 (Arabic Palaeography Plate 44); 4:137–155, 172–5:87 (Ms. Or. Fol. 4313).[4]
Contents
Below are the published information of folios in this codex.
Location
Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Germany, and Dār al-Kutub al-Misriyya, Cairo.
References
[1] S. Noja Noseda, "Note Esterne In Margin Al 1° Volume Dei ‘Materiali Per Un'edizione Critica Del Corano’", Rendiconti: Classe Di Lettere E Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2000, Vol. 134, Fasc. 1, pp. 19-25.
[2] A. Grohmann, "The Problem Of Dating Early Qur'ans", Der Islam, 1958, Volume 33, Number 3, p. 222; Also see B. Gruendler, The Development Of The Arabic Scripts: From The Nabatean Era To The First Islamic Century According To
Dated Texts, 1993, Harvard Semitic Series No. 43, Scholars Press: Atlanta (GA), p. 135.
[3] B. Moritz (Ed.), Arabic Palaeography: A Collection Of Arabic Texts From The First Century Of The Hidjra Till The Year 1000, 1905, Publications of the Khedivial Library - No. 16, Cairo, Plate 44.
[4] R. Sellheim, Arabische Handschriften: Materialien Zur Arabischen Literaturgeschichte, 1976, Teil 1, Verzeichnis Der Orientalischen Handschriften In Deutschland, Band 17A, F. Steiner: Wiesbaden, p. 1 (No. 1).
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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Ms. Or. Fol. 4313
Folio Number Qur'anic Surah Size of the Folio (cm.) Image Publication
– 4:54 – 4:62 – x – Moritz, 1905
1a 4:137 – 4:146 26.0 x 35.0 Sellheim, 1976
1b 4:147 – 4:155 26.0 x 35.0 –
4a 5:18 – 5:28 – x – Corpus Coranicum poster
P. Michaélidès No. 32 - A Qur'anic Manuscript From First Century Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 30th August 2000
Last Modified: 30th August 2000
Date
1st century hijra.
Size
14.8 cm. x 5.9 cm. Brown, fine papyrus.
Contents
Recto (left hand side): Surah 54:11-38, 20 lines.
Verso (right hand side): Surahs 54:45-55, 55:1-32; 18 lines.
Script
Kufic(?).
In the end of line 4, at the end of the verse 50, a verse division mark is visible. Surah 54 is divided from 55 by
two parallel horizontal lines running over the full width of the page, and filled in with an undulating line with
pearls in the compartment.
Location
Collection George Michaélidès, Cairo, Egypt.
References
[1] A. Grohmann, "The Problem Of Dating Early Qur'ans", 1958, Der Islam, pp. 222-228.
[2] B. Gruendler, The Development Of The Arabic Scripts: From The Nabatean Era To The First Islamic Century
According To The Dated Texts, 1993, Harvard Semitic Series No. 43, Scholars Press: Atlanta, GA., p. 169.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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A Perg. 2 – A Qur'anic Manuscript From 1st Century Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 3rd November 2001
Last Updated: 28th March 2006
Hair side
Date
1st century hijra.
Manuscript Number
A Perg. 2.
Contents
Sūrah al-Qas as �. Verses number : Verses 61 through 73 [hair side]. This is depicted in above figure. Verse 75 through 80 [flesh side].
Script
H ijāzī.
Yellowish, thin parchment. In the top strongly damaged; ink "ate" sections of the material including the writing; brownish ink. The crease and remainder of a second page, whose text could not be identified, is
available.
Location
Austrian National Library, Vienna.
Acknowledgement
We are grateful to the Austrian National Library, Vienna, for providing us the manuscript.
References
[1] H. Loebenstein, Koranfragmente Auf Pergament Aus Der Papyrussammlung Der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek,
Textband, 1982, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek: Wein, pp. 23-26. This contains the description of the manuscript.
[2] H. Loebenstein, Koranfragmente Auf Pergament Aus Der Papyrussammlung Der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Tafelband, 1982, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek: Wein, Tafel 1-2. This contains the pictures of the manuscript.
[3] A. Fedeli, "A. Perg. 2: A Non Palimpsest And The Corrections In Qur'anic Manuscripts", Manuscripta Orientalia,
2005, Volume 11, No. 1, pp. 20-27.
[4] B. Gruendler, The Development Of The Arabic Scripts: From The Nabatean Era To The First Islamic Century According To The Dated Texts, 1993, Harvard Semitic Series No. 43, Scholars Press: Atlanta, GA., p. 170.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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The “Qur'ān Of ʿUthmān” At Tashkent (Samarqand), Uzbekistan, From 2nd Century Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 1st July 2004
Last Updated: 5th September 2008
(a)
A display of the manuscript of the Qur'an in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, attributed to Caliph ‘Uthman. (a) The manuscript is very fragile and is placed in a cupboard to prevent further damage, (b) a closer view of the manuscript inside the cupboard, (c) a facsimile copy is available for consultation by
readers, (d) Christie's 1992, Lot 225, and (e) Christie's 1993, Lot 29; folios from the same manuscript that came from North Africa.
Date
(b) (c)
(d) (e)
2nd century hijra or 8th century CE.
Shebunin dated this manuscript to the early second century hijra.[1] On the basis of the orthography as observed in the 1905 facsimile edition prepared by S. I. Pisarev,[2] Jeffery dated it to the early ninth century.[3] More recently,
Déroche had assigned a date to the second half of the eight century.[4] The carbon-dating of a folio from this manuscript was carried out at Oxford. The result showed a 68% probability of a date between 640 CE and 765 CE, and a 95%
probability of a date between 595 CE and 855 CE.[5] Commenting on this result, Rezvan noted that the paleographic dating of this manuscript also indicated a date at the turn of the eight / ninth century CE.[6]
Although the dates generated by the radiocarbon dating at either confidence level do not rule out the possibility that this manuscript was produced in ʿUthmān's time, palaeographic studies suggest an 8th century (2nd century hijra)
date.
Size & Folios
68 cm x 53 cms. The text is 55 cm x 44 cm. Depending on the folio, length and width of the text can vary by several centimetres. The material used for writing is thick, strong parchment.
Total number of folios: 360 = 353 (Pisarev's facsimile edition) + 4 (Christie's Lot nos. 225, 225A, 29 and 30) + 2 (Sam Fogg's catalogues, Volumes 22 and 27) + 1 (Sotheby's 2008, Lot 1). Out of 353 folios in the facsimile edition, 69
torn out, or lost folios are substituted by paper leaves of equal size. Of the 353 folios, only 15 are complete, the rest are more or less damaged and mended with paper.
History Of The Manuscript
Approximately one third of the Qur'an from which these massive folios originate - “the ʿUthmān Qur'an” - is housed in Tashkent in Uzbekistan. Late in the 19th century the manuscript was in St. Petersburg , Russia, where it was
studied by the Russian orientalist A. Shebunin.[7] He gave a detailed account of the codex and examined the peculiarities of its orthography. So great was the interest in this codex that in 1905 Pisarev (or Pissareff) was encouraged to
publish the facsimile edition,[8] which he did by photographic process after having carefully inked in those places on some of the folios where the writing had been almost obliterated by the hands of the faithful stroking the pages. It has
been recognized that Pisarev's reinking of the text in the dulled folios resulted in some mistakes but the charges of deliberate changing of the text are not based on sound grounds.[9] It appears that only fifty copies of the facsimiles were
made, of which only twenty-five were offered for sale.
As mentioned earlier, this codex is incomplete and it is not surprising that a number of folios have appeared under the hammer at Christie's[10] with some folios appearing in Sam Fogg's collection of Islamic art. These folios came from
North Africa. The extra-ordinary size of these folios from this Qur'an is unparalleled in publications in the Western world. Folios from the Tashkent manuscript were sold at Christie's (London) as lot nos. 225, 225a on 22nd October
1992; and lot nos. 29, 30 on 21st October 1993. In the years 2000 and 2003, a couple more folios appeared in Sam Fogg's Islamic Manuscripts / Islamic Calligraphy catalogues.[11] A folio from this codex was also sold at Sotheby's in
2008.[12]
In 1940, Mendelsohn published notes on the Columbia University facsimile copy of the Tashkent (Samarqand) Qur'an.[13] Couple of years later, Jeffery and Mendelsohn discussed the orthography of this manuscript.[14]
So, the big question now is whether this is the Qur'an that belonged to the third caliph ʿUthmān? The answer is no. There are good number of other Qur'ans [such as the one at St. Petersburg, two in Istanbul (Topkapi Library and
TIEM), and two in Cairo (al-Hussein mosque and Dār al-Kutub)] having at times turned up in different parts of the Islamic world, all purporting to show the traces of the blood of the third caliph ʿUthmān upon certain pages, and thus
the genuine ʿUthmānic Qur'an, the imām, which he was reading at the time of his death. Moreover, the writing in the manuscript clearly shows the large, straight, beautiful and rigidly proportional Kufic script which was during and
after the time of Umayyad caliph ʿAbd al-Malik (compare the script in this manuscript with the inscriptions on the Dome of the Rock). Furthermore, this manuscript was also briefly discussed by SNalāhN al-Dīn al-Munajjid who did not
consider it to be from the time of caliph ʿUthmān.[15]
Script & Ornamentation
Kufic.
It is a massive Qur'anic manuscript on vellum showing a well-formed Kufic script without diacritical marks and ornamentation. The verse endings are marked by small panels of diagonals lines; the tenth verse is marked with a square
medallion illuminated in blue, green, red and manganese with a stellar design. The parchment has become very brittle with age. There is a restriction on free access and the manuscript is protected from light. Instead, a facsimile copy is
available for consultation.
Contents
The table below is reproduced from Shebunin's work[16] and we have added other folios which appeared under the hammer at Christie's and Sam Fogg's catalogues.
Folios Qur'anic Surah / Ayah Image Publication Comments
1 - 32 2:7 - 2:177 Pisarev, 1905 Paper leaves ff. 1 - 2r, 8, 13 - 15
33 - 34 2:179 - 2:187 Pisarev, 1905 Paper leaves ff. 33 - 34
35 2:213 - 2:217 Pisarev, 1905 Paper leaf
36 2:231 - 2:233 Pisarev, 1905 Paper leaf
37 - 42 2:256 - 2:273 Pisarev, 1905 Paper leaves
43 - 45 2:282 - 2:286 Pisarev, 1905 Paper leaves
46 - 57 3:36 - 3:92 Pisarev, 1905
58 3:97 - 3:102 Pisarev, 1905
59 - 67 3:105 - 3:148 Pisarev, 1905 Paper leaves ff. 59 - 63
68 - 89 3:154 - 4:29 Pisarev, 1905 Paper leaves ff. 76, 88
- 4:2 - 4:5 Christie's, 1993, Lot 30 Picture in catalogue
90 - 92 4:33 - 4:43 Pisarev, 1905
93 - 94 4:72 - 4:77 Pisarev, 1905
95 - 97 4:81 - 4:90 Pisarev, 1905
98 - 112 4:92 - 4:145 Pisarev, 1905 Paper leaves ff. 100 - 102
113 - 189 5:85 - 7:106 Pisarev, 1905 Paper leaves ff. 120, 124, 129 - 130, 142, 150 - 165, 168
- 170, 179, 181 - 182
190 - 204 11:47 - 11:121 Pisarev, 1905
205 12:19 - 12:23 Pisarev, 1905
206 14:39 - 14:44 Pisarev, 1905
207 - 213 15:7 15:86 Pisarev, 1905
214 - 229 16:7 - 16:101 Pisarev, 1905
230 16:114 - 16:119 Pisarev, 1905
231 - 236 17:1 - 17:48 Pisarev, 1905
237 - 257 17:56 - 18:77 Pisarev, 1905
258 - 260 18:82 - 18:105 Pisarev, 1905
261 - 265 19:3 - 19:44 Pisarev, 1905
266 - 286 19:52 - 20:135 Pisarev, 1905
- 21:69 - 21:76 Sam Fogg, 2000, Volume 22 Picture in catalogue
- 21:103 - 21:111 Sam Fogg, 2003, Volume 27 Picture in catalogue
- 22:6 - 22:12 Christie's, 1992, Lot 225 Picture in catalogue
- 22:12 - 22:17 Christie's, 1992, Lot 225a Picture in catalogue
- 23:68 - 23:75 Sotheby's, 2008, Lot 1 Picture in catalogue
- 25:62 - 25:74 Christie's, 1993, Lot 29 Picture in catalogue
287 - 290 26:63 - 26:117 Pisarev, 1905
291 26:130 - 26:142 Pisarev, 1905
292 - 295 26:155 - 26:202 Pisarev, 1905
Location
Tashkent, Uzbekistan and some folios in private hands.
Acknowledgements
We thank "Memory Of The World", UNESCO, for the pictures of the manuscript.
References
[1] A. Shebunin, "Kuficheskii Koran Imp. SPB. Publichnoi Biblioteki", Zapiski Vostochnago Otdieleniia Imperatorskago Russkago Arkheologicheskago Obshchestva, 1891, Volume 6, pp. 69-133, especially the conclusions.
[2] S. Pissareff, Coran Coufique de Samarcand: écrit d'après la Tradition de la Propre Main du Troisième Calife Osman (644-656) qui se trouve dans la Bibliothèque Impériale Publique de St. Petersbourg, 1905, St. Petersberg.
[3] A. Jeffery & I. Mendelsohn, "The Orthography Of The Samarqand Qur'an Codex", Journal Of The American Oriental Society, 1942, Volume 62, p. 195.
[4] F. Déroche, "Note Sur Les Fragments Coraniques Anciens De Katta Langar (Ouzbékistan)", Cahiers D'Asie Centrale, 1999, Volume 7, p. 65.
[5] Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 20 October 1992 at 10 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 22 October 1992 at 2.30 p.m., 1992, Christie's: London, p. 88 (Lot 225). Also see F. Déroche, "Manuscripts Of The
Qur'an" in J. D. McAuliffe (Ed.), Encyclopaedia Of The Qur'an, 2003, Volume 3, Brill: Leiden & Boston, p. 261; Islamic Calligraphy, 2003, Catalogue 27, Sam Fogg: London, p. 12. Sam Fogg's catalogue contains a typographical error here. It
reads 640-705 CE instead of 640-765 CE.
[6] E. A. Rezvan, "On The Dating Of An “‘Uthmanic Qur'an” From St. Petersburg", Manuscripta Orientalia, 2000, Volume 6, No. 3, p. 19.
[7] A. Shebunin, "Kuficheskii Koran Imp. SPB. Publichnoi Biblioteki", Zapiski Vostochnago Otdieleniia Imperatorskago Russkago Arkheologicheskago Obshchestva, 1891, op. cit., pp. 69-133.
[8] S. Pissareff, Coran Coufique de Samarcand: écrit d'après la Tradition de la Propre Main du Troisième Calife Osman (644-656) qui se trouve dans la Bibliothèque Impériale Publique de St. Petersbourg, 1905, St. Petersberg.
[9] A. Jeffery & I. Mendelsohn, "The Orthography Of The Samarqand Qur'an Codex", Journal Of The American Oriental Society, 1942, op. cit., p. 176.
[10] Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 20 October 1992 at 10 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 22 October 1992 at 2.30 p.m., 1992, op. cit., p. 88 (Lot 225); Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets:
London, Tuesday, 20 October 1992 at 10 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 22 October 1992 at 2.30 p.m., 1992, Christie's: London, p. 89 (Lot 225A); Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 19 October 1993 at 10.30 a.m.
296 - 299 27:1 - 27:22 Pisarev, 1905
300 27:28 - 27:34 Pisarev, 1905
301 - 306 27:44 - 27:80 Pisarev, 1905
307 - 321 36:12 - 37:75 Pisarev, 1905
322 - 332 37:91 - 38:29 Pisarev, 1905
333 39:6 - 39:8 Pisarev, 1905
334 40:4 - 40:7 Pisarev, 1905
335 40:51 - 40:57 Pisarev, 1905
336 - 338 40:67 - 40:83 Pisarev, 1905
339 - 345 41:5 - 41:39 Pisarev, 1905
346 - 353 42:21 - 43:11 Pisarev, 1905
and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 21 October 1993 at 2.30 p.m., 1993, Christie's: London, p. 20 (Lot 29); Islamic Art, Indian Miniatures, Rugs And Carpets: London, Tuesday, 19 October 1993 at 10.30 a.m. and 2.30 p.m., Thursday, 21 October 1993 at
2.30 p.m., 1993, Christie's: London, p. 21 (Lot 30).
[11] Islamic Manuscripts, 2000, Catalogue 22, Sam Fogg: London, pp. 8-9; Islamic Calligraphy, 2003, Catalogue 27, op. cit., pp. 12-13.
[12] Arts Of The Islamic World, Session 1: Wednesday 09 Apr 2008 10:00 AM (Sale: L08220), Sotheby's: London, pp. tba (Lot 1).
[13] I. Mendelsohn, "The Columbia University Copy Of The Samarqand Kufic Qur'an", The Moslem World, 1940, pp. 357-358.
[14] A. Jeffery & I. Mendelsohn, "The Orthography Of The Samarqand Qur'an Codex", Journal Of The American Oriental Society, 1942, op. cit., pp. 177-195.
[15] S. al-Munajjid, Dirāsāt fī Tārīkh al-Khatt al-‘Arabī Mundhu Bidayatihi ilā Nihayat al-‘Asr al-Umawi (French Title: Etudes De Paleographie Arabe), 1972, Dar al-Kitab al-Jadid: Beirut (Lebanon), pp. 50-51.
[16] A. Shebunin, "Kuficheskii Koran Imp. SPB. Publichnoi Biblioteki", Zapiski Vostochnago Otdieleniia Imperatorskago Russkago Arkheologicheskago Obshchestva, 1891, op. cit., pp. 77-79; For a similar table also see A. Jeffery & I.
Mendelsohn, "The Orthography Of The Samarqand Qur'an Codex", Journal Of The American Oriental Society, 1942, op. cit., pp. 177-178.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-29.1 – A Qur'ānic Manuscript From 1st Century Of Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 19th April 2000
Last Updated: 13th May 2009
(a) UNESCO Image No. 028005B (b) UNESCO Image No. 029006B
(c) UNESCO Image No.030007B (d) UNESCO Image No.158280B
Folios from codex DAM 01-29.1
Date
1st century of hijra.[1]
Inventory No.
DAM 01-29.1
Size & Folios
The folios have the approximate dimensions of 42.0 cm (height) x 29.0 cms (width). The codex consists of 9+ folios.[2]
History Of The Manuscript
This manuscript was found in the Great Mosque in S+anʿāʿ, Yemen.
(e) Mas āh if S anʿāʿ, 1985 (f) UNESCO Image No.158281B
Script & Ornamentation
H�ijāzī.
There are few diacritical marks but no vocalization. This codex was probably written by at least two different copyists as the scripts differ in various folios. For example, in UNESCO Image No. 029006B, the script is italic in the first
half and regular in the second half of the fragment except for the letter alīf. On the other hand, in UNESCO Image No. 028005B, although the script in this fragment is italic, yet its angles are sharp. The extremities of its letters are
elongated under the line until they almost reach the following line, especially the letters sīn and nūn.
The sūrahs are separated by simple ornaments.
Contents
It has Qur'an 2-3; 14-15; 19-20; 39-40; 42-44; 46 (fragmented, not sequential text).
Below are the published folios of this codex.[3]
Location
Dār al-Makht+ūtāt, S+anʿāʿ, Yemen.
References
[1] Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985, Dār al-Athar al-Islamiyyah: Kuwait, pp. 58, Plate 11.
[2] This number comes from adding all the manuscripts available in publication. Noja Noseda only mentions this codex without the total folios. See S. Noja Noseda, "La Mia Vista A Sanaa E Il Corano Palinseto", Rendiconti: Classe Di Lettere E
Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2003 (Published 2004), Volume 137, Fasc. 1, p. 53.
[3] Primarily compiled from Memory Of The World: S�anʿāʿ Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation by UNESCO. Also see K. Small & E. Puin, "UNESCO CD of S+anʿāʿ Mss. Part 3: Qur'ān Palimpsests, And Unique Qur'ān Illustrations",
Manuscripta Orientalia, 2007, Volume 13, Number 2, pp. 63, 69.
[4] H-C. G. von Bothmer, K-H. Ohlig & G-R. Puin, "Neue Wege Der Koranforschung", Magazin Forschung (Universität des Saarlandes), 1999, No. 1, p. 39.
Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-29.1
Folio Number Qur'anic Surah Size of the Folio (cm.) Image Publication
– 2:150 – 2:164 (40.0 x 26.0) UNESCO Image No. 158279B
– 3:45 – 3:55 42.0 x 29.0 UNESCO Image No. 028005B
– 14:43 – 15:20 43.0 x 29.7 Mas3āh3if S3anʿāʿ, 1985
– 19:90 – 20:40 42.0 x 29.0 UNESCO Image No. 029006B
– Last part of 39 – Beginning of 40 (Part of folio) – von Bothmer et al., 1999[4]
– 40:18 – 40:34 42.0 x 29.0 UNESCO Image No. 030007B
– 42:45 – 42:53 (22.0 x 30.0) UNESCO Image No. 158282B
– 43:77 – 44:19 (37.0 x 28.0) UNESCO Image No. 158281B
– 46:26 – 46:32 42.0 x 30.0 UNESCO Image No. 158280B
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Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-30.1 – A Qur'ānic Manuscript From 2nd Century Of Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 14th May 2009
Last Updated: 16th May 2009
(a) UNESCO Image No.049026B (b) UNESCO Image No.049027B
Folios from codex DAM 01-30.1
Date
2nd century of hijra.[1]
Inventory No.
DAM 01-30.1
Size & Folios
The folios have approximate dimensions of 50.0 cm (height) x 36.0 cms (width). The total number of folios in this codex are not known but 9 of them have been published so far. Noseda mentions this manuscript at S-anʿāʿ but gives
no indication of the number of folios.[2]
History Of The Manuscript
This manuscript was found in the Great Mosque in S-anʿāʿ, Yemen.
(c) UNESCO Image No.049028B (d) UNESCO Image No.155268B
Script & Ornamentation
Late h�ijāzī.
About 32 lines per page. Few diacritical marks but no vocalization. The indication of the end of every tenth verses has been added later. Just like codex DAM 01-28.1, there is a clear definition of the text area and of the distance
between the lines. This gives a uniform appearance, a feature which is generally uncommon in the early h�ijāzī manuscripts as in codex DAM 01-27.1.
Contents
Below are the published folios of this codex.[3]
Location
Dār al-Makht-ūtāt, S-anʿāʿ, Yemen.
References
[1] Mas�āh�if S�anʿāʿ, 1985, Dār al-Athar al-Islamiyyah: Kuwait, pp. 53, plate 24.
[2] S. Noja Noseda, "La Mia Vista A Sanaa E Il Corano Palinseto", Rendiconti: Classe Di Lettere E Scienze Morali E Storiche, 2003 (Published 2004), Volume 137, Fasc. 1, p. 53.
[3] Compiled from Memory Of The World: S�anʿāʿ Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation by UNESCO. Also see K. Small & E. Puin, "UNESCO CD of S-anʿāʿ Mss. Part 3: Qur'ān Palimpsests, And Unique Qur'ān Illustrations", Manuscripta
Orientalia, 2007, Volume 13, Number 2, pp. 64, 69.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
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Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-30.1
Folio Number Qur'anic Surah Size of the Folio (cm.) Image Publication
– 4:1 – 4:5 (42.0 x 32.0) UNESCO Image No. 155266B
– 7:44 – 7:54 (42.0 x 33.0) UNESCO Image No. 155269B
– 16:123 – 17:11 50.0 x 36.0 UNESCO Image No. 049027B
– 18:17 – 18:28 50.0 x 36.0 UNESCO Image No. 049026B
– 18:46 – 18:61 + 16:87 – 16:104 (bifolio) 50.3 x 36.0 Mas6āh6if S6anʿāʿ, 1985
– 20:75 – 20:98 50.0 x 36.0 UNESCO Image No. 049028B
– 20:127 – 21:15 47.0 x 35.0 UNESCO Image No. 155268B
– 22:78 – 23:27 50.0 x 36.0 UNESCO Image No. 049029B
– 55:51 – 56:22 (40.0 x 30.0) UNESCO Image No. 155267B
A Qur'anic Manuscript From 2nd / 3rd Century Hijra: Part Of Surah al-Ma'idah To Part Of
Surah al-An`am
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 15 April 2000
Last Updated: 15 April 2000
Date
2nd / 3rd century hijra.
Size
22 cm. x 31 cm.
Contents
Surah al-Ma'idah, Surah al-An`am. Verses number : Part of 117 (Surah al-Ma'idah) to part of 1 of Surah al-
An`am.
Script
Kufic. The surah divisions are impressive in this fragment. The basic unit in these figures are the rectangle, the
circle and the floral/foliar ornaments. There is also a figure that seems to be a ten verse indicator after verse
118.
References
[1] Memory Of The World: San`a' Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation, UNESCO (See also their website).
The image above is reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
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purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-29.2 – A Qur'ānic Manuscript From 2nd Century Of Hijra
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 19th May 2009
Last Updated: 21st May 2009
(a) UNESCO Image No.066049B (b) UNESCO Image No.068051B
Folios from codex DAM 01-29.2
Date
2nd century of hijra.[1]
Inventory No.
DAM 01-29.2
Size & Folios
The codex originally had approximate dimensions of 40.0 cm (height) x 40.0 cms (width). The total number of folios in this codex are not known but 10 of them have been published so far.
History Of The Manuscript
This manuscript was found in the Great Mosque in S,anʿāʿ, Yemen.
Script & Ornamentation
Kufic.
This beautiful codex is one of the two Qur'ans found in S,anʿāʿ which resemble the monumental codex from Syria, the “Great Umayyad Qur'ān” (Codex S,anʿāʿ – DAM 20-33.1). Their similarity in size, proportion, number of lines,
script and illumination suggest that the “Great Umayyad Qur'an” may have served as a model. The fragments from this codex reflect the Syrian codex in quality rather than features. The letters are spaciously distributed and once
connected individual letters tend to blend with their neighbours.
About 20 lines per page. Diacritical marks are sparsely distributed but there are no vowel marks. There are stops after every verse and every tenth verse is also indicated.
(c) UNESCO Image No.154263B (d) UNESCO Image No.154264B
Contents
Below are the published folios of this codex.[2]
Location
Dār al-Makht,ūtāt, S,anʿāʿ, Yemen.
References
[1] See H-C. G. von Bothmer's write-up and images in M. B. Piotrovsky & J. Vrieze (Eds.), Art Of Islam: Heavenly Art And Earthly Beauty, 1999, De Nieuwe Kerk: Amsterdam & Lund Humphries Publishers, pp. 104-105.
[2] Compiled from Memory Of The World: S%anʿāʿ Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation by UNESCO. Also see K. Small & E. Puin, "UNESCO CD of S,anʿāʿ Mss. Part 3: Qur'ān Palimpsests, And Unique Qur'ān Illustrations", Manuscripta
Orientalia, 2007, Volume 13, Number 2, pp. 64, 69.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
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Codex S�anʿāʿ DAM 01-29.2
Folio Number Qur'anic Surah Size of the Folio (cm.) Image Publication
– 9:105 – 9:108 (29.2 x 35.5) von Bothmer et al., 1999
– 9:129 – 10:4 (39.0 x 36.0) UNESCO Image No. 066049C
– 10:21 – 10:24 (38.0 x 36.0) UNESCO Image No. 154263B
– 11:95 – 11:101 38.0 x 41.0 UNESCO Image No. 064047B
– 12:41 – 12:46 38.0 x 41.0 UNESCO Image No. 065048B
– 14:48 – 15:5 (39.0 x 34.0) UNESCO Image No. 154262C
– 16:80 – 16:85 (38.0 x 39.0) UNESCO Image No. 067050C
– 16:90 – 16:94 40.0 x 43.0 UNESCO Image No. 068051C
– 17:7 – 17:13 (40.0 x 40.0) UNESCO Image No. 154264B; von Bothmer et al., 1999
– 17:97 – 17:102 (40.0 x 40.0) UNESCO Image No. 154265B
A Qur'anic Manuscript From 2nd / 3rd Century Hijra: Part Of Surah al-Baqarah
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 15 April 2000
Last Updated: 15 April 2000
Date
2nd / 3rd century hijra.
Size
14 cm. x 21 cm.
Contents
Surah al-Baqarah. Verses number: Part of 80 to part of 81.
Script
Kufic. This fragment is written in normal Kufic script that is well known for the writing of Qur'an in the first
three centuries of the Hijra. There are no verses divisions but there is a gilded ten verses indicator.
References
[1] Memory Of The World: San`a' Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation, UNESCO (See also their website).
The image above is reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
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A Qur'anic Manuscript From 2nd / 3rd Century Hijra: Part Of Surah al-Mursalat
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 15 April 2000
Last Updated: 15 April 2000
Date
2nd / 3rd century hijra.
Size
27 cm. x 37 cm.
Contents
Surah al-Mursalat. Verses number : 5 to 26 and part of 27.
Script
Kufic. These fragments show high artistic skills represented in the Surah divisions, due to the integration of the
foliar/floral units forming them. This is also clear in the frames surrounding the verses and the gilded ten
verses indicators. No letter points exist in these fragments.
References
[1] Memory Of The World: San`a' Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation, UNESCO (See also their website).
The image above is reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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A Perg. 27: A Qur'anic Manuscript From The End Of 2nd Century Hijra In The Austrian National
Library
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 4th November 2001
Last Updated: 4th November 2001
Flesh side
Hair side
Date
End of 2nd century hijra.
Manuscript Number
A Perg. 27.
Contents
Surah al-Saffat verses 80 to 92 [hair side, bottom]. Verse 92 to 102 [flesh side, top].
Script
Mashq.
Yellowish, medium strong parchment; brownish ink. The page is damaged at the lower edge and in the
interior. The crease is received in the center of the page.
Location
Austrian National Library, Vienna.
Acknowledgement
We are grateful to the Austrian National Library, Vienna, for providing us the manuscript.
References
[1] H. Loebenstein, Koranfragmente Auf Pergament Aus Der Papyrussammlung Der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Textband, 1982, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek: Wein, pp. 34-35. This contains the description of the manuscript.
[2] H. Loebenstein, Koranfragmente Auf Pergament Aus Der Papyrussammlung Der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, Tafelband, 1982, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek: Wein, Tafel 9-10. This contains the pictures of the manuscript.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
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A Qur'anic Manuscript From 1st / 2nd Century Hijra: Part Of Surah al-Mumtahinah
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 11 April 2000
Last Updated: 11 April 2000
Date
1st / 2nd century hijra.
Size
16 cm. x 36 cm.
Contents
Surah al-Mumtahinah. Verses number : Part of 4 to 8 and part of 9.
Script
Kufic. There is some elongation in some letters, and the copyist has written the hamza of the letter alif as a
green circle either above it, below it or on its right side.
Suggested Reading
On The Origins Of Kufic Script
References
[1] Memory Of The World: San`a' Manuscripts, CD-ROM Presentation, UNESCO (See also their website).
The image above is reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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Dated Texts Mentioning Prophet Muh�ammad From 1-100 AH / 622-719 CE
M S M Saifullah & ‘Abdullah David
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 26th January 2008
Last Modified: 21st March 2008
Assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
1. Introduction
The history of the quest for the "historical" Muhammad in the modern Western literature has its origins from the time (c.
1850 CE) of Sir William Muir[1] and Alois Sprenger.[2] Both of them suspected that much of the Islamic traditions on
Muhammad, which were accepted by Muslims as authentic, were in fact forged. Their views were given a further impetus
by Ignaz Goldziher who became convinced that the tradition literature had grown up after the Arab conquests, i.e., the
ah�ādīth did not reflect the life of Prophet Muhammad; rather they reflect the beliefs, conflicts and controversies of the first
generation of Muslims.[3] In other words, the ah�ādīth reflect reality, but not the reality of seventh century Arabia but of
Umayyad and early Abbasid empires. About half a century after Goldziher, Joseph Schacht applied the former's
methodology and came up with what is called the backward growth of isnāds. Isnāds, he argued, tended to grow backward
with time. In other words, traditions with worse isnāds are likely to be earlier and the ones with perfect isnāds betray their
late development. Therefore, the legal rules formulated during later times, enshrined in h�adīth and projected back to the life
of the Prophet in order to give them an Islamic justification.[4]
Following the earlier scepticism, albeit charting a new direction, John Wansbrough argued that h�adīth literature is
exegetical in origin, i.e., the bulk of the tradition literature is closely tied to the interpretation of the Qur'an, which he
believed did not take its final form/canonised until the late eighth / early ninth century. H�adīth literature is not rooted in
history but it originated due to the propensity of the early Muslims to tell the stories related to the Qur'an.[5] A variation of
Wansbrough's position was put forth by John Burton who suggested that the origins of h�adīth had nothing to do with real
life and everything to do with the problem of interpreting the Qur'an.[6]
Following the footsteps of Wansbrough, a different approach was taken by Judith Koren and Yehuda Nevo to study Islamic
history. They contend that any Muslim source must be checked against a non-Muslim source (preferably material, e.g.,
archaeology, epigraphy, numismatics), and if the two sources conflict, the non-Muslim source is to be preferred.[7]
Concerning Muhammad, they claim:
[Brock] points out that there are no details of Muhammad's early career in any Byzantine or Syriac sources which predate the
Muslim literature on the subject.[8]
While commenting on the Islamic sources, Nevo claims that "neither the Prophet himself nor any Muhammadan formulae
appear in any inscription dated before the year 71 / 691" and that the earliest occurrence of the phrase Muhammad rasūl
Allāh is on an Arab-Sassanian coin of Khālid bin ‘Abdullāh from the year 71 AH / 691 CE.[9] It will be seen later that Nevo
and Koren were wrong on both accounts, not in keeping with their most surprising claim that it is the revisionists and not
the "traditionalists" who pay close attention to the findings of archaeology, epigraphy and numismatics.[10] Perhaps the
situation can be summed up no better than the recent analysis by Jeremy Johns, Professor of Islamic Archaeology at the
Oriental Institute, University of Oxford. He said,
The polemical style permitted historians to dismiss this article as not worth an answer, while Nevo's unorthodox interpretation of
material evidence embarrassed archaeologists into silence (Fig. 1). What, it was widely asked, could have persuaded Der Islam to
waste space in this manner?[11]
Nevertheless, despite the nature of the scholarly judgement that has been passed on this article's premises, presuppositions
and associated methods, its alleged findings continue to be widely utilised in Christian missionary and apologetical circles
for polemical purposes.[12]
The implications here are quite startling. If the sceptics are right then the life of Muhammad as seen in the Islamic literature
is not historical. The tradition literature may have grown out of the political and theological debates of the first generation
Muslims, as Goldziher argued, or out of the legal debates, as Schacht suggested, or simply out of the need to interpret the
Qur'an, as Burton claimed, but it cannot be confidently traced to any real events of the Prophet's lifetime. Therefore, Ibn
Ishaq's Sīra along with the corpus of h�adīth literature may be of limited use for discovering what Muhammad himself said,
did or believed.[13] However, such extreme views have somewhat alleviated by, firstly, the availability of new sources that
are "pre-canonical" such as the Mus�annafs of ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-SLanʿānī and Ibn Abī Shayba or ‘Umar bin Shabba's
Tārīkh al-Madīnah (Schacht had no access to earlier sources); and secondly, the development of isnād and matn analysis of
the ah�ādīth that resulted in the investigation of textual variants of the ah�ādīth. Using this technique, ah�ādīth have been
shown to have very early origins going back to the 1st century of hijra.[14] Availability of new Muslim sources and a careful
analysis of non-Muslim accounts have re-invigorated the Western quest for the historical Muhammad.[15]
The most comprehensive work in recent times dealing with the Muslim and non-Muslims accounts of the rise of Islam and
Muhammad is by Professor Robert Hoyland, the first person to collect systematically all the non-Muslim evidence bearing
on the rise of Islam. His methodical approach in dealing with Muslim and non-Muslim texts has established that they
"furnish us with an enriched and expanded version of the Middle East in the early Islamic times".[16] This is also true even
for Muhammad, as to how he was perceived among the Muslims as well as non-Muslims.
The aim of this essay is modest. We want to present dated non-scriptural Muslim and non-Muslim texts[17] mentioning
Prophet Muhammad from the first century of hijra and see how they perceive him. Do the non-Muslim texts provide some
form of corroboration of the Muslim accounts? If yes, then to what extent? How should these texts be utilised in light of
authentic early Muslim testimony?
2. Dated Texts Mentioning Prophet Muh�ammad From 1-100 AH / 622-719 CE
Below is a listing of dated Muslim and non-Muslim sources mentioning Prophet Muhammad.[18] To put Muslim and non-
Muslim accounts in a chronological perspective, the death of the Prophet happened in Rabī al-Awwal, 11 AH / June, 632
CE.
List Of Dated Texts Mentioning Prophet Muh�ammad From 1-100 AH / 622-719 CE
A Record Of The Arab Conquest Of Syria, 637 CE / 15-16 AH
This much faded note is preserved on folio 1 of BL Add. 14,461, a codex containing the Gospel accord to Matthew and the
Gospel according to Mark. This note appears to have been penned soon after the battle of Gabitha (636 CE) at which the
Arabs inflicted crushing defeat of the Byzantines. Wright was first to draw the attention to the fragment and suggested that
"it seems to be a nearly contemporary notice",[19] a view which was also endorsed by Nöldeke.[20] The purpose of jotting this
note in the book of Gospels appears to be commemorative as the author appears to have realized how momentous the
events of his time were. The words "we saw" are positive evidence that the author was a contemporary. The author also
talks about olive oil, cattle, ruined villages, suggesting that he belonged to peasant stock, i.e., parish priest or a monk who
could read and write. It is worthwhile cautioning that the condition of the text is fragmentary and many of the readings
unclear or disputable. The lacunae are supplied in square brackets.
... and in January, they took the word for their lives (did) [the sons of] Emesa [i.e., Hims)], and many villages were ruined with
killing by [the Arabs of] Mụhammad and a great number of people were killed and captives [were taken] from Galilee as far as Bēth
[...] and those Arabs pitched camp beside [Damascus?] [...] and we saw everywhe[re...] and o[l]ive oil which they brought and
them. And on the t[wenty six]th of May went S[ac[ella]rius]... cattle [...] [...] from the vicinity of Emesa and the Romans chased
them [...] and on the tenth [of August] the Romans fled from the vicinity of Damascus [...] many [people] some 10,000. And at the
turn [of the ye]ar the Romans came; and on the twentieth of August in the year n[ine hundred and forty-]seven there gathered in
Gabitha [...] the Romans and great many people were ki[lled of] [the R]omans, [s]ome fifty thousand [...][21]
There are certain observations to be made here. The phrase "turn of the year" signifies that the beginning of the note refers
to the year 634-5 CE. The people of Emesa "took the word for their lives", an expression for surrendering on terms of
tolerance, confirmed by oaths. Then there was a battle in Palestine with the "Arabs of Muhammad" in which many villages
were ruined and people from the region of Galilee and Beth Sacharya(?), south west of Jerusalem were taken captive. Then
the Arabs laid siege to Damascus (as read by Nöldeke).[22] In May, 635 CE, a Byzantine general of the rank of sakellarious
was in the region of Emesa. His name according to the Byzantine sources was Theodor.[23] Apparently, he was unable to lift
the siege. The next battle took place in Gabitha, a town to the north of the river Yarmuk in the Golan massif. The date of
the battle is 20th August AG 947 = 636 CE / Rajab 15 AH, which agrees with the best Arab date for the battle of Yarmuk.[24] As mentioned earlier, the fragmentary nature of this note has resulted in scholars advising caution.[25]
Thomas The Presbyter (Writing c. 640 CE / 19 AH)
The 8th century BL Add. 14,643 was published by Wright who first brought to attention the mention of an early date of 947
AG (635-6 CE).[26] The contents of this manuscript has puzzled many scholars for their apparent lack of coherence as it
contains an assembly of texts with diverse nature.[27] In relation to Islam and Muslims, there are two important dates
mentioned in this manuscript.
AG 945, indiction VII: On Friday, 4 February, [i.e., 634 CE / Dhul Qa‘dah 12 AH] at the ninth hour, there was a battle between the
Romans and the Arabs of Mụhammad [Syr. tayyāyē d-Mhmt] in Palestine twelve miles east of Gaza. The Romans fled, leaving
behind the patrician YRDN (Syr. BRYRDN), whom the Arabs killed. Some 4000 poor villagers of Palestine were killed there,
Christians, Jews and Samaritans. The Arabs ravaged the whole region.
AG 947, indiction IX: The Arabs invaded the whole of Syria and went down to Persia and conquered it; the Arabs climbed mountain
of Mardin and killed many monks there in [the monasteries of] Kedar and Benōthō. There died the blessed man Simon, doorkeeper
of Qedar, brother of Thomas the priest.[28]
It is the first date above which is of great importance as it provides the first explicit reference to Muhammad in a non-
Muslim source. The account is usually identified with the battle of Dathin.[29] According to Hoyland, "its precise dating
inspires confidence that it ultimately derives from first-hand knowledge".[30] This means that the time period between the
death of Muhammad (June, 632 CE) and the earliest mention of him (4th February, 634 CE) is slightly over a year and
half!
Sebeos, Bishop Of The Bagratunis (Writing in 660s CE / 40s AH)
One of the most interesting accounts of the early seventh century comes from Sebeos who was a bishop of the House of
Bagratunis. From this chronicle, there are indications that he lived through many of the events he relates. He maintains that
the account of Arab conquests derives from the fugitives who had been eyewitnesses thereof. He concludes with
Mu‘awiya's ascendancy in the Arab civil war (656-61 CE), which suggests that he was writing soon after this date. Sebeos
is the first non-Muslim author to present us with a theory for the rise of Islam that pays attention to what the Muslims
themselves thought they were doing.[31] As for Muhammad, he has the following to say:
At that time a certain man from along those same sons of Ismael, whose name was Mahmet [i.e., Mụhammad], a merchant, as if
by God's command appeared to them as a preacher [and] the path of truth. He taught them to recognize the God of Abraham,
especially because he was learnt and informed in the history of Moses. Now because the command was from on high, at a single
order they all came together in unity of religion. Abandoning their vain cults, they turned to the living God who had appeared to
their father Abraham. So, Mahmet legislated for them: not to eat carrion, not to drink wine, not to speak falsely, and not to engage
in fornication. He said: 'With an oath God promised this land to Abraham and his seed after him for ever. And he brought about as
he promised during that time while he loved Ismael. But now you are the sons of Abraham and God is accomplishing his promise to
Abraham and his seed for you. Love sincerely only the God of Abraham, and go and seize the land which God gave to your father
Abraham. No one will be able to resist you in battle, because God is with you.[32]
Sebeos was writing the chronicle at a time when memories of sudden eruption of the Arabs was fresh. He knows
Muhammad's name and that he was a merchant by profession. He hints that his life was suddenly changed by a divinely
inspired revelation.[33] He presents a good summary of Muhammad's preaching, i.e., belief in one God, Abraham as a
common ancestor of Jews and Arabs. He picks out some of the rules of behaviour imposed on the umma; the four
prohibitions which are mentioned in the Qur'an. Much of what he says about the origins of Islam conforms to the Muslim
tradition.
A Chronicler Of Khuzistan (Writing c. 660s CE / 40s AH)
This is an anonymous and short Nestorian chronicle was aims to convey church as well as secular histories from the death
of Hormizd son of Khusrau to the end of the Persian kingdom. Because of its anonymity, it is known to scholars Khuzistan
Chronicle, after its plausible geographical location or Anonymous Guidi, after the name of its first editor. Amid his entry
on the reign of Yazdgird, the chronicler gives a brief account of the Muslim invasions:
Then God raised up against them the sons of Ishmael, [numerous] as the sand on the sea shore, whose leader (mdabbrānā) was
Mụhammad (mhmd). Neither walls nor gates, armour or shield, withstood them, and they gained control over the entire land of the
Persians. Yazdgird sent against them countless troops, but the Arabs routed them all and even killed Rustam. Yazdgird shut himself
up in the walls of Mahoze and finally escaped by flight. He reached the country of the Huzaye and Mrwnaye, where he ended his
life. The Arabs gained countrol of Mahoze and all the territory. They also came to Byzantine territory, plundering and ravaging the
entire region of Syria. Heraclius, the Byzantine king, sent armies against them, but the Arabs killed more than 100,000 of them.[34]
In summary, concerning Muhammad, the chronicler says that he was the leader of the sons of Ishmael, whom God raised
against the Persians.
Drachm Of ‘Abd al-Malik Ibn ‘Abd Allāh, Zubayrid Governor Of Bīshāpūr, 66 AH / 685-686 CE.
Obverse margin: bism Allāh / Muh�ammad rasūl / Allāh ("In the name of God, Muhammad is the messenger of
God").
John bar Penkaye (writing 687 CE / 67-68 AH)
Little is known about John bar Penkaye. He was a native of Fenek in north-western Mesopotamia and a resident of the
monastery of John Kamul. It was in this monastery he wrote Ktābā d-rīš mellē ("Book of the Salient Points") and dedicated
it to a person called Sabrisho‘, the abbott of this convent.[35] In his book John bar Penkaye wrote the chronicle of the world
from Creation to his present day which he calls as the "severe chastisement of today".[36] His work seeks to treat the salient
points of history in a brief fashion. For the issue which concerns us here, it is discussed in the fifteenth and the last chapter,
where the Arab conquests and the devastating famine and plague of 67 AH / 686-67 CE are mentioned.[37] Concerning
Muhammad, John bar Penkaye says that:
Having let their dispute run its course, after much fighting had taken place between them, the Westerners, whom they call the sons
of ’Ammāyē, gained the victory, and one of their number, a man called M‘awyā [i.e., Mu‘awiya], became king controlling the two
kingdoms, of the Persians and of the Byzantines. Justice flourished in his time, and there was great peace in the regions under his
control; he allowed everyone to live as they wanted. For they held, as I have said above, an ordinance, stemming from the man
who was their guide (mhaddyānā), concerning the people of the Christians and concerning the monastic station. Also as a result of
this man's guidance (mhaddyānūtā) they held to the worship of One God, in accordance with the customs of ancient law. At the
beginnings they kept to the traditions (mašlmānūtā) of Mụhammad, who was their instructor (tā’rā), to such an extent that they
inflicted the death penalty on anyone who was seen to act brazenly against his laws.[38]
John bar Penkaye presented Muhammad as the "guide" and "instructor" whose "traditions" and "laws" the Arabs fiercely
upheld. The term "tradition" (Syr. mašlmānūtā) implies that something is handed down, which suggests that the Muslims
adhered to and enforced the example of Prophet Muhammad.[39] Concerning the term mhaddyānūtā, Brock points out that:
There is, however, one interesting term used for Mụhammad that terms up in both Monophysite and Nestorian sources, namely
mhaddyana, "guide", a term that has no obvious ancestry, although the related haddaya is a Christological title in early Syriac
literature.[40]
Seven milestones on the Damascus-Jerusalem road from the reign of ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (65-86 AH / 685-
705 CE). Some of them can be seen here. They start with the typical formula of
Bism Allāh al-rah�mān al-rah�īm lā ilāha illa-Allāh wah�dahu la sharīka lahu Muh�ammad rasūl Allāh ...
In the name of God the Compassionate the Merciful. There is no god but God alone without partner and
Muhammad is the messenger of God ...
An Arab-Sassanian coin of the Umayyad governer of Basra Khālid ibn ‘Abd Allāh, Bīshāpūr, 71 AH / 690-91 CE.
The legend reads bism Allāh Muh�ammad rasūl Allāh ("In the name of God, Muhammad is the messenger of
God").
Tombstone Of ‘Abāssa Bint Juraij, 71 AH / 691 CE.
... ahl al-Islām mus�ībatahum bi al-nabī Muh�ammad s�allā-Allāhu alayhi wa-sallam... wa tashhadu lā ilāha illā-
allāh wah�dahu lā sharīka lahu wa anna Muh�ammadan ‘abduhu wa rasūlahu, s�allā-Allāhu alayhi wa-sallam.
The greatest calamity of the people of Islām is that which has fallen them on the death of Prophet Muhammad,
may God grant him peace.... [she died] confessing that there is no god but God alone without partner and that
Muhammad is His servant and His apostle, may God grant him peace.
Anonymous Arab-Sassanian Coinage Of Syrian Origin Under ‘Abd al-Malik, 72 AH / 691 CE.
Obverse field: Written in Arabic to downwards to the right of the bust: Muh�ammad rasūl Allāh ("Muhammad
is the messenger of God").
The Arabic Islamic Inscriptions On The Dome Of The Rock In Jerusalem, 72 AH / 692 CE.
Outer Octagonal Arcade
Muh�ammad rasūl Allāh s�allā-Allāhu ‘alayhi wa-sallam... Muhammad rasūl Allāh inna allāha wa malā'ikatahu
yusallūna ‘ala al-nabīyi yā ayyuhā al-ladhīna āmanū s�allū ‘alayhi wa sallimū taslīman... Muh�ammad rasūl
Allāh s�allā-Allāhu ‘alayhi wa malā'ikatahu wa rusulu wa al-taslīman ‘alayhi wa rah�mat Allāh... Muh�ammad
rasūl Allāh s�allā-Allāhu ‘alayhi wa taqabbal shafā‘atahu yawm al-qiyamah... Muh�ammad rasūl Allāh s�allā-
Allāhu ‘alayhi.
Muhammad is the messenger of God, may God grant him peace... Muhammad is the messenger of God. Verily
God and His Angels bless the Prophet; O you who believe, bless him and salute him with a salutation!...
Muhammad is the messenger of God, the blessing of God be on him and the angels and His prophets, and
peace be on him, and may God have mercy... Muhammad is the Messenger of God, the blessing of God be on
him. May He accept his intercession on the Day of Judgment [on behalf of his people]... Muhammad is the
Messenger of God, the blessing of God be on him.
Inner Octagonal Arcade
Muh�ammad ‘abd-Allāhi wa rasūluhu inna allāha wa malā'ikatahu yusallūna ‘ala al-nabīyi yā ayyuhā al-
ladhīna āmanū s�allū ‘alayhi wa sallimū taslīman s�allā-Allāhu ‘alayhi wa-sallam ‘alayhi wa rah�mat Allāh.
Muhammad is the servant of God and His Messenger. Verily God and His Angels bless the Prophet; O you
who believe, bless him and salute him with a salutation! The blessing of God be on him and peace be on him,
and may God have mercy.
The Copper Plaque Inscriptions At The Dome Of The Rock In Jerusalem, 72 AH / 692 CE.
Northern Portal
Muh�ammad ‘abd-Allāhi wa rasūluhu arsalahu bi-l-huda wa dīn al-h�aqq liyudhhiru ‘ala al-dini kullahi wa-law
karih-al-mushrikūn. Āmannā billāhi wa mā unzila ila Muh�ammad wa mā ūtiya al-nabīyūna min rabbihim lā
nufarriqu bayna ah�adin minhum wa nah�nu lahu muslimūn. s�allū ‘alayhi Muh�ammad ‘abduhu wa nabīyahu wa
al-salām ‘alayhi wa rah�mat Allāhi wa barakātuhu wa magfiratuhu wa rid�awānahu.
Muhammad is the servant of God and His messenger whom He sent with guidance and the religion of truth
that He might make it prevail over all religions even if the associators are averse. We believe in God and that
which was revealed unto Muhammad and that which the Prophets received from their Lord. We make no
distinction between any of them, and unto Him we have surrendered. The blessing of God be upon
Muhammad, His servant and His prophet, and peace be upon him and the mercy of God and His blessing and
His forgiveness and His acceptance.
Eastern Entrance
... an ta-s�allī ‘ala Muh�ammad ‘abdika wa nabīyika wa tataqabbala shafā'atahu fī ummati s�allū ‘alayhi wa al-
salām ‘alayhi wa rah�mat Allāhi wa...
... that You bless Muhammad Your servant, Your prophet, and that You accept his intercession for his people,
the blessing of God be upon him and peace be upon him and the mercy of God and...
Fragments Of The Chart Of Jacob (= James) Of Edessa, 692 CE / 73 AH.
Jacob (also called James) of Edessa (19-90 AH / 640-708 CE) was a bishop of Edessa. He composed a set of chronological
charts intended to continue those of Eusebius. Only fragments from 10th or 11th century remain, covering the 7th century
only down to 631 CE.[41] Elias of Nisbis (975-1050 CE) informs us that Jacob of Edessa composed his chronicle in 1003
AG / 692 CE and this is confirmed by Michael the Syrian (12th century) who cites Theodosius of Edessa.[42] Brooks has
convincingly demonstrated that this chronicle was a work of Jacob's but with a qualification that it "is not the full work of
Jacob but only a series of extracts from it".[43]
The manuscript is arranged in three columns. A central column counts off the years since Constantine and the regnal years
of the Byzantine and Persians emperors; historical notices are placed on either side.
In the central column, giving the dates of the rulers, there are entries for following years:
[296 = 932 AG / 622 CE] Muhammad, the first king of the Arabs, began to reign, 7 years.
....
[303 = 939 AG / 629 CE] No. 2 of the Arabs, Abu Bakr, 2 years, 7 months.[44]
On the left hand side of the column are the following notices:
[Beside years 293 and 294] and Muhammad goes down on commercial businesses to the lands of Palestine and of the Arabias and
of Phoenicia of the Tyrians.
There was a solar eclipse.
....
Beginning of the kingdom of the Arabs whom we call Tayyōyē, while Heraclius, king of the Romans, was having his eleventh year
and while Chosroes, king of the Persians, was having his thirty first year [i.e., 620-21 CE].
[Beside years 301 and 302] The Arabs began to carry out raids in the land of Palestine.[45]
Muhammad's trading is placed beside years 293 and 294 = 929 AG / 617-18 CE and 930 AG / 618-19 CE, but before the
mention of the solar eclipse. The start of the "kingdom of Arabs" is tied to the rulership of kings of Byzantine and Persians
empires and is placed in 620-21 CE. The Arabs' raids are placed beside the year 301 and 302 = 937 AG / 625-26 CE and
938 AG / 626-27 CE.
It is interesting to note that Jacob of Edessa gives an accurate date for the start of the Arab era. He seems to have assumed
that the Arab era like the ones during his time such as Byzantine and Persian eras must have been reckoned from the first
year of the rule of a king, presumably their first king. Since the Arabs reckoned from 622 CE, i.e., the start of hijra
calender, Jacob might have assumed that their first king, i.e., Muhammad, must have started to rule that year.
The ‘Aqabah Inscription From The Time Of ‘Abd al-Malik, 73 AH / 692-693 CE.
Bism Allāh al-rah�mān al-rah�īm lā ilāha il-l-allāh wah�dahu la sharīka lahu Muh�ammad rasūl Allāh ...
In the name of God the Compassionate the Merciful. There is no god but God alone without partner and
Muhammad is the messenger of God ...
Aniconic Silver Coins ("Reformed Coinage"), Minted By The Umayyad Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik, From 77 AH / 696
CE.
Reverse margin: Muh�ammad rasūl Allāh arsalahu bi-l-huda wa dīn al-h�aqq liyudhhiru ‘ala al-dini kullahi wa-
law karih-al-mushrikūn
Muhammad is the messenger of God whom He sent with guidance and the religion of truth that He might
make it prevail over all religions even if the associators are averse.
Arabic-Greek / Greek-Arabic and Arabic protocols, mostly from the time of al-Walid I (85-97 AH / 705-15 CE) to
Yazid II (101-106 AH / 720-24 CE). Examples from the time of al-Walīd and Sulaymān b. ‘Abd al-Malik are available.
They all begin typically with the example given below for Arabic. Bilingual texts contain the translation in Greek of Arabic
text and conclude with the name of the caliph / governor and the date.
Arabic: Bism Allāh al-rah�mān al-rah�īm lā ilāha il-l-allāh wah�dahu la sharīka lahu lam yalid wa-lam yulad
wa-lam yakun lahu kufūwan ah�ad Muh�ammad rasūl Allāh arsalahu bi-l-huda wa dīn al-h�aqq ...
In the name of God the Compassionate the Merciful. There is no god but God alone without partner. He did
not beget and was not begotten. And there is none like unto Him. Muhammad is the messenger of God whom
He sent with guidance and the religion of truth ...
Greek: ... maamet apostolos theou ...
... Muhammad is the messenger of God ...
Inscription In A Mosque In Damascus, Built By Caliph Walīd, 86-87 AH / 705-706 CE.
... rabbuna-Allāhu wah�dahu wa dīnunā al-islām wa nabīyyunā Muh�ammad s�allā-allāhu alayhi wa sallam.
... Our Lord is God alone, and our religion is Islam and our prophet is Muhammad, may God grant him peace.
Ad Annum 705, 705-15 CE / 86-96 AH.
It is list of Arab rulers found in a late 9th century manuscript with an unknown provenance and presumably incomplete
since the promise statistics regarding Muslim occupied lands do not appear. The dating of this manuscript is done using the
accession date of Walid mentioned in the chronology, who reigned from 705-15 CE. The relevant text states:
Again a report giving the information about the kingdom of Arabs and how many kings they produced and how much land each of
them held after his predecessor previous to his death.
Muhammad came upon the earth in 932 of Alexander, son of Philip the Macedonian [i.e., 620-21 CE]; he reigned for seven years.
After him Abu Bakr reigned for 2 years...[46]
This chronicle also provides similar dates just as what we have seen in the case of the chart of Jacob of Edessa.
An Arabic Inscription From Khirbat Nitil, 100 AH / 718-719 CE.
... wā qimhu ‘ala h�awd�i Muh�ammad ...
... and s[et him on] the pool of Muhammad ...
3. Prophet Muhammad In The Dated Muslim And Non-Muslim Sources From The First Century
AH: An Appraisal
From the listings of the dated texts, it is clear that the name of Prophet Muhammad appears very early in the non-Muslim
texts. The time period between the death of Muhammad (June, 632 CE) and the earliest mention of him (4th February, 634
CE) in the writings of Thomas the Presbyter (writing c. 640 CE / 19 AH), is slightly over a year and half! Interestingly
enough, one of the earliest indications of stirrings in Arabia comes from the Doctrina Jacobi ("Teachings of Jacob"), a
Greek anti-Jewish apologetic work which was presumably composed in Africa in July 634 during the Heraclean
persecution. Although Muhammad is not mentioned by name in this tract, he is called a (false) Prophet, who has appeared
among the Saracens [i.e., the Arabs] and has the keys of Paradise.[47] The Syriac sources from the middle and until the end
of the first/seventh century emphasize Muhammad's centrality for the Muslims. Non-Muslim writers of the first century
AH depict the early Muslims as the followers of Muhammad (Thomas the Presbyter, Sebeos, Chronicler of Khuzistan),
who was their ‘guide’ and ‘instructor’ (John bar Penkaye) whose ‘traditions’ and ‘laws’ they fiercely upheld (John bar
Penkaye) and who prescribed for them abstinence from carrion, wine, falsehood and fornication (Sebeos). Furthermore, the
non-Muslim sources of the first century AH also attest that the religion of the followers of Muhammad was strictly
monotheistic (Sebeos, John bar Penkaye) and of Abrahamic associations (Chronicler of Khuzistan).[48]
Greek and Syriac sources from the middle and until the end of the first/seventh century emphasize Muhammad's centrality
for the Muslims just like the Muslim sources from the same period. Sebeos points out that Muhammad legislated the law
proscribing carrion (Qur'an 5:3), wine (Qur'an 2:219, 5:90), falsehood (Qur'an 39:3, 16:116, 33:24) and fornication (Qur'an
17:32, 24:2). More importantly, it shows that early Muslims adhered to a religion that had definite practices and beliefs and
was clearly distinct from other currently existing faiths.
The earliest Muslim source to mention Prophet Muhammad is a drachm minted by ‘Abd al-Malik ibn ‘Abd Allāh,
Zubayrid governor of Bīshāpūr, in 66 AH / 685-86 CE. The legend on the coin reads Muhammad rasūl Allāh ("Muhammad
is the messenger of God"), which would become a common phrase in many of the dated texts in the rest of the first century
AH. The Muslim sources from this period describe Muhammad as a ‘messenger’, ‘prophet’, ‘servant of God’, ‘sent with
guidance and the religion of truth’ and an ‘intercessor on the Day of Judgment’ for his people. Supplications are made to
God to send His ‘peace’ and ‘mercy’ on Muhammad. His death is depicted as the ‘greatest calamity’ to fall on Muslims.
Also mentioned is the ‘pool’ of Muhammad in Paradise from which the believers would drink on the Day of Judgment. The
dated Muslim texts also depict the deity which Muhammad and Muslims after him worshipped as monotheistic; same as
the one which is claimed to be worshipped by the Jews and Christians.
Recently, Christoph Luxenberg suggested that the Dome of the Rock was a Christian Church built as a memorial to Jesus
containing Christian inscriptions which record, amongst other things, the theological disputes between the camps of the
Hellenised and Syrian Christians regarding the divinity of Jesus. Thus phrase muh�ammadun ‘abdullāhi wa rasūluhū on the
Dome of the Rock does not mean ‘Muhammad is the slave of God and his Messenger’, rather it means ‘Praised be the slave
of God and His messenger’ which Luxenberg considers as a plain unambiguous reference to Jesus.[49] Contradicting the
claims of Luxenberg, numerous 1st century AH Arabic-Greek bilingual papyri from the time of Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-
Malik ibn Marwan[50] (65-86 AH / 685-705 CE) as well as later ones such as Egyptian National Library Inv. No. 67 (90-91
AH / 709-710 CE), PER Inv. Ar. Pap. 3976 (98-99 AH / 716-717 CE) among others[51] clearly translate the Arabic phrase
muh�ammad rasūl Allāh in Greek as ‘maamet apostolos theou’ i.e., ‘Muhammad is the Messenger of God’, thus confirming
that ‘Muhammad’ was considered as a proper name and not ‘praised’ or ‘praiseworthy’. Furthermore, as we have seen, the
non-Muslim sources from the middle and until the end of the first/seventh century emphasize Muhammad's centrality for
the Muslims and depict the early Muslims as the followers of a living person named Muhammad, certainly not some other
"Muhammad" born around six hundred years earlier in a different land who is no longer on earth.
Now we are left with the issue of relative values of the ‘insider’ versus ‘outsider’ accounts of Muhammad. In the various
reviews of Crone and Cook's Hagarism one criticism occurs again and again: could the ‘outsiders’, i.e., the external
observers have known better than the ‘insiders’, i.e., the Muslims? In the words of Josef van Ess:
... we cannot demand that an observer from outside, who could even less evaluate the radical novelty of the event, should have
had a clearer concept of what was really happening. We should rather expect the he tried to describe the phenomenon with his own
categories.[52]
The answer to be the above question is clearly no. It is undeniable that Christians presented their information regarding
Muhammad, Islam and Muslims in their own terms, which inevitably had some amount of distortion. However, it is
important to note that this information is either based on personal observation or ultimately derived from the Muslims
themselves.[53] As for the value of Christian accounts, it is two-fold. Firstly, they are often precisely dateable which can't be
said of early Muslim writings and secondly, the Christian sources often preserve information which Muslims passed over.[54] With regards to Muhammad, Christian writings from the 1st century of hijra divulge nothing new about his biography
when compared with the Islamic sources, but they do reinforce the Islamic accounts about him, albeit with a polemic
undertone.
One could turn the question around on its head. What would happen if one should wish to reconstruct the "historical" Jesus
based on the observations of groups such as the Jews, Romans, pagans and polytheists? According to the Talmudic Jews,
Jesus was a sorcerer who enticed Israel into idolatry. He was subsequently stoned to death and then hung on a tree as
punishment for his crimes;[55] Jesus ultimate fate is burning eternally in Hell in boiling hot excrement, due to his mocking
the words of the sages.[56] Elsewhere Jesus is accused of and/or associated with idolatry, false prophesy, magic, sorcery and
sexual impropriety amongst many other unflattering descriptions.[57] One could repeat this kind of approach based on the
writings of the other groups mentioned above. Of course, any such reconstruction of Jesus as given above would be
diametrically opposite to the description provided by his earliest followers. Yet, unlike the methods applied by Nevo,
Koren, Crone, Cook and others, no considered scholar would adhere to the axiomatic principle of preferring the external
source simply because they are observers out with the realm of the group being represented.
Similarly, after devoting a considerable amount of research into weighing the evidence of Jesus in non-Christian sources,
Craig Evans reduced non-Christian sources which mention Jesus into three categories: ‘dubious’, ‘minimal’ and
‘important’, dependant on the source's independence from Christian tradition and the closeness to the events being
described.[58] In the category of ‘important’ sources, he mentions the Annals of Cornelius Tacitus (c. 56 - c. 118 CE) and the
Jewish Antiquities of Flavius Josephus (37 - sometime after 100 CE).[59] Apart from the reasons given above, Evans
emphasises the primary importance of these sources is due to their corroboration of certain New Testament accounts.[60] In
any case Evans considers the Christian Sources to possess enough information in and of themselves as to negate the need
for excessive attempts at modelling Jesus based on non-Christian sources.[61] Likewise similar conclusions can be drawn
regarding Prophet Muhammad. The testimonies of non-Muslim accounts are not to be preferred over those authentic
Muslim accounts which provide more accurate and detailed information, necessitated by the circumstances of their
recording. That is not to say one must ignore what is said about the earliest Muslims by others, merely that the application
of common sense take place in order to reach logical and balanced conclusions. Such is the practice when approaching the
Judeo-Christian sources – the Islamic sources should be no different.
4. Conclusions
The time period between the death of Muhammad (June, 632 CE) and the earliest mention of him (4th February, 634 CE)
in a non-scriptural source is slightly over a year and half. Although revealing nothing new in terms of the biography of
Muhammad, what the non-Muslim sources of the first century of hijra do divulge is not unimportant. Often precisely
datable, something which can't be said of early Muslim literary sources, the information contained in these accounts
generally corroborates the Muslim accounts, albeit coloured with polemical undertones as the conquests were still fresh in
their minds. These sources are clearly aware of a person called Muhammad whom the Muslims followed, upholding his
traditions and holding fast to the belief and worship in one God casting aside their previous idolatrous practices.
Unlike Christianity, Islam is a not a belief system whose religious formulae and expression are centred on the deification
and glorification of a man. To put it another way, Muslims are not "Muhammadans" and Islam is not the worship of
Muhammad. This can help to explain why our earliest epigraphic records are not awash with references to Muhammad,
instead containing simple pietistic invocations mentioning God. Western scholars whose primary experience is of Judeo-
Christian religion, history and culture often fail to appreciate this crucial difference. What these records do emphasise is the
worship of one God alone without any partner, his attributes such as mercy and forgiveness are often supplicated for and
are found in our earliest inscriptions. By their very nature, these inscriptions are short and are not intended to be complete
manuals of faith and doctrine. Once the Islamic state started to change in the time of ‘Abd al-Malik (685-705 CE)
following a number of battles and wars both internal and external, propaganda efforts were intensified, perhaps no more
vividly than in the construction of the Dome of the Rock, whose Qur'an-inspired inscriptions boldly proclaim the
fundamental aspects of the religion, challenging the Christian belief of Jesus as God and proclaiming God's promise that
the final victory will be for Islam, “Muhammad is the servant of God and His messenger whom He sent with guidance and
the religion of truth that He might make it prevail over all religions even if the associators are averse”. There could be no
more explicit declaration to the residents of the city of Jerusalem and the wider Christian and Jewish communities that
Islam, the religion of Muhammad and the earlier prophets, was here to stay.
References
[1] A good idea of the views of Muir can be obtained from his polemical writings. Sir W. Muir, The Mohammedan
Controversy, Biographies Of Mohammed, Sprenger On Tradition, Indian Liturgy And The Psalter, 1897, T. & T. Clark:
Edinburgh.
[2] A. Sprenger, The Life Of Mohammad, From Original Sources, 1851, Presbyterian Mission Press: Allahabad; idem., Das
Leben Und Die Lehre Des Mohammad Nach Bisher Grösstentheils Unbenutzten Quellen Bearbeitet, 1861-1865, Three
Volumes, Nicolai'sche Verlagsbuchh.: Berlin. For a review summarizing the contents of these two books, especially on the
skepticism of life of Muhammad as mentioned in the Islamic literature see Sir W. Muir, The Mohammedan Controversy,
Biographies Of Mohammed, Sprenger On Tradition, Indian Liturgy And The Psalter, 1897, op. cit., pp. 106-118.
[3] I. Goldziher (Ed. S. M. Stern), Muslim Studies (Muhammedanische Studien), 1971, Volume II, Atherton: New York and
Aldine: Chicago, p. 11. Good interaction with the various theories of Goldziher in respect of the early h�adīth literature can
be found in T. A. H. Maloush's Early Hadith Literature And The Theory Of Ignaz Goldziher, 2001, Ph. D. thesis
(unpublished), University of Edinburgh.
[4] J. Schacht, The Origins Of Muhammadan Jurisprudence, 1950, Oxford At Clarendon Press, p. 165.
[5] J. Wansbrough, Qur'anic Studies: Sources & Methods Of Scriptural Interpretation, 1977, London Oriental Series
Volume 31, Oxford University Press, p. 49-52. Given our current knowledge of early Qur'anic manuscripts Wansbrough's
theory can now be safely discarded. Based solely on 1st century hijazi manuscripts almost the entire text of the Qur'an can
be reproduced, with some 17% of the total text unrepresented in this time period. Noseda's calculation excludes 1st century
hijra Kufic manuscripts, all Qur'anic inscriptions and all hijazi manuscripts found at SLanʿā. See F. Déroche and S. N.
Noseda (Eds.), Sources de la transmission manuscrite du texte coranique. I. Les manuscrits de style hijazi. Volume 2. Tome
I. Le manuscrit Or. 2165 (f. 1 à 61) de la British Library, 2001, Fondazione Ferni Noja Noseda, Leda, and British Library:
London, p. xxvii; Also see S. N. Noseda, "Parerga To The Volumes Of «Sources De La Transmission Manuscrite Du Texte
Coranique» Thus Far Published And In Course Of Publication" in M. S. Kropp (Ed.), Results Of Contemporary Research
On The Qur'ān: The Question Of A Historio-Critical Text Of The Qur'ān, 2007, Orient-Institut: Beirut, p. 163. Discussing
this evidence, Noseda dismisses Wansbrough's theory. History, he says, will decide whether to apply to it the nickname
"Lusitania" or "Titanic" [ibid. p. 172].
[6] J. Burton, An Introduction To Hadith, 1994, Edinburgh University Press: Edinburgh, p. xxiii and p. xv.
[7] J. Koren & Y. Nevo, "Methodological Approaches To Islamic Studies", Der Islam, 1991, Band 68, pp. 92-93.
[8] ibid., pp. 99-100.
[9] Y. D. Nevo, "Towards A Prehistory Of Islam", Jerusalem Studies In Arabic And Islam, 1994, Volume 17, pp. 109-110;
Also see Y. Nevo & J. Koren, Crossroads To Islam: The Origins Of The Arab Religion And The Arab State, 2003,
Prometheus Books: New York, p. 247.
[10] J. Koren & Y. Nevo, "Methodological Approaches To Islamic Studies", Der Islam, 1991, op. cit., p. 87. To give
another example, Nevo and Koren are quick to point out what they believe are the negative consequences stemming from
the absence of a classical Arabic inscription in the Hijaz before the reign of Mu‘awiya. [p. 104]. Elsewhere they write that
no contemporary account in the non Arab literature mentions any caliph before Mu‘awiya [p. 100], implying the events
preceding this point as recorded in Islamic history including those personalities and their stories are ahistorical and
untrustworthy. Both these assertions were sunk by the discovery of a single inscription from the Hijaz mentioning the death
of the caliph ‘Umar written in classical Arabic in 24 AH, conforming with the date of his death as given in the Muslim
literary sources. This example only serves to highlight the need to display caution and a steady head so that one may avoid
making rash conclusions based on fragmentary documentary evidence.
[11] J. Johns, "Archaeology And The History Of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years", Journal Of The Economic And
Social History Of The Orient, 2003, Volume 46, No. 4, p. 412. John's contribution can be further appreciated by examining
those recent articles which deal directly with some of the issues he addresses. See C. Foss, "A Syrian Coinage Of
Mu‘awiya?", Revue Numismatique, 2002, Volume 158, pp. 353-365; R. Hoyland, "New Documentary Texts And The Early
Islamic State", Bulletin Of The School Of Oriental And African Studies, 2006, Volume 69, No. 3, pp. 395-416.
For some apt observations regarding the use of archaeological and literary sources and the relevance of their contribution,
see C. Hillenbrand, "Muhammad And The Rise Of Islam", in P. Fouracre (Ed.), The New Cambridge Medieval History c.
500 – c. 700, 2005, Volume I, Cambridge University Press, pp. 325-331.
[12] What makes this situation particularly entertaining is the missionaries and apologists indifference toward their own
Judeo-Christian material sources which are rarely, if ever, studied according to similar principles. The earliest Christian
inscription upon which most Judeo-Christian scholars agree upon is the Aberkios Epitaph written c. 200 CE. It is also the
earliest inscription which attempts to register Christian belief. The earliest extant example of a Christian church is also
from the third century CE [Compare this to the documentary evidence for early Islam from 1-72 AH and that of the Qur'an
from 1-100 AH]. See L. W. Hurtado, The Earliest Christian Artifacts: Manuscripts And Christian Origins, 2006, Wm. B.
Eerdmans Publishing Co.: Grand Rapids (MI), p. 2; R. A. Kearsley, "The Epitaph Of Aberkios: The Earliest Christian
Inscription?", in S. R. Llewelyn (Ed.), New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity: A Review Of The Greek Inscriptions
And Papyri Published In 1980-81, 1992, The Ancient History Documentary Research Centre: Macquarie University
(Australia), pp. 177-181; B. H. McLean, An Introduction To Greek Epigraphy Of The Hellenistic And Roman Periods
From Alexander The Great Down To The Reign Of Constantine (323 B.C.–A.D. 337), 2002, University Of Michigan Press,
p. 280.
[13] The views of the Western scholars was neatly summarized by Peters. See F. E. Peters, "The Quest Of The Historical
Muhammad", International Journal Of Middle Eastern Studies, 1991, Volume 23, pp. 291-315. Reprinted in F. E. Peters,
"The Quest Of The Historical Muhammad" in Ibn Warraq (Ed.), The Quest For The Historical Muhammad, 2000,
Prometheus Books: Amherst, pp. 444-475. For an early review on the same subject see A. Jeffery, "The Quest Of The
Historical Mohammed", Moslem World, 1926, Volume XVI, No. 4, pp. 327-348.
[14] Perhaps the best example of such an analysis is by Harald Motzki on the collection of the Qur'an. H. Motzki, "The
Collection Of The Qur'an: A Reconsideration Of The Western Views In Light Of Recent Methodological Developments",
Der Islam, 2001, Volume 78, pp. 1-34. The Western views on the collection of the Qur'an that Motzki discusses are the
works of Wansbrough (Qur'anic Studies: Sources & Methods Of Scriptural Interpretation, 1977, Oxford University Press),
Watt (Muhammad's Mecca, 1988, Edinburgh), Nöldeke and Schwally (Geschichte des Qorans, 1938, Leipzig), Casanova
(Mohammad et la fin du Monde, 1911, Paris), Mingana ("The Transmission Of The Qur'an", 1916, Journal of The
Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society) and Burton (The Collection Of The Qur'an, 1979, Cambridge University
Press). Refuting the claims of Western scholarship concerning the collection of the Qur'an Motzki states that [p. 31]:
Muslims account are much earlier and thus much nearer to the time of the events than hitherto assumed in Western scholarship.
Admittedly, these accounts contain some details which seem to be implausible or, to put it more cautiously, await explanation, but
the Western views which claim to replace them by more plausible and historically more reliable accounts are obviously far away
from what they make themselves out to be.
Also see H. Motzki, "The Musannaf Of ʿAbd al-Razzāq Al-SLanʿānī As A Source of Authentic AhLādīth of The First
Century A.H.", Journal Of Near Eastern Studies, 1991, Volume 50, pp. 1-21; idem., "The Prophet And The Cat: On Dating
Mālik's Muwat�t�a And Legal Traditions", Jerusalem Studies In Arabic And Islam, 1998, Volume 22, pp. 18-83; idem., "The
Murder Of Ibn Abī l-HLuqayq: On The Origin And Reliability Of Some Maghāzī Reports", in H. Motzki (Ed.), The
Biography Of Muhammad: The Issue Of Sources, 2000, Islamic History And Civilization: Studies And Texts, Volume 32,
Brill: Leiden, Boston, Köln, pp. 170-239; U. Mitter, "Unconditional Manumission Of Slaves In Early Islamic Law: A
H�adīth Analysis", Der Islam, 2001, Volume 78, pp. 35-72. For a meticulous study of the h�adīth that has drawn the most
attention in Western literature, proving the applicability of the traditional transmission based analysis, see I. Zaman, The
Evolution Of A Hadith: Transmission, Growth, And The Science Of Rijal In A Hadith Of Sa‘d b. Abi Waqqas, 1991, Ph. D.
Thesis (unpublished), University of Chicago; idem. "The Science Of Rijāl As A Method In The Study Of Hadiths" Journal
Of Islamic Studies, 1994, Volume 5, Number 1, pp. 1-34.
For a recent overview of dating Muslim traditions see H. Motzki, "Dating Muslim Traditions: A Survey", Arabica, 2005,
Volume 52, No. 2, pp. 204-253.
[15] H. Motzki (Ed.), The Biography Of Muhammad: The Issue Of Sources, 2000, Islamic History And Civilization:
Studies And Texts, Volume 32, Brill: Leiden, Boston, Köln. Also see J. Horovitz (Ed. L. I. Conrad), The Earliest
Biographies Of The Prophet And Their Authors, 2002, Studies In Late Antiquity And Early Islam - 11, The Darwin Press,
Inc.: Princeton (NJ).
[16] R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian
Writings On Early Islam, 1997, Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam - 13, The Darwin Press, Inc.: Princeton (NJ), p.
598. Also see R. G. Hoyland, "The Earliest Christian Writings On Muhammad: An Appraisal", in H. Motzki (Ed.), The
Biography Of Muhammad: The Issue Of Sources, 2001, op. cit., pp. 276-297.
[17] Wansbrough was surely exaggerating when he says we have "neither artifact nor archive" to study the Islamic origins.
See J. Wansbrough, Res Ipsa Loquitur: History And Mimesis, 1987, The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities:
Jerusalem, p. 10. This was reprinted in J. Wansbrough, "Res Ipsa Loquitur: History And Mimesis" in H. Berg (Ed.),
Method And Study In The Study Of Islamic Origins, 2003, Islamic History And Civilization: Studies And Texts - Volume
49, Brill: Leiden & Boston, p. 7.
[18] For the dating of the non-Muslim sources discussed here see R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey
And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian Writings On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., pp. vii-xii giving the listing
of the authors and the dates.
[19] W. Wright, Catalogue Of Syriac Manuscripts In The British Museum Acquired Since The Year 1838, 1870, Part I,
Printed by order of the Trustees: London, No. XCIV, pp. 65-66. This book has been recently republished in 2002 by
Gorgias Press.
[20] Th. Nöldeke, "Zur Geschichte Der Araber Im 1, Jahrh. d.H. Aus Syrischen Quellen", Zeitschrift Der Deutschen
Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1876, Volume 29, p. 76.
[21] A. Palmer (with contributions from S. P. Brock and R. G. Hoyland), The Seventh Century In The West-Syrian
Chronicles Including Two Seventh-Century Syriac Apocalyptic Texts, 1993, Liverpool University Press: Liverpool (UK),
pp. 2-3; Also see R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And
Zoroastrian Writings On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., pp. 116-117.
[22] Th. Nöldeke, "Zur Geschichte Der Araber Im 1, Jahrh. d.H. Aus Syrischen Quellen", Zeitschrift Der Deutschen
Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1876, op. cit., p. 78, note 10.
[23] A. Palmer (with contributions from S. P. Brock and R. G. Hoyland), The Seventh Century In The West-Syrian
Chronicles Including Two Seventh-Century Syriac Apocalyptic Texts, 1993, op. cit., p. 4; Also see R. G. Hoyland, Seeing
Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian Writings On Early Islam, 1997,
op. cit., p. 117.
[24] Th. Nöldeke, "Zur Geschichte Der Araber Im 1, Jahrh. d.H. Aus Syrischen Quellen", Zeitschrift Der Deutschen
Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1876, op. cit., pp. 79-82.
[25] F. M. Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests, 1981, Princeton University Press: Princeton (NJ), p. 144; R. G. Hoyland,
Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian Writings On Early Islam,
1997, op. cit., p. 117.
[26] W. Wright, Catalogue Of Syriac Manuscripts In The British Museum Acquired Since The Year 1838, 1872, Part III,
Printed by order of the Trustees: London, No. DCCCCXIII, pp. 1040-1041.
[27] A. Palmer (with contributions from S. P. Brock and R. G. Hoyland), The Seventh Century In The West-Syrian
Chronicles Including Two Seventh-Century Syriac Apocalyptic Texts, 1993, op. cit., pp. 5-6; R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam
As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian Writings On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit.,
pp. 118-119.
[28] A. Palmer (with contributions from S. Brock and R. G. Hoyland), The Seventh Century In The West-Syrian Chronicles
Including Two Seventh-Century Syriac Apocalyptic Texts, 1993, op. cit., pp. 18-19; Also see R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam
As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian Writings On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit.,
p. 119 and p. 120.
[29] A. Palmer (with contributions from S. P. Brock and R. G. Hoyland), The Seventh Century In The West-Syrian
Chronicles Including Two Seventh-Century Syriac Apocalyptic Texts, 1993, op. cit., p. 19, note 119; Also see R. G.
Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian Writings On
Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., p. 120, note 14.
[30] R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian
Writings On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., p. 120.
[31] R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian
Writings On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., p. 128.
[32] R. W. Thomson (with contributions from J. Howard-Johnson & T. Greenwood), The Armenian History Attributed To
Sebeos Part - I: Translation and Notes, 1999, Translated Texts For Historians - Volume 31, Liverpool University Press, pp.
95-96. Other translations can also be seen in P. Crone & M. Cook, Hagarism: The Making Of The Islamic World, 1977,
Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, pp. 6-7; R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation
Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian Writings On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., p. 129; idem., "Sebeos, The Jews And The
Rise Of Islam" in R. L. Nettler (Ed.), Medieval And Modern Perspectives On Muslim-Jewish Relations, 1995, Harwood
Academic Publishers GmbH in cooperation with the Oxford Centre for Postgraduate Hebrew Studies, p. 89.
[33] R. W. Thomson (with contributions from J. Howard-Johnson & T. Greenwood), The Armenian History Attributed To
Sebeos Part - II: Historical Commentary, 1999, Translated Texts For Historians - Volume 31, Liverpool University Press,
p. 238.
[34] R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian
Writings On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., p. 186. A brief translation of this text is also present in J. W. Watt, "The Portrayal
Of Heraclius In Syriac Historical Sources", in G. J. Reinink & B. H. Stolte (Eds.), The Reign Of Heraclius (610-641):
Crisis And Confrontation, 2002, Groningen Studies in Cultural Change, Peeters Publishers, p. 71.
[35] A good introduction about the theme of the book is by G. J. Reinink, "East Syrian Historiography In Response To The
Rise Of Islam: A Case Of John Bar Penkaye's Ktābā D-Rīsh Mellē" in J. J. Van Ginkel, H. L. Murre-Van Den Berg, T. M.
Van Lint (Eds.), Redefining Christian Identity: Cultural Interaction In The Middle East Since The Rise Of Islam, 2006,
Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta - 134, Peeters Publishers, pp. 77-89; idem., "Paideia: God's Design In World History
According To The East Syrian Monk John Bar Penkaye" in E. Kooper (Ed.), The Medieval Chronicle II: Proceedings Of
The 2nd International Conference On The Medieval Chronicle Driebergen / Utrecht 16-21 July 1999, 2002, Costerus New
Series 144, Editions Rodopi B.V., pp. 190-198.
[36] R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian
Writings On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., p. 195.
[37] This chapter is translated in English by Professor Sebastian Brock. For the translation see S. P. Brock, "North
Mesopotamia In The Late Seventh Century Book XV Of John Bar Penkāyē's Riš Millē", Jerusalem Studies In Arabic And
Islam, 1987, Volume 9, pp. 51-75.
[38] S. P. Brock, "North Mesopotamia In The Late Seventh Century Book XV Of John Bar Penkāyē's Riš Millē",
Jerusalem Studies In Arabic And Islam, 1987, op. cit., p. 61.
[39] W. B. Hallaq, The Origins And Evolution Of Islamic Law, 2005, Themes In Islam Law - I, Cambridge University
Press, p. 50. Also see R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And
Zoroastrian Writings On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., p. 197.
[40] S. P. Brock, "Syriac Views Of Emergent Islam" in G. H. A. Juynboll (Ed.), Studies On The First Century Of Islamic
Society, 1982, Papers on Islamic History - Volume 5, Southern Illinois University Press: Carbondale & Edwardsville, p. 14.
[41] W. Wright, Catalogue Of Syriac Manuscripts In The British Museum Acquired Since The Year 1838, 1872, Part III,
op. cit., No. DCCCCXXI, BL Add. 14,685, pp. 1062-1064.
[42] R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian
Writings On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., p. 164.
[43] E. W. Brooks, "The Chronological Canon Of James Of Edessa", Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenländischen
Gesellschaft, 1899, Volume 53, pp. 261-64.
[44] A. Palmer (with contributions from S. P. Brock and R. G. Hoyland), The Seventh Century In The West-Syrian
Chronicles Including Two Seventh-Century Syriac Apocalyptic Texts, 1993, op. cit., p. 37 and p. 38.
[45] ibid., p. 39, also see pp. 37-40.
[46] A. Palmer (with contributions from S. P. Brock and R. G. Hoyland), The Seventh Century In The West-Syrian
Chronicles Including Two Seventh-Century Syriac Apocalyptic Texts, 1993, op. cit., p. 43, also see pp. 43-44.
[47] The translation of the text is taken from R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of
Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian Writings On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., p. 57.
When the candidatus [member of the Byzantine imperial guard] was killed by the Saracens, I was at Caesarea and I set off by boat
to Sykamina. People were saying "the candidatus has been killed," and we Jews were overjoyed. And they were saying that the
prophet had appeared, coming with the Saracens, and that he was proclaiming the advent of the anointed one, the Christ who was
to come. I, having arrived at Sykamina, stopped by a certain old man well-versed in the scriptures, and I said to him: "What can
you tell me about the prophet who has appeared with the Saracens?" He replied, groaning deeply: "He is false, for the prophets do
not come armed with a sword. Truly they are the works of anarchy being committed today and I fear that the first Christ to come,
whom the Christians worship, was the one sent by God and we instead are preparing to receive the Antichrist. Indeed, Isaiah said
that the Jews would retain a perverted and hardened heart until all the earth should be devastated. But you go, master Abraham,
and find out about the prophet who has appeared." So I, Abraham, inquired and heard from those who had met him that there was
no truth to be found in the so-called prophet, only shedding of men's blood. He says also that he has the keys of paradise, which is
incredible.
For a similar translation also see P. Crone & M. Cook, Hagarism: The Making Of The Islamic World, 1977, op. cit., pp. 3-
4.
[48] The text in the Chronicler of Khuzistan reads:
Regarding the dome of Abraham, we have been unable to discover what it is except that, because the blessed Abraham grew rich in
property and wanted to get away from the envy of Canaanites, he chose to live in the distant and spacious parts of the desert.
Since he lived in tents, he built that place for the worship of God and for the offering of sacrifices. It took its present name from
what it had been, since the memory of the place was preserved with the generations of their race. Indeed, it was no new thing for
the Arabs to worship there, but goes back to antiquity, to their early days, in that they show honour to the father of the head of
their people.
R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian Writings
On Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., p. 187.
[49] C. Luxenberg, “Neudeutung Der Arabischen Inschrift Im Felsendom Zu Jerusalem”, in K-H. Ohlig & G-R. Puin
(Eds.), Die Dunklen Anfänge: Neue Forschungen Zur Entstehung Und Frühen Geschichte Des Islam, 2006, 2nd Auflage,
Verlag Hans Schiler: Berlin (Germany), p. 126 with discussion on pp. 129-131. The German text for the phrase
muh�ammadun ‘abdullāhi wa rasūluhū is rendered as:
Zu loben ist (gelobt sei) der Knecht Gottes und sein Gesandter.
Unsurprisingly, of the thirty-two references cited in Luxenberg's article, not a single reference deals with the dated
documentary texts, found in relative abundance before, during and after the construction of the Dome of the Rock. This
questionable methodological approach likewise penetrates the author's endeavour at a “historical reconstruction”; no
attempt has been made to provide a critical analysis of the early Christian reactions to the building of the Dome of the Rock
in Jerusalem. For the early Christian reactions see G. J. Reinink, "Early Christian Reactions To The Building Of The Dome
Of The Rock In Jerusalem", Xristianskij Vostok, 2001, Volume 2, Number 8, p. 241.
[50] J. Karabacek, J. Krall and K. Wessely (Eds.), Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer: Führer Durch Die Ausstellung, 1894, Alfred
Hölder: Wein, No. 79 (Inv. Pap. Nr. 4002), p. 19.
[51] For example see, A. Grohmann, Corpus Papyrorum Raineri Archiducis Austriae III, Series Arabica I, Part 2:
Protokolle, 1924, Burguerlag Ferdinand Zöllner: Wein, No. 34, 35, 37, 38, 62, 66. These Arabic-Greek bilingual papyri
from the 1st century of hijra translates the Arabic phrase muh�ammad rasūl Allāh in Greek as ‘maamet apostolos theos’.
[52] J. van Ess, "The Making Of Islam", The Times Literary Supplement, 1976, September 8th, p. 998. Similar statements
are also to be seen in various reviews of Crone and Cook's Hagarism. N. Daniel writes (Journal Of Semitic Studies, 1979,
Volume 24, p. 298):
It is easier to believe that Muslims are better witnesses to Islam than Christians or Jewish writers who may more naturally be
supposed to have known very little about it.
R. B. Serjeant says (Journal Of The Royal Asiatic Society, 1978, No. 1, p. 78):
Why should the Syriac sources, not new of course to the Islamic historians, with their hostility to Islam, be considered more
trustworthy than the Arabic historians?
J. Wansbrough, in his review, states (Bulletin Of The School Of Oriental And African Studies, 1978, Volume 41, p. 156):
My reservations here, and elsewhere in this first part of the book, turn upon what I take to be authors' methodological assumptions,
of which the principal must be that the vocabulary of motives can be freely extrapolated from a discrete collection of literary
stereotypes composed by aliens and mostly hostile observers...
[53] R. G. Hoyland, "The Earliest Christian Writings On Muhammad: An Appraisal", in H. Motzki (Ed.), The Biography
Of Muhammad: The Issue Of Sources, 2001, op. cit., pp. 289-290.
[54] ibid., pp. 291-292.
[55] M. Simon, M. A. (Trans. & Ed.), The Babylonian Talmud: Seder Nashim (Gittin), 1936, The Soncino Press: London,
p. 261 & n. 4. (Gittin 56b-57a); P. Schäfer, Jesus In The Talmud, 2007, Princeton University Press: New Jersey & Oxford,
p. 64 & pp. 139-140 (for the manuscript evidence).
[56] J. Shachter (Trans. & Ed.), The Babylonian Talmud: Seder Nezikin (Sanhedrin), 1935, The Soncino Press: London ,
pp. 281-282 & n. 5-6. (Sanhedrin 43a-43b); P. Schäfer, Jesus In The Talmud, 2007, op. cit., p. 85 & p. 141 (for the
manuscript evidence).
[57] For a complete overview of the portrayal of Jesus including many quotations from the original source materials see, P.
Schäfer, Jesus In The Talmud, 2007, op. cit. For obvious reasons there are those scholars who would like to see no
authentic references to Jesus at all in the Talmud. However, this is motivated by apologetic concerns and represents
unsound analysis. See D. Goldenberg, "Once More: Jesus In The Talmud", Jewish Quarterly Review, 1982, Volume
LXXIII, No. 1, pp. 78-86.
[58] C. A. Evans, "Jesus In Non-Christian Sources" in B. Chilton & C. A. Evans (Eds.), Studying The Historical Jesus:
Evaluations Of The State Of The Current Research, 1994, New Testament Tools And Studies: Volume XIX, E. J. Brill:
Leiden, p. 443.
[59] ibid., pp. 464-477.
[60] ibid., pp. 477-478.
[61] For instance see ibid., p. 459, p. 462, p. 464 and pp. 477-478 (conclusions). This is undoubtedly the impression Evans
wants to convey, although he does not state it in so many words.
The Arabic & Islamic Inscriptions | The Arabic Papyri | The Islamic Coins
Drachm Of ʿAbd al-Malik Ibn ʿAbd Allāh, Zubayrid Governor Of Bīshāpūr, 66 AH / 685-686 CE
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 15th January 2007
Last Modified: 27th January 2007
Assalamu ʿalaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
Drachm of ‘Abd al-Malik ibn ‘Abd Allāh, Zubayrid governor of Bīshāpūr, 66 AH / 685-6 CE.
Date
66 AH / 685-686 CE.
Contents
Obverse field: Typical late Arab-Sassanian bust with name of ʿAbd al-Malik ibn ʿAbd Allāh (in Middle
Persian). Obverse margin: bism Allāh / Muh�ammad rasūl / Allāh ("In the name of God, Muh-ammad is the
messenger of God").
Reverse field: Typical Arab-Sassanian fire-altar with attendants with mint (abbreviation) and date in Middle
Persian, i.e., 66 AH / 685-686 CE. Reverse margin: Pellet at 7h30.
Comments
In 66 AH / 685-686 CE, the year after ʿAbd al-Malik accession (Ramad�ān 65 AH / April- May 685 CE), the
Zubayrid governor of Bīshāpūr, ʿAbd al-Malik ibn ʿAbd Allāh [b. ʿĀmir], issued a silver drachm that bore
the short shahāda: bism Allāh Muh�ammad rasūl Allāh ("In the name of God, Muh-ammad is the messenger of
God"). The issue was repeated in 67 AH / 686-687 CE. This is the earliest occurance of the name
"Muh-ammad" in a dated Muslim text.
Location
British Museum, London.
References
[1] J. Walker, A Catalogue Of The Muhammadan Coins In The British Museum, 1941, Volume I - Arab-Sassanian Coins,
British Museum: London, p. 97.
[2] H. Gaube, Arabosasanidische Numismatik, 1973, Handbücher Der Mittelasiatischen Numismatik - Volume 2,
Klinkhardt & Biermann: Braunschweig, p. 62.
[3] J. Johns, "Archaeology And The History Of Early Islam: The First Seventy Years", Journal Of The Economic And
Social History Of The Orient, 2003, Volume 46, No. 4, pp. 426-427.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
Back To The Islamic Coins
Tombstone Of ‘Abāssa Bint Juraij, 71 AH / 691 CE
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 11th September 2000
Last Modified: 8th December 2005
Assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
Date
14th Dhul-Qa‘dah, 71 AH / 19th April, 691 CE.
Size & Script
30 cm. x 58 cm.
Contents
The translation of the inscription is:
1. In the name of Allāh, the merciful, the Compassionate.
2. The greatest calamity of the people of
3. Islām (ahl al-Islām) is that which has fallen them on the death of Muhammad the Prophet;
4. may Allāh grant him peace.
5. This is the tomb of ‘Abāssa daughter of
6. Juraij (?), son of (?). May clemency
7. forgiveness and satisfaction of Allāh be on her.
8. She died on Monday four-
9. teen days having elapsed from Dhul-Qa‘dah
10. of the year one and seventy,
11. confessing that there is no god but Allāh
12. alone without partner and that
13. Muhammad is His servant and His apostle,
14. may Allāh grant him peace.
Location
Cairo Museum of Arab Art, Cairo.
References
[1] H. M. El-Hawary, "The Second Oldest Islamic Monument Known Dated AH 71 (AD 691) From The Time Of The
Omayyad Calif ‘Abd el-Malik Ibn Marwan", Journal Of The Royal Asiatic Society, 1932, p. 289.
[2] A. Grohmann, Arabische Paläographie II: Das Schriftwesen. Die Lapidarschrift, 1971, Österreichische Akademie der
Wissenschaften Philosophisch - Historische Klasse: Denkschriften 94/2. Hermann Böhlaus Nachf.: Wein, p. 72, Plate 10:2.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
Back To The Arabic & Islamic Inscriptions
Anonymous Arab-Sassanian Coinage Of Syrian Origin Under �Abd al-Malik , 72 AH / 691 CE
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 24th January 2007
Last Modified: 24th January 2007
Assalamu ʿalaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
Anonymous Arab-Sassanian coin issued under ‘Abd al-Malik, minted in 72 AH.
Date
72 AH / 691 CE.
Contents
Obverse field: Typical late Arab-Sassanian bust. Written in Arabic to downwards to the right of the bust:
Muh�ammad rasūl Allāh ("Muh*ammad is the messenger of God"). The conventional Pahlavi benediction
formula khurra afzut is behind the bust. Obverse margin: bism Allāh ("In the name of God"). Compare this
coin with that issued by the Zubayrid governor of Bīshāpūr, ʿAbd al-Malik ibn ʿAbd Allāh [b. ʿĀmir] in 66
AH / 685-686 CE which says on the obverse margin: bism Allāh / Muh�ammad rasūl / Allāh ("In the name of
God, Muh*ammad is the messenger of God").
Reverse field: Typical Arab-Sassanian fire-altar with attendants, with mint written in Arabic (Damascus) to the
right and to the left the date in Arabic (72 AH), three circles around and crescents with stars to the four sides
and an extra outer circle around.
Comments
Weight = 3.80 gms.
This is an extremely rare coin and marks the initial steps of ʿAbd al-Malik's monetary reforms in Damascus.
The Muh�ammad rasūl Allāh in front of the Arab-Sassanian bust was replaced by the traditional Middle Persian
name Khusraw in 72 AH. Compare it with a coin from 73 AH and the reformed coinage of ʿAbd al-Malik.
Location
Not known. Sold in an auction in Germany.
References
[1] No references available.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
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The Arabic Islamic Inscriptions On The Dome Of The Rock In Jerusalem, 72 AH / 692 CE
Islamic Awareness
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First Composed: 7th May 2005
Last Modified: 12th November 2005
Assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
The Arabic Islamic inscriptions on the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem are perhaps among the most well-known and well-
studied inscriptions in the Western literature. In this short article, we will present the inscriptions on the Dome of the Rock
and their translation.
TOP VIEW SHOWING THE FLOOR PLAN
INSCRIPTIONS ON THE INNER OCTAGONAL ARCADE
1. S In the name of God, the Merciful the Compassionate. There is no god but God. He is One. He has
2. no associate. Unto Him belongeth sovereignity and unto Him belongeth praise. He quickeneth and He giveth
death; and He has
3. Power over all things. Muhammad is the servant of God and His Messenger.
4. SE Lo! God and His angels shower blessings on the Prophet. 5. O ye who believe! Ask blessings on him and salute him with a worthy salutation. The blessing of God be on
him and peace be
6. on him, and may God have mercy. O People of the Book! Do not exaggerate in your religion
7. E nor utter aught concerning God save the truth. The Messiah, Jesus son of
8. Mary, was only a Messenger of God, and His Word which He conveyed unto Mary, and a spirit
9. from Him. So believe in God and His messengers, and say not 'Three' - Cease! (it is)
10. NE better for you! - God is only One God. Far be it removed from His transcendent majesty that He should
have a son. His is all that is
11. in the heavens and all that is in the earth. And God is
12. sufficient as Defender. The Messiah will never scorn to be a
13. N servant unto God, nor will the favoured angels. Whoso scorneth
14. His service and is proud, all such will He assemble unto Him.
15. Oh God, bless Your Messenger and Your servant Jesus
16. NW son of Mary. Peace be on him the day he was born, and the day he dies,
17. and the day he shall be raised alive! Such was Jesus, son of Mary, (this is) a statement of
18. the truth concerning which they doubt. It befitteth not (the Majesty of) God that He should take unto Himself a
son. Glory be to Him!
19. W When He decreeth a thing, He saith unto it only: Be! and it is.
20. Lo! God is my Lord and your Lord. So serve Him. That is the right path. God (Himself) is witness that there is
no God
21. save Him. And the angels and the men of learning (too are witness). Maintaining His creation in justice, there
is no God save Him,
22. SW the Almighty, the Wise. Lo! religion with God (is) Islam. Those who (formerly) received the Book
23. differed only after knowledge came unto them, through transgression among themselves. Whoso
24. disbelieveth the revelations of God (will find that) lo! God is swift at reckoning!
INSCRIPTIONS ON THE OUTER OCTAGONAL ARCADE
1. S In the name of God, the Merciful the Compassionate. There is no god but God. He is One. He has no
2. associate. Say: He is God, the One! God, the eternally Besought of all! He begetteth not nor was begotten. And
there
3. is none comparable unto Him. Muhammad is the Messenger of God, the blessing of God be on him.
4. SW In the name of God, the Merciful the Compassionate. There is no god but God.
5. He is One. He has no associate. Muhammad is the Messenger of God.
6. Lo! God and His angels shower blessings on the Prophet.
7. W O ye who believe! Ask blessings on him and salute him with a
8. worthy salutation. In the name of God, the Merciful
9. the Compassionate. There is no god but God. He is One. Praise be to
10. NW God, Who hath not taken unto Himself a son, and Who hath
11. no partner in the Sovereignty, nor hath He any protecting friend
12. through dependence. And magnify Him with all magnificence. Muhammad is the Messenger of
13. N God, the blessing of God be on him and the angels and His prophets, and peace be
14. on him, and may God have mercy. In the name of God, the Merciful
15. the Compassionate. There is no god but God. He is One. He has no associate.
16. NE Unto Him belongeth sovereignty and unto Him belongeth praise. He quickeneth. And He giveth death;
and He has
17. Power over all things. Muhammad is the Messenger of God, the blessing of God be
18. on him. May He accept his intercession on the Day of Judgment on behalf of his people.
19. E In the name of God, the Merciful the Compassionate. There is no god but God. He is One.
20. He has no associate. Muhammad is the Messenger of God, the blessing of God be
21. on him. The dome was built by servant of God ‘Abd
22. SE [Allah the Imam al-Ma'mun, Commander] of the Faithful, in the year two and seventy. May God accept
from him and be content
23. with him. Amen, Lord of the worlds, praise be to God.
Date
72 AH / 692 CE.
Script
Monumental Kufic.
Comments
The inscriptions on the Dome of the Rock can be rightly called as the "big-daddy" of all the first century
Islamic inscriptions. These inscriptions are in the mosaics as shown in the figure below.
These inscriptions have copious amount of Qur'anic verses.
The Dome of the Rock was built by Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-Malik but the later Caliph al-Ma'mun inserted his
name as is evident from the inscription.
Location
Jerusalem, Palestine.
Further Study
The Copper Plaque Inscriptions At The Dome Of The Rock In Jerusalem, 72 AH / 692 CE.
Forgotten Witness: Evidence For The Early Codification Of The Qur'an, Estelle Whelan, Journal Of
The American Oriental Society, 1998, Volume 118, No. 1, pp. 1-14.
References
[1] C. Kessler, "‘Abd al-Malik's Inscription In The Dome Of The Rock: A Reconsideration", 1970, Journal Of The Royal
Asiatic Society, pp. 2-14.
[2] M. van Berchem, Matériaux Pour Un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, 1927, Tome 2 / 2, Mémoires publiés par les
membres de l'Institut Français d'archéologie orientale du Caire, Imprimerie de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale: Le
Caire, No. 215, pp. 228-246.
[3] K. A. C. Creswell, Early Muslim Architecture: Part 1 Umayyads, A.D. 622-750 With A Contribution On The Mosaics
Of The Dome Of The Rock In Jerusalem And Of The Great Mosque In Damascus By Marguerite van Berchem, 1932,
Oxford at the Clarendon Press, Plates 6-9, 13-22.
[4] S. Nuseibah & O. Grabar, The Dome Of The Rock, 1996, Thames and Hudson: London (UK).
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
The Islamic Inscriptions | The Dome Of The Rock
The Copper Plaque Inscriptions At The Dome Of The Rock In Jerusalem, 72 AH / 692 CE
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 12th November 2005
Last Modified: 12th November 2005
Assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
The Arabic inscriptions in copper plaques at the eastern entrance and northern portal of the Dome of the Rock are not as well-known as the ones inscribed inside the Dome of the Rock. Here, we present these inscriptions and their translation.
INSCRIPTIONS AT THE EASTERN ENTRANCE
(a)
(b)
1. In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Praise be to God other than Whom there is no god but
He, the Living, the Eternal, the Originator of the heavens and the earth and the Light of the heavens
2. and the earth and the Pillar of the heavens and the earth, the One, the eternally Besought of all; He begotteth not nor was begotten and there is none comparable unto Him, Owner of Sovereignty!
3. Thou givest sovereignty unto whom Thou wilt, and Thou withdrawest sovereignty from whom Thou wilt, all sovereignty belongs to You and is from You, and its fate is (determined) by You, Lord of glory
4. the Merciful, the Compassionate. He hath prescribed for Himself mercy, and His mercy embraceth all things;
May He be glorified and exalted. As for what the polytheists associate (with You), we ask You, oh God by
5. Your mercy and by Your beautiful names and by Your noble face and Your awesome power and Your perfect
word, on which are based the heavens and the earth and
6. through which we are preserved by Your mercy from Satan and are saved from Your punishment (on) the Day
of Judgment and by Your abundant favour and by Your great grace and forbearance and omnipotence
7. and forgiveness and liberality, that You bless Muhammad Your servant, Your prophet, and that You accept his
intercession for his people, the blessing of God be upon him and peace be upon him and the mercy of God
and ....
8. From the servant of Allah ‘Abdullah al-Ma'mun al-Imam, Commander of the Faithful, may Allah prolongs its
duration! In the rule of the brother of Commander of the Faithful Abu Ishaq, son of Commander of the Faithful 9. al-Rashid, that Allah makes it last. And (this work) had place by the hands of Salih b. Yahya, the mawali of
Commander of the Faithful, in the month of Rabi‘ al-Akhir of year 216.
INSCRIPTIONS AT THE NORTHERN PORTAL
1. In the name of God the Merciful, the Compassionate. Praise be to God than Whom there is no god but He. The Living, the Eternal; He has no associate, the One, the eternally Besought of all - He
2. begetteth not nor was begotten, and there is none comparable unto Him. Muhammad is the servant of God and His messenger whom He sent with the guidance and the religion of truth, that He may make it conqueror of all
religion 3. however much idolators may be averse. We believe in God and that which was revealed unto Muhammad and
that which the Prophets received from their Lord. We make no distinction between any of them, and unto Him
4. we have surrendered. The blessing of God be upon Muhammad, His servant and His prophet, and peace be
upon him and the mercy of God and His blessing and His forgiveness and His acceptance.
Date
72 AH / 692 CE.
Script
Monumental Kufic.
Comments
The copper plaque inscription at the eastern entrance, as shown above, have some parts missing on the left
hand side (Figure a). Apparently, they were not reproduced by Max van Berchem. The inscription in Figure b
shows the continuation of lines 8 and 9 from Figure a. The Dome of the Rock was built by Umayyad caliph
‘Abd al-Malik but the later Caliph al-Ma'mun inserted his name as is evident from the last two lines (i.e., 8 and
9) of the inscription. The last two lines were inserted later and due to their lengthy text, they had to be
squeezed in; thereby making the letters closely packed and smaller in size.
As for the inscriptions on the northern portal, no images appeared to have been taken; van Berchem mentions
only the text.
These inscriptions have five Qur'anic verses quoted partially.
Location
Jerusalem, Palestine.
Further Study
The Arabic Islamic Inscriptions On The Dome Of The Rock In Jerusalem, 72 AH / 692 CE.
Forgotten Witness: Evidence For The Early Codification Of The Qur'an, Estelle Whelan, Journal Of
The American Oriental Society, 1998, Volume 118, No. 1, pp. 1-14.
References
[1] M. van Berchem, Matériaux Pour Un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, 1920, Tome 2 / 3, Mémoires publiés par les membres de l'Institut Français d'archéologie orientale du Caire, Imprimerie de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale: Le
Caire, Plate XI; The inscription was also reproduced by Adolf Grohmann in Arabische Paläographie II: Das Schriftwesen.
Die Lapidarschrift, 1971, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Philosophisch - Historische Klasse: Denkschriften
94/2. Hermann Böhlaus Nachf.: Wein, Plate XII.
[2] M. van Berchem, Matériaux Pour Un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, 1927, Tome 2 / 2, Mémoires publiés par les
membres de l'Institut Français d'archéologie orientale du Caire, Imprimerie de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale: Le
Caire, No. 216 and No. 217, pp. 246-255.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
The Islamic Inscriptions | The Dome Of The Rock
The ‘Aqabah Inscription From The Time Of ‘Abd al-Malik, 73 AH / 692-693 CE
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 10th September 2000
Last Modified: 7th December 2005
Assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
(a)
(b)
(c)
Figure (a) original inscription, (b) its trace and (c) its contents.
[ ] encloses letters supplied to fill a lacuna.
Date
73 AH / 692-693 CE.
The date is deduced from the fact that Yah!ya b. al-H!akam died not later than 80 AH / 699-700 CE and that
‘Abd al-Malik came to throne in 65 AH / 685 CE. See the translation of the inscription for details.
Size
64 cm x 52 cm.
Script
Kufic script.
The inscription was found near the Sea of Galilee where ‘Aqabah al-Fīq or ‘Aqabah Afīq is located.
Contents
The translation of the inscription is:
1. In the name of Allāh, [the Compassionate]
2. the Merciful. There is no god but
3. Allāh alone; He hath no companion
4. Muh!ammad is the Apostle of Allāh. Hath ordered
5. the levelling of this difficult pass ‘Abdullāh
6. ‘Abd al-Malik, Amīr of the Faith-
7. -ful; and it (i.e., the work) has been fulfilled by the two hands of Yah!ya b.
8. al-H!akam in the (month) of Muh�arram of the year three
9. [and seventy ....]
Comments
This is the oldest inscription in Islam relating to the inaugral of a road and it is also the second longest and
almost the fullest inscription from the time of ‘Abd al-Malik after that of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem.
It can infered from the inscription that it was erected to commemorate the making of the difficult road in the
time of Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik. Four milestones from his time, i.e., from Bāb al-Wād, Abū Ghōsh, Khān al-
Hathrūra and Deir al-Qalt, bearing his name, were found in the 19th century and they testify the attention he
paid to the roads of this province. The present inscription, however, gives a far wider conception of the official
enterprise connected with the maintenance of the roads during the reign of ‘Abd al-Malik. This inscription
furnishes clear evidence that ‘Abd al-Malik did not satisfy himself with repairing the old roads and
maintaining them in a fit state of traffic, but that he also thought of, and at least in this instance executed
enterprises on a large scale.
Location
Israel Museum, Jerusalem.
References
[1] M. Sharon, "An Arabic Inscription From The Time Of The Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik", Bulletin Of The School Of Oriental
& African Studies, 1966, Volume 29, pp. 367-372.
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reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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Aniconic Silver Coins (“Reformed Coinage”), Minted By The Umayyad Caliph !Abd al-Malik,
From 77 AH / 696 CE
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 22nd January 2007
Last Modified: 10th June 2007
Assalamu ʿalaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
An example of the reformed silver coinage, i.e., dirham, of the Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-Malik bin Marwān minted in the year 79 AH.
Date
79 AH / 698-699 CE.
Contents
Obverse field: lā-ilaha il-Allāh wah�dahu la sharīkalah ("There is no god but God alone, He has no associate").
Obverse margin: bism Allāh d�uriba hadhā al-dirham bi-r-rāmhurmuz fī sanat tisʿ wa sabʿīn ("In the name of
God, this dirham was struck in Rāmhurmuz in the year 79").
Reverse field: Allāhu ah�ad Allāhu al-s�amad lam yalid wa-lam yulad wa-lam yakun lahu kufūwan ah�ad ("God
the one, God the eternal, He did not beget and was not begotten. And there is none like unto Him"). Reverse
margin: Muh�ammad rasūl Allāh arsalahu bi-l-huda wa dīn al-h�aqq liyudhhiru ʿala al-dini kullahi wa-law
karih-al-mushrikūn ("Muh-ammad is the messenger of God whom He sent with guidance and the religion of
truth that He might make it prevail over all religions even if the associators are averse").
Comments
Weight = 2.66 gms. The above mentioned epigraphy is very typical of Umayyad caliph ʿAbd al-Malik's
"reformed" coinage from 77 AH / 696 CE.
The differences between the "reformed" Umayyad dīnār and dirham are quite subtle. The obverse margin in
dīnār became the reverse margin in dirham. The reverse margin in dīnār became obverse margin in dirham.
The dirham adds wa-lam yakun lahu kufūwan ah�ad ("And there is none like unto Him") which is absent in the
dīnār.
Location
Not known. Similar coins are also found in the British Museum, London, and other places around the world.
References
[1] J. Walker, A Catalogue Of The Muhammadan Coins In The British Museum, 1956, Volume II - Arab-Byzantine and
Post-Reform Umayyad Coins, British Museum: London, pp. liii-lxx, p. 84, 104.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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Inscription In A Mosque In Damascus, Built By Caliph Walīd, 86-87 AH / 705-706 CE
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 19th March 2007
Last Modified: 19th March 2007
Assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
(a)
(b)
Figure: Content of the (a) shorter and (b) the longer version of the inscription.
Date
86-87 AH / 705-706 CE.
Size & Script
Not known.
Contents
(A) Shorter version: Our Lord is God, we worship only God. There has ordered the building of this mosque and the demolition of the church that was there the servant of God Walīd, the commander of the faithful, Dhūl-Hijjah of the year eighty-seven.
(B) Longer version: In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. There is no compulsion in religion, the right way has become distinguished from error, and he who rejects false deities and believes in God has
grasped a firm handhold that will never break, God is all-hearing and all-knowing. There is no god but God alone, He has no associate, we worship none but Him.Our Lord is God alone, and our religion is Islam and our prophet is Muhammad, may God incline unto him and give him greeting. There has ordered the building of this mosque and the demolition of the church that was there the servant of God and commander of the faithful Walīd in Dhūl-Qa‘da of the year eighty-six.
Comments
This inscription is no longer extant and it is reported to us in two versions: a shorter one by Mas‘ūdī and a longer one by Muhammad ibn Shākir al-Kutubī (d. 1363 CE). The longer version has the verse from Qur'an 2:256.
Location
Damascus, Syria.
References
[1] Ét. Combe, J. Sauvaget and G. Wiet, Répertoire Chronologique D'Épigraphie Arabe, 1931, Volume I, Imprimerie De L'Institut Français D'Archéologie Orientale: Le Caire, pp. 16-17, No. 18.
[2] R. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation Of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian Writings On Early Islam, 1997, Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam - 13, The Darwin Press, Inc.: Princeton (NJ), pp. 701-702.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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An Arabic Inscription From Khirbat Nitil, 100 AH / 718-719 CE
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 28th November 2005
Last Modified: 30th November 2005
Assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
(a)
(b)
(c)
Figure: (a) The inscription, (b) its trace and (c) contents.
Date
100 AH / 718-19 CE.
Script
Kufic.
Contents
The translation of the inscription is:
1. O God! Forgive ‘Abd-
2. al-‘Azīz bin al-Hārith bin
3. al-Hakam his faults,
4. those that are passed and those to come
5. and gather him and his offspring
6. in an abode of
7. your mercy and s[et him on]
8. the pool of Muhammad ...
Location
This inscription was discovered in 1886 at the archaeological site of Khirbat Nitil. The eight lines are located
in an inner vaulted room in the western wall. They cover a space of 37 cm x 44 cm, though the lower left
corner is mutiliated, include the date 100 AH / 718-19 CE (not shown in the trace). Notice the dot below for غ
in line 1.
The inscription mentions hawd Muhammad, i.e., the pool of Prophet Muhammad in the Paradise, from which the believers will drink. This pool is mentioned in many hadiths.
Location
Khirbat Nitil, 14 kms southeast of Mādaba, Jordan.
References
[1] A. Musil, "Zwei Arabische Inschriften Aus Arabia Petraea", Vienna Oriental Journal (Later Wiener Zeitschrift Für Die Kunde Des Morgenlandes), 1908, Volume 22, pp. 81-85. Picture also reproduced by Adolf Grohmann in Arabische
Paläographie II: Das Schriftwesen. Die Lapidarschrift, 1971, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Philosophisch - Historische Klasse: Denkschriften 94/2. Hermann Böhlaus Nachf.: Wein, Plate XV.
[2] B. Gruendler, The Development Of The Arabic Scripts: From The Nabatean Era To The First Islamic Century
According To The Dated Texts, 1993, Harvard Semitic Series No. 43, Scholars Press: Atlanta (GA), p. 21.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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A Bilingual Protocol Text Mentioning The Caliph Al-Walīd - Egyptian National Library Inv. No.
67, 90-91 AH / 709-710 CE
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 18th December 2005
Last Modified: 19th December 2005
Assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
(a)
(b)
Figure: (a) Picture of the papyrus and (b) the content of the papyrus.
[ ] encloses letters supplied to fill a lacuna
Date
90-91 AH / 709-710 CE.
Size
23.5 cm x 17.5 cm. Yellow-brown, fine papyrus. The text of the protocol is written in blackish-brown ink.
Only the right half of the protocol is preserved. The margin remains upon the right side only, the top and left
side are broken off, parts of the text are destroyed.
Accession No.
Inv. No. 67.
Contents
The translation of text is given below. The Arabic text is in italics:
1. [In the n]ame of Go[d, the Compassionate, the Merciful]
2. [In the name of God, the Compassio]nate, the Merciful.
3. [There is no god but God alo]ne, Maamet is the Messenger of God.
4. There is no god but God [alone, and He has no associate]
5. He begets not, nor is He beg[otten and He has none that is like unto Him]
6. [ ]
7. [ ] to true religion.
8. Muhammad is the Messenger of Go[d, He has sent him with guidance and true religion]
9. The servant of God Al-Walī[d, Commander of the Faithful]
10. [The servant of God Alulid, Commander of] the Faithful.
11. [‘Abdallah bin ‘Abd al-Mal]ik, governer.
12. This belongs to that which was decreed by the Amir [‘Abdallāh bin ‘Abd al-Malik]
13. in the year [eighty nine].
Comments
The ξ in the cartouche of the perpendicular writing [lines 10 and 11 of Fig. (b)] of the right side means the
seventh indiction, i.e., 708/9 CE.
Location
Egyptian National Library, Cairo.
References
[1] A. Grohmann, Corpus Papyrorum Raineri Archiducis Austriae III, Series Arabica I, Part 2: Protokolle, 1924,
Burguerlag Ferdinand Zöllner: Wein, No. 38, p. 35, Plate II.
[2] A. Grohmann, Arabic Papyri In The Egyptian Library, Volume I, 1934, Egyptian Library Press: Cairo, No. 13, pp. 23-
25.
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reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
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purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
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The Qurra Papyrus - Oriental Institute No. 13756, 91 AH / 709-710 CE
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 3rd December 2005
Last Modified: 6th December 2005
Assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
(a)
(b)
Figure (a): Recto and (b) verso of the papyrus
[ ] encloses letters supplied to fill a lacuna
Date
Safar, 91 AH / December 9, 709 CE - January 6, 710 CE.
Size
53.7 cm x 20 cm. Medium fine papyrus, light brown. The entire length of the piece is preserved, but it is
considerably damaged by worms, especially line 14. Much of the right half is broken off and lost; the left side
is likewise broken, but to a lesser degree.
The seal in the end is of dark clay, in perfect condition, showing the figure of a four-footed animal with a star
above its back.
Accession No.
Oriental Institute No. 13756.
Contents
The translation of recto is:
1. In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate.
2. Qurra ibn Sharīk to
3. the sāhib of Ashqauh. I praise
4. God, than whom there is no other
5. God. Now, Ibshādah ibn Abnīlah
6. has informed me that there are owed to him
7. by farmers of the people of your district
8. ... And ten dinars, and he claims
9. that they have denied him his right.
10. When this my letter has reached you
11. and he has established the proof of what
12. he has told me, then secure (it) for him,
13. and do not oppress your slave.
14. But should his case prove other than
15. that, then write me.
16. Peace be with those who follow
17. the guidance. Written by Muslim ibn
18. Labnan and copied by al-Salt
19. in Safar of the year one
20. and ninety.
(Seal)
The translation of verso is.
1. From Qurra ibn Sharīk to Basil
2. regarding Ibshādah ibn Abnīlah about his farmers (?)
Location
Oriental Institute, Chicago.
References
[1] N. Abbott, The Kurrah Papyri From Aphrodito In The Oriental Institute, 1938, Studies In Ancient Oriental
Civilization: No. 15, The University of Chicago Press: Chicago (IL), pp. 47-49, Plate III.
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PER Inv. Ar. Pap. 3976 - Fragment Of A Protocol, 98-99 AH / 716-717 CE
Islamic Awareness
© Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.
First Composed: 17th December 2005
Last Modified: 20th December 2005
Assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu:
(a)
(b)
Figure: (a) Picture of the papyrus and (b) the content of the papyrus.
[ ] encloses letters supplied to fill a lacuna.
Date
98-99 AH / 716-717 CE.
Size
26.2 cm x 24 cm.
Accession No.
PER Inv. Ar. Pap. 3976.
Contents
The translation of text is given below. The Arabic translation is in italics:
1. [In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful]
2. [In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful]
3. [There is no god except God, who is One]
4. [There is no go]d but God alone, and He has no associate.
5. He begets not, nor is He begotten [and He has none that is like unto Him]
6. [ ] Maamet is the Apostle of God.
7. [ ] guidance and to true religion.
8. Muhammad is the Messenger of God, [He has sent him with guidance and true religion]
9. The servant of God Sulaymān, [Commander of the Faithful]
10. [The servant of God Sulayman], Commander of the Faithful
11. this my letter comes into thee,
12. This belongs to that which was decreed by [the Amir ‘Abd al-Malik]
13. In the year... [ and ninety]
14. ?? son of ??
Comments
This fragment mentions the names Umayyad caliph Al-Walīd and the governer Sulaymān b. ‘Abd al-Malik.
Location
Austrian National Museum, Vienna.
References
[1] A. Grohmann, Corpus Papyrorum Raineri Archiducis Austriae III, Series Arabica I, Part 2: Protokolle, 1924,
Burguerlag Ferdinand Zöllner: Wein, No. 65, pp. 55-60, Plate I.
The images above are reproduced from the stated sources under the provisions of the copyright law. This allows for the
reproduction of portions of copyrighted material for non-commercial, educational purposes.
With the exception for those images which have passed into the public domain, the use of these images for commercial
purposes is expressly prohibited without the consent of the copyright holder.
Back To The Arabic Papyri