Rebellion, Defeat and ExileThe 1959 Uprising in East Timor

Revised Second Edition

Ernest Chamberlain

Point Lonsdale, Australia

2009

Viqueque Rebellion1959

Preface

With the opening in Dili on 7 December 2005 of the Resistensia Timorense – Arkivu ho Muzeu (The Archive and Museum of the Timorese Resistance), a large range of previously unpublished documents has become available on the recent history of Timor-Leste. Similarly, Chega !, the Final Report of the Comissão de Acolhimento, Verdade e Reconciliação - CAVR (Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation) has provided comprehensive and important information on the struggle and suffering of the Timorese people. However, both the Archive and Museum and CAVR records principally cover the period from 1974 to1999.

This brief monograph is offered as a contribution towards the understanding of the history of an earlier period – the 1959 “Viqueque Rebellion” that was brutally crushed by the Portuguese in two short weeks.1 Regrettably, most of the participants in these events have passed on – and the remainder are now quite elderly and frail. Hopefully, this monograph – despite its many acknowledged shortcomings2, will encourage others to examine the period and offer their interpretations.

This year ie 2009 - the 50th anniversary of the Rebellion, is expected to see increased interest in understanding this little known part of Timor-Leste’s relatively recent past.3

Advice and assistance from former “rebels” - including the late Evaristo da Costa and his daughter Eva, Salem Sagran and Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa; has contributed greatly to this monograph. Information provided by Peter Rohi, a former Jakarta/Surabaya-based journalist, has also been very helpful. Encouragement from Brigadier General Taur Matan Ruak in writing this - and other monographs, is appreciated. I would also like to thank my Timorese friends and work colleagues in Dili, Taci Tolu, Oecusse, Viqueque and Iliomar for their encouragement and support during my service in Timor-Leste (1999-2006).

Ernie ChamberlainPoint Lonsdale - Australia18 June 2009

1 The author published an earlier 75-page version of this monograph – with the same title, in February 2007.2 For ease of reference, the Index to this monograph and Annex E provide a listing of the rebels who were deported to Lisbon and Africa. 3 The 1959 Rebellion was selected as a topic for the Timor-Leste Studies Association research conference “Understanding Timor Leste” at the University of Timor-Lorosae (2-3 July 2009) and a related History Workshop at the CAVR offices at Balide (4 July 2009). Postscript: additionally, the author also gave a presentation, in Bahasa Indonesia, based on this monograph to the extended families of a few surviving rebels in Audian (Dili) on 7 July 2009.

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TABLE OF CONTENTSPage

PrefaceINTRODUCTION

Some Notes on Sources 2

PRELUDE TO THE UPRISING

Early Inspiration 4Indonesian Policy and Views on “Incorporation” 5An Appeal to President Sukarno 6Criticisms from Jakarta 6Portuguese Timor - Malay, Mestiço and Worker Grievances 8The Bandung Conference – 1955 10

THE REBELLION

Beginnings 12The “Ex-Permesta 14” 15Security Concerns on the Lautem Coast 24Conditions in the Baucau and Viqueque Circunscrições 25The Rebel Leadership – and its Direction 28The Plan 31Arrests in Dili 34The “Movimento de Aileu: Paulo de Castro” 35The Uprising in Viqueque and Baucau 36Ethno-linguistic Divisions and Violence 51

AFTERMATH

Casualties 54Into Exile 58Imprisoned and Exiled in Lisbon, Angola and Mozambique 64After-Effects 66In Exile 68Some Exiles Return 71Reports of Unrest in Portuguese Timor 73An End to African Exile 741974-1975 – and Apodeti 75Rebel Exiles in Africa and Portugal 79More Exiles Return 80Recognition, Reunions, Memorials

– and claims against Portugal 81The Popular Consultation of 1999 – and Militia Group “59/75” 85Compensation Claims - “Caso de Grupo 59” 87Counting the Exiles 87Recent Indonesian Interpretations of the Rebellion 88The Memorial at the Bebui River 89

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Continuing Ethnic Violence in Viqueque 89

DISCUSSION 91

A Future History ? 97

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Annexes:

A. Map - Circunscrição de Viqueque. ((not included))

B. Sejarah Perjuangan Timor-Timur Untuk Sekolah Menengah Atas (History of the East Timor Struggle for Senior High School), Anhar Gonggong & Susanto Zuhdi, Direktorat Pendidikan Menengah Umum, Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Jakarta, 1992 - translated extract (English). ((not included))

C. Declaration/Request for Political Asylum by the “Permesta 14” – 27 March 1958; 20 June 1958. ((not included))

D. Araújo, A. (Armando) L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Jakarta/Kupang, 1974 – including: Araújo, A. (Armando) L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe [sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscriçõe [sic] de Viqueque – Timor (Memorandum – Report: On the event that occurred on 7 June 1959 in the Circumscription of Viqueque - Timor), six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié (Angola), 21 April 1960. ((not included))

E. Deportees – 1959 Rebellion.

F. Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees in Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – in Portuguese (initialled/authenticated by Evaristo da Costa, Salem Musalam Sagran, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Juman bin Basirun).

((not included))

G. TERJEMAHAN: Pejuang Perintis Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (TRANSLATION: Pioneer Fighters for the Integration of East Timor into the Unitary Republic of Indonesia), Dili, 8 December 1995 - in Bahasa Indonesia with an English translation. ((not included))

H. Pinto, L. dos Santos, Certidão - Estado-Maior General das Forças Armadas Serviço de Coordenação de Extinção da PIDE/DGS e LP

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(Armed Forces Chief of Staff’s Office for the Coordination of the Disbandment of the PIDE/DGS & LP) Lisbon, 22 March 1983 – in Portuguese. ((not included))

Bibliography

BooksSelected Internet Websites/“Blogs”Selected Reports and Articles

Index (Note: brief biographies of individual rebels are at Annex E).

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REBELLION, DEFEAT and EXILE

The 1959 Uprising in East Timor

INTRODUCTION

Timor-Leste’s modern-day declaration of independence, as the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste (RDTL), was made in Dili on 28 November 1975 by Fretilin’s President, Francisco Xavier do Amaral – just nine days before the Indonesian military attack and seizure of Dili. This seemed the culmination of a long, but disjointed, struggle for the country’s independence – but presaged a further 24 years of struggle against Indonesian occupation.

The 19th and early 20th centuries saw several attempts to resist Portuguese occupation – without success.4 This monograph examines the brief and unsuccessful two-week uprising against Portuguese rule that broke out in Portuguese Timor in early June 1959 – commonly referred to as the “1959 Rebellion” or the “Viqueque Rebellion”. Up to several hundreds of Timorese were killed, scores imprisoned - and 64 exiled to Lisbon and Africa, along with four Indonesians. No Portuguese are known to have been killed or injured in the uprising.

Inspired by the independence of neighbouring Indonesia, the aims of the Rebellion in 1959 reportedly including integration into the Republic of Indonesia – but any direction or official support from Jakarta has yet to be proven. However, the involvement of Indonesians in the Rebellion – ie the Indonesian Consul in Dili and a group of then recently-arrived exiles, has been a complicating, sensitive and contentious issue. Importantly, the 1959 Rebellion exacerbated ethno-linguistic tensions in the Viqueque area, and this precipitated local violence in the periods 1975-1978, 1999-2002, mid-2007 and, most recently, in early 2009.

To date, no comprehensive history of the Rebellion – including its inspiration and aftermath, has been published. Indeed, the 2005 CAVR Final Report stated that the background to the 1959 uprising “remains largely unexplained”.5 The 1959 Rebellion is only lightly covered, if at all, in most English-language publications on Timor-Leste’s history.6 While not claiming to be a comprehensive, all-revealing and

4 The several earlier uprisings against Portuguese occupation - in the 19th century and the major revolt by Dom Boaventura ending in 1912, are well covered in Pélissier, R., Timor en guerre: le Crocodile et les Portugais (1847-1913), Orgeval, France, 1996; and Gunn, G.C., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, Livros do Oriente, Macau, 1999. For the little-known “alleged revolt” in Suro in 1935 that resulted in the dismissal of the régulo of Alas, Dom Carlos Borromeu Duarte – see Cardoso, A.M., Timor na 2ª Guerra Mundial – O Diario do Tenente Pires, CEHCP ISCTE, Lisboa, 2007, pp.29-30. Madjiah, L.E., “What could be worse than East Timor refugee camps ?”, Jakarta Post Online, Jakarta, 23 November 2000 – claims “Throughout Portuguese rule, there were 550 large and small-scale rebellions recorded in East Timor.”5 Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (Comissão de Alcolhimento, Verdade e Reconciliação – CAVR), Chega ! - The Final Report of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation, Dili, 2005, Part 3.2, para 28 – see also para 64 on “disputed” Indonesian involvement.6 Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle in Iliomar – Resistance in rural East Timor, Point Lonsdale, 2004/2008 – provided brief coverage of both the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion and the Uni Republik Timor – Dilly (URT-D) at pp.17-19/pp. 41-42. Expanded coverage was included in Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in East Timor in the 1950s and 1960s, Point Lonsdale, December 2005 – and subsequently in Chamberlain, E.P., Rebellion, Defeat and Exile: The 1959 Uprising in East Timor, Point Lonsdale, February 2007; and Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in East Timor – 1940s to the early 1970s, Point Lonsdale, October 2008.

authoritative history of that period, this monograph attempts to shed some further light on the events of 1959 and their consequences.

Many records and statements related to the Rebellion - particularly regarding Indonesian involvement, are patently tendentious and “self-serving” – and sometimes quite inaccurate. Accordingly, this monograph concludes with a discussion section that offers the author’s opinions on a range of the more interesting inconsistencies, ambiguities and anomalies in the currently available records.

Some Notes on Sources

In relating the 1959 Rebellion, the sources used in this monograph are principally memoranda to Canberra from Australian Consuls in Dili during the period 1956-1963 (held in the National Archives of Australia - NAA); documents in the Archives in Lisbon - ie in the Torre do Tombo (TdT) and the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (AHU); reports of interviews by the Surabaya/Jakarta-based journalist, Peter A. Rohi - and discussions with him; the author’s interviews with surviving rebels (Evaristo da Costa7, Salem Sagran, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, Abel da Costa Belo); and a book published in 1998 by General Filipe Themudo Barata – the Governor of Portuguese Timor in the period mid-1959 to 1963.8 The book “Pulau Timor” by the Timorese author António Vicente Marques Soares is also a useful source.9

Former 1959 rebels: Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran ; Kuluhun – Dili, 4 April 2007.

7 Evaristo da Costa passed away in Dili on 11 March 2009.8 Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo: Da primeira ameaça da Indonésia ao nascer de uma nação (Contemporary Timor: From the first threat by Indonesia to the birth of a nation), Equilíbrio Editorial, Lisboa, 1998.9 Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor – Sebuah Sumbangan Untuk Sejarahnya, 2003 – see pp.99-105. Viqueque-born (Lacluta, 1947), Sr. António Soares served as a teacher and administrator.

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Some official Portuguese Government correspondence of the time – provided on an Internet website “blog”, by Janet Gunter has been quite helpful.10 Her March 2007 article, based on field research in Viqueque, was also an important contribution to an understanding of events - and her yet-to-be-published master’s degree thesis is expected to provide further insights.11 Additionally, an article by Professor Geoffrey Gunn, first made available on the Internet in February 2006, contains some useful information on the exile of the “1959 rebels” in Angola – including some information on their pre-rebellion backgrounds.12

Very recently - on 5 June 2009, Nobel Prize laureate Dom Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo published a six-page article: “A Revolta de 1959 em Viqueque, Watolari e Watocarbau”13 that included discussion of the “causas remotas” and “causas proximas” of the Rebellion. Interestingly, Dom Belo closed his article with:

“To all those who lost their lives because of the so-called ‘Revolt of 1959’, I – as a Timorese who witnessed with my own eyes and ears the physical and mental violence in my hometown of Baucau, bow my head as a sign of respect and solidarity. To some extent, I take the liberty to affirm “they also have contributed to the Independence of our Motherland – to them I offer my prayers and respect.”

In the mid-1990s, the Indonesian Government sought to resurrect, revise and “reconstruct” the history of the Rebellion - promoting the uprising as the beginning of a struggle by the people of Portuguese Timor to integrate into the Republic of Indonesia. Coverage in the Jakarta, Surabaya and Dili press of the reception of the returning rebel exiles - and an “official” history14 published by the Indonesian Government were elements of this campaign. Much of this information however needs to be examined critically.

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“Faltering Steps” – a “companion” monograph by the author of this monograph – attempts to more broadly relate independence movements in Portuguese Timor - and Indonesian attempts at subversion, from World War II to the early 1970s.

10 Gunter, J., Haree Ba Uluk: Timor Portuguese Pre-1974 – A Post-Colonial Forum for Learning and Debate. http://raiketak.blogspot.com/timorhistory/index.html 11 Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque and the ‘Charged’ History of ‘59”, The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, Vol 8, No 1, March 2007, pp. 27-41. In her “Return to Rai Ketak” blogsite posting “June 6, 1959” on 6 June 2009, Ms Gunter estimated deaths in the Rebellion and its suppresion as “between 50 and 500”.12 Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, Diversidade Cultural Na Construção Da Nação E Do Estado Em Timor-Leste, Universidade Fernando Pessoa, Porto, 2006, pp. 27-53. Professor Gunn cites reports by the Portuguese Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado (PIDE) on the exiled rebels. – the draft of the article was available earlier on the Internet as Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque Rebellion of 1959” (Draft), Nagasaki, 9 February 2006. 13 Belo, C.F.X. Dom, “A Revolta de 1959 em Viqueque, Watolari e Watocarbau”, Porto, 5 Junho de 2009 (six pages). The author is responsible for the English translation (from Portuguese and Bahasa) of the passage cited above.http://forum-haksesuk.blogspot.com/2009/06/revolta-de-1959-em-viqueque-watolari-e.html 14 Gonggong A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah Perjuangan Timor-Timur Untuk Sekolah Menengah Atas (History of the East Timor Struggle for Senior High School), Direktorat Pendidikan Menengah Umum, Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Jakarta, 1992 – see translated extract at Annex B.

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PRELUDE TO THE UPRISING

Early Inspiration15

In the late 1930s/early 1940s, Francisco “Ciko” (also as “Siku/Siko”) Lopes16 – a “nationalist” and independence activist, was reportedly forced to flee Dutch Timor and entered Portuguese Timor.17 During the WWII Japanese occupation of Portuguese Timor, Francisco Lopes – together with Arnaldo dos Reis Araújo18, collaborated with the Japanese military. Following the Japanese surrender in Timor in September 1945, Francisco Lopes was prosecuted by the Portuguese Timor authorities and imprisoned on Ataúro Island (22km north of Dili).19 On his release, Lopes reportedly returned to Atambua in Dutch Timor and continued to agitate for the independence of Portuguese Timor.20 Lopes met with young educated men in Portuguese Timor and “the idea for integration ((of Portuguese Timor into Indonesia)) 15 Much of the information for this “Inspiration” section is sourced from Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan Rakyat Timor Timur 1959, Mutiara, Edition 775, Jakarta, 29 August - 4 September 1995 – and interviews with the few surviving rebels.16 Known as Francisco Lopes, his full name was “Inácio André Francisco Lopes – alias Siku Lopes” – see footnote 16.17 Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.14. 18 Arnaldo dos Reis Araújo, born 1913, had been jailed by the Portuguese for 29 years in February 1946 for collaboration with the Japanese during World War II – and was reportedly only released on 25 April 1974. However, a press report – White, K., “War criminal now leads provisional Timor govt”, Northern Territory News, Darwin, 5 February 1976 – claims that Arnaldo Araújo, a “catequista” (religious teacher) who had led “Black Columns” against the Australians in Timor during World War II, was tried for collaboration with the Japanese in 1946, sentenced to nine years “exile” on Ataúro, was released in the early 1960s and became a teacher in Dili, and “acquired a large cattle property at Zumalai on Timor’s south coast” (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 21). White’s source on Araújo’s background is probably interviews with José Ramos-Horta. In Ramos-Horta, J., Funu - The Unfinished Saga of East Timor, Red Sea Press, Trenton, 1987, p.32, Ramos-Horta claims that Arnaldo Araújo was “the only Timorese to be given a prison sentence for war crimes.” However, by early 1954, according to the Chief Justice of Portuguese Timor, about 1,000 Timorese who had collaborated with the Japanese had been tried and sentenced – most of whom had been associated with massacres at Aileu, Ermera and Lautém – see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 12/1/1, 8 February 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3038/7/1 Part 1). Araújo was the founding chairman of the Apodeti political party (27 May 1974 – see footnote 385) and became East Timor’s first Governor after the Indonesian occupation - ie for the period 1976-1978. See also footnotes 16 and 403.19 A 1975 press article related that “Sitko Lopes”, a Dutch national, collaborated with the Japanese in Dili – working as an interpreter and translator. After the war, he “returned to Europe” – but on his return to Dili in 1948, he was arrested, tried as a collaborator and sentenced to 10 years on Ataúro. When his appeal was heard in Goa in 1958, he was sentenced to an additional six years – but remained imprisoned for a further 16 years ie totalling 26 years: Seah, C.N., “Island of Death”, The Straits Times, Singapore, late October 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/3 Part 3, p.279). The article also briefly mentioned the incarceration of Arnaldo Araújo (footnote 15 above). In September 1959, the Indonesian Consul in Dili sought clarification of the status of the sentence of Inácio André Francisco Lopes, querying his sentence of “16 years 4 months imprisonment and an indemnity of $ 3 000 – to the relatives of the victims”: Indonesian Consul – Dili, No. 192/I, 8 September 1959. In November 1959, the Consul sought to interview Francisco Lopes in prison.20 Gonggong A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah …, 1994, p.42 also makes brief mention of “Ciko Lopes in Atambua” as providing information on independence to “several community leaders” in Portuguese Timor in 1953 – see Annex B. However, these reported activities of Francisco Lopes in the early 1950s are difficult to reconcile – particularly any return to Atambua, as he appears to have been imprisoned on Ataúro throughout the 1950s. However, according to Salem Musalam Sagran (in an interview with Takahashi Shigehito in Dili on 19 July 2008), Lopes was in Dili in the mid-1950s and was a regular caller at the Indonesian Consulate. This suggests that Lopes may perhaps have been on some form of “conditional release” in Dili in the mid-1950s – ie until probably some time in 1958.

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actually began in 1953/1954.”21 The few independence activists in Portuguese Timor reportedly maintained contact with Lopes through Protestant pastors in the border area.22 Within Portuguese Timor, lacking “intellectuals with leadership ability”, these disaffected young men met with the Indonesian Consul in Dili, “Lasutna Suwarno”, who reportedly “promised to act as the intermediary with the Indonesian central government if the movement demanding independence was successful.”23

Indonesian Policy and Views on “Incorporation”

In the last months of World War II, the Japanese actively encouraged - and organised, Indonesian nationalists in seeking independence from the Netherlands. Mohammad Yamin, as a member of the Body for the Preparation of Indonesian Independence (Badan Penyelidik Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia - BPUPKI), produced a paper on 31 May 1945 on the “Territory of Indonesia” that included the proposal to incorporate Portuguese Timor as part of a future independent Indonesia.24 On 11 July 1945, Sukarno – soon to be Indonesia’s first President, expressed his view: “I am 100 % in agreement with the view held by Mr Yamin” ie with Mohammad Yamin’s “Pan-Malay” proposal including the inclusion of Portuguese Timor.25 Following Indonesia’s independence, Mohammad Yamin

21 Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih Berkibar di TimTim Sejak 1959” (“The Red and White Flag Really Flew in East Timor in 1959”), Vista, No.57, Jakarta, 20-29 August 1989, p.20 – quoting one of the Timorese rebel leaders, José Manuel Duarte. Duarte also implies meeting with Francisco “Ciko” Lopes in Dili in the early 1950s. Salem Musalam Sagran, one of the deported 1959 Rebellion exiles, also cited the 1945 Indonesian Proclamation of Independence as “driving the outbreak of the Viqueque Rebellion” - Subroto, H., Saksi Mata Perjuangan Integrasi Timor Timur, Pustaka Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, 1996, p.172.22 “70% of the population of Indonesian Timor is Christian, mainly Protestant. It came as a surprise to me that there should be a much higher percentage of Christians there than in Portuguese Timor where the figure is only about 15%” – see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 158/60: Visit to Kupang (by Consul W.A. Luscombe), 23 November 1960, p.8 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/6 Part 1; A4359, 201/2/8/12). The report also noted that there was a Roman Catholic church and seminary in Atambua (population about 5,000). Later official figures (1968) showed 74 percent of Indonesian Timor as Christian: 41 percent Catholic, 33 percent Protestant – with 11 percent Muslim and 14 percent animist.23 Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista, No.57, 1989, op.cit., p.20 – citing former rebel José Manuel Duarte. Duarte’s reference to contact with “Lasutna Suwarno” is probably Indonesian Consul, Leopoldo Lo de Wijk Lasut. The Indonesian Consulate opened on 20 May 1954. Leopoldo Lo de Wijk Lasut (born in Menado), the first Indonesian Consul, served 23 April 1954 – 3 February 1956. He was replaced by Dominggus Octavianus Lahallo (born in Ambon) who arrived in Dili on 31 December 1955. A “Suwarno” also served in the Indonesian Consulate as the Chancellor in 1959 – see footnote 53.24 A copy of the paper, “The Territory of Indonesia”, can be found at NAA: A1838, 3034/7/1 Part 5. The paper and Mohammad Yamin’s “incorporationist” views - ie to include Portuguese Timor, were first publicly reported in Australia in an article titled “All New Guinea in Indonesian Wartime Hopes” in The Sydney Morning Herald, Sydney, 20 June 1959. Earlier suggestions of Indonesian suzerainty over Timor during the Sriwijaya and Majapahit empires are related in Nahar, M., “Some Historical Notes on Timor”, Home News/Feature, Jakarta, 15 October 1975, pp.12-14 and 16 October 1975, pp.11-13 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 3).25 Record of the Meeting of the Committee held on 11 July 1945, p.5. Sukarno noted however that the “hands of the Imperial Japanese Government will decide what shall form the future state of Indonesia.” (NAA: A1838, 3034/7/1 Part 5). A modern “Pan-Malay” or Melayu Raya (Greater Malay) movement was founded in Kuala Lumpur by Ibrahim Yaacob/Yaakub in 1938 as the Kesatuan Melayu Muda (KMM – Malay Youth Union). Under Japanese military auspices, Yaacob met with Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta in Taiping (Perak, Malaya) in mid-August 1945 – but the movements Melayu Raya and Indonesian Raya did not merge. Yaacob fled to Indonesia in late August 1945, became a supporter of President Sukarno, died in 1979 and is buried in the Heroes’ Cemetery at Kalibata (Jakarta).

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continued his call for the incorporation of Portuguese Timor – including through his newspaper “Mimbah Indonesia”.26 However, in a speech in Jogjakarta on 20 July 1953, President Sukarno declared that the Republic of Indonesia had made no demands for, nor was she striving for, the inclusion of Portuguese Timor - but only West Irian.27 Later as Education Minister, Mohammad Yamin modified his position, by declaring that Indonesia did “not lay any claim” to Portuguese Timor28.

An Appeal to President Sukarno

In May 1954, President Sukarno travelled to Indonesian West Timor. During his visit to the towns of Atapupu and Atambua near the border with Portuguese Timor, “Timorese from the Portuguese half of the island” came to see the President and, after executing war dances and offering gifts, they requested Sukarno “not to forget those who were still sighing under the colonial yoke of Portugal.”29 According to a report from the Australian Consul in Dili, Sukarno “also toured the villages adjacent to the Portuguese frontier, and that during this tour he was approached by some of the native peoples from the Portuguese territory who submitted a petition inviting Indonesia to absorb the peoples of Portuguese Timor.”30 The Consul continued: “should there be any truth in the report, then the local Government would undoubtedly be aware of the fact, but there would certainly be a close blanket of secrecy imposed on those officials who had knowledge of the alleged incident, and it is the policy of the Government to endeavour to prevent all information on political matters within the province reaching outside peoples and foreign governments.”

Criticisms from Jakarta

In late 1954, an item in the Jakarta press warned of the strategic danger to the Republic of Indonesia presented by Portuguese Timor: “It has become clearer every day how dangerous Portuguese Timor is for the security of Indonesia, the more so after it has turned out that certain foreign powers have included Portuguese Timor in their scheme to strengthen their strategic defence systems in South East Asia. This situation has drawn the attention of the Indonesian government which is planning to take speedy steps to meet this threat.”31

26 Mohammad Yamin - when the former Finance Minister, urged incorporation of Portuguese Timor in speeches on 22 June 1952 (Summary of World Broadcasts, 1 July 1952) and in Makassar on 26 August 1952 (Digest of Events in Indonesia, No 57). 27 Digest of Events in Indonesia, No 55, 31 July 1952.28 On Minister Yamin’s statement in Kupang on 29 January 1954 see Antara, Jakarta, 30 January 1954 as reported in Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 121, 30 January 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1); and also The Times of Indonesia, 1 February 1954, p.4. In a speech on 28 October 1958, Yamin declared: “Greater Indonesia has a wider territory and greater authority than the former Dutch East Indies” – Persbiro Indonesia, 3516A, 29 October 1958 (NAA: A1838, 303/4/1/1 Part 2). On 10 March 1960 – following an “incorporationist” remark in a speech by Mohammad Yamin to an All-Indonesian Youth Meeting in Bandung in February 1960, Foreign Minister Subandrio issued a repudiating “no claim” statement – see The Indonesian Observer, 11 & 12 March 1960: NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).29 Australian Embassy – The Hague, Memo 411/54, 20 May 1954 reporting on an item in the Netherlands newspaper Het Parool (Independent Labour) of 18 May 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). 30 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 9, 23 June 1954 (NAA: A11604, 605/15).31 The Times of Indonesia, Jakarta, 17 December 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1).

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One source of Indonesian complaint was the illicit trafficking of copra from the islands of Eastern Indonesian to Portuguese Timor - and thence to Singapore, that avoided Indonesian taxes and duties.32

Separatist movements in Eastern Indonesia also had some minor impact on Portuguese Timor in the mid-1950s. In October 1955, the Republic of the South Moluccas reportedly sent an emissary to Lautém – hoping that the authorities would on-forward a message from their movement to the United Nations.33

In mid-1957, in commenting on an Australian Joint Intelligence Bureau (JIB) assessment on Portuguese Timor, the Australian Consul in Dili reported: “it is correct to say there is no real Internal Security problem in the Portuguese half of the Island.”34

The Consul was dismissive of the JIB’s comments on occasional friction between “Indonesian and Portuguese patrols in the border area” - noting instead that “relations between the Indonesian half of the Island and the Portuguese are at present most friendly.”

However, in late 1957, the issue of Portuguese Timor’s possible incorporation into Indonesia was raised during Constituent Assembly deliberations in Jakarta on the definition of “Indonesian territory”. “All parties were of course agreed that Indonesian territory included West Irian - and representatives from certain other parties, viz: Murba (Trotskyist) and I.P.K.I. (Proclamation of the Upholders of Indonesian Independence) Parties, suggested that the definition of Indonesian territory include the British territories in Borneo and Portuguese Timor. … They based their arguments for these claims on the fact that the divisions in Borneo and in Timor were made under colonial regimes without references to the people concerned and without the true interests of both Borneo and Timor being taken into account. Nevertheless the Constituent Assembly did not accept these arguments … .”35

Portuguese Timor - Malay, Mestiço36 and Worker Grievances

32 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 138/51, 18 September 1951 (NAA: A1838, TS656/1/2/3) describes the illicit copra trade including the “handsome profit” of Chinese traders in Dili - and noted that “Timor’s Government finances benefit by import and export tax, and the Colony’s Financial Fund benefits … There is no doubt that the Local Authorities know what is going on but are loath to enforce laws that would make so many people unhappy.”33 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 20, 20 October 1955 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1). The Republic of the South Moluccas, or Republik Maluku Selatan (RMS), was a self-proclaimed republic declared on 25 April 1950 comprising Amboina, Buru, Ceram and adjoining islands. Interestingly, RMS maps included islands immediately north of Portuguese Timor as within RMS territory – including Wetar and Kisar; as well as the Portuguese Timor island of Ataúro (NAA: A1838, 3038/11/63 Part 1).34 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 153/57, 19 July 1956, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 1).35 Australian Embassy - Jakarta, Memo 1733, 29 November 1957 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 4). The Constituent Assembly unanimously resolved to define Indonesian territory as “all area belonging to the former Dutch East Indies at the moment of the outbreak of the Pacific War in December 1941” ie not including Portuguese Timor. The Constituent Assembly was dissolved on 5 July 1959.

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In mid-1954, the Australian Consul in Dili prepared a memorandum – “Portuguese Timor – Political”, that described an emerging discontent among some groups in Dili. The Consul related that:

“the Malay and Malay-speaking population of Portuguese Timor – a relatively small percentage of course – can be said to have some knowledge of the political scene in South and South East Asia, and are in general a fairly intelligent class of people. Some members of this section of the community have made frequent contact with the Consul for Indonesia. … ((They)) usually work as mechanics and truck drivers for the Government and commercial circles. However there is not always full employment for these people, except during the coffee season, and at times their living is very precarious indeed. There have been reports over the past two weeks, passed to me in strict confidence, that some of these subjects harbour animosity towards the local Government, and have on occasion expressed their grievances to the Consul for Indonesia. Further, that this section of the community is joined by the many poorer class of half caste ((mestiço/mestizo)), born in Timor, who in many cases obtain only temporary employment with the Government as occasion offers, and when no such Government employment is offering take odd jobs as may be available. The general complaint from this section of the half caste community is that without permanent Government employment, they can have no fixed livelihood, that the Government continues to bring out Portuguese from Portugal for work which could and should be done by many of these half castes. Actually, the complaint from these people extends somewhat deeper within the country’s political scene, in the sense of the following: -

‘… the indigenous native still continues to pay head tax and is still conscripted for cheap labour … should there at anytime be a plebiscite as to the continuance under Portuguese rule, or otherwise, the indigenous native would vote to come within the framework of Indonesia …’.”

However, in reference to the above quote from an unidentified source, the Australian Consul added that he “would most certainly discount the opinion regarding a plebiscite, which I believe exists only in the disgruntled and unhappy minds of this section of people, who are at times living under conditions which, according to their own standards, are not compatible with their rights and dues … However, whilst appreciating that the behaviour and loyalties of some native elements … is perhaps at best an uncertain quantity in regard to some of them in times of emergency and stress, the present circumstances of those who inhabit Portuguese Timor is satisfactory if one thinks only in terms of physical well being, food and other requirements to their particular standard. It would not be so regarded by other Asian peoples who have gained independence of course.”37

36 The official population statistics for Portuguese Timor for 1950 showed a “Civilised Population” of 7,471 – comprising: “568 Whites; 48 Indians; 2,022 Mixed ((ie Mestiço/Mestizo – malae oan in Tetum)); 54 Negroes; 3,128 Asiatics ((Chinese)); 1,541 Timorese; and 110 Arabs” – and a “Non-Civilized Population” of 434,907 – Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 34/52, 23 July 1952 (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 1). A later Consulate report indicated the “Indonesian population of Portuguese Timor” as “possibly about 100 of the Islamic faith referred to as Arabs … mostly engaged in the piecegoods trade. … There are a few real Malay types originally from Kupang but there would not be more than 30 of these …” – Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 68/54, 23 February 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).37 Australian Consulate – Dili, Despatch No 9, 23 June 1954 (NAA: A11604, 605/15; TS656/1/2/3).

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A year later in 1955, the Australian Consul in Dili reported on a similar theme that:

“It has recently been confirmed beyond any reasonable doubt that the local Authority has introduced certain repressive measures designed to stifle free expression of thought, in open discussion, if relating to local political, social or economic conditions in Portuguese Timor … particularly in regard to social conditions and benefits for lower category employees. … The poorer class of Portuguese, chiefly half-castes, are employed in what is regarded by them as insufficiently paid positions and their living conditions are certainly not very good. It is understood that the repressive measures take the form of a stern warning to a person or persons concerned whose expressed opinions have come under notice, and in future to avoid discussions of a political nature if connected with Portuguese affairs. … There has been no suggestion, so far, that communism is involved in anti-government statements which may have been expressed by certain people – merely a criticism of their lot and the belief that their conditions of pay and advancement and living could and should be better. … The number of disgruntled persons are few indeed, there are no secondary industries in Portuguese Timor which, if they did exist would employ numbers of workers, amongst which it could be expected that some political activity would eventually emerge … Furthermore, the indigenous native is very primitive, and it is usually considered that his intelligence is far below that which would be required to absorb communist doctrines or any other form of political thought. … he is generally regarded as a very loyal person and obedient to the Native Chiefs who in turn are responsible to the Administration. The loyalty of these Native Chiefs is unquestioned. … However, it is known that the local government is apprehensive in regard to communist activity and anti-colonial feelings in Indonesia and elsewhere in South East Asia.”38

The Portuguese Government’s concern was evidenced in the 1955 budget for the Province that included funding for the establishment in Portuguese Timor of the PIDE (Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado) – the regime’s secret security and intelligence agency. A PIDE staff – comprising five personnel at a salary cost of 45,600 patacas, was planned for 1956 to strengthen the existing “public security police” force in Dili of 54.39

The Bandung Conference – 1955

The inaugural Afro-Asian Conference hosted by Indonesia in Bandung, West Java (18-24 April 1955), is also cited as an inspiration for the nascent independence

38 Australian Consulate – Dili, Despatch No 3, 14 April 1955 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).39 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 312/55, 16 November 1955 (NAA: 3038/1/1 Part 1). The PIDE proposal was based on Decree Law 39749, Lisbon, 9 August (BOdT, No.38, 18 September 1954, pp.494-500) on the “reorganization” of the PIDE service. Funding for 1956 detailed in BOdT, No.53 Suplemento, 31 December 1955, p.1044. However, a PIDE “delegation” was not established in Portuguese Timor until March 1961 – ie after the 1959 “Viqueque Rebellion” (see footnotes 339 and 340).

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movement in Portuguese Timor – “the uprising did not just have a strong connection with the Afro-Asian Conference itself, but was a direct result of the development of the ‘Spirit of Bandung’ in the Portuguese colony.”40 Although the issue of Portuguese Timor was not formally raised at the Bandung Conference, its final communiqué declared that “colonialism in all its manifestations is an evil which should speedily be brought to an end.”

((Photograph not included))

Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai addressing the Bandung Conference

According to a press report, President Sukarno arranged for three Timorese youth to travel secretly from Portuguese Timor to Bandung and attend the Conference as “observers”.41 Their participation was reportedly managed by Indonesia’s Consul in Dili, Leopoldo Lasut (see footnote 20) - and the three Timorese were reportedly “smuggled” into West Timor and then flown to Bandung. Reportedly quoting one of the observers - Marcelino, the press item related that the group met with PresidentSukarno on the “side-lines” of the Conference and: “Bung Karno directed us to struggle for Independence – there was

40 “Uprising” – is a reference to the subsequent “1959 Rebellion” - Rohi, P. A., “Soekarno, KAA, dan Timor-Leste”, Kongres, Jakarta, 28 April 2005 & marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005, p.1. See also Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan Rakyat Timor Timur 1959, Mutiara, Edition 775, Jakarta, 29 August – 4 September 1995, p.14 – in which José Manuel Duarte related that the Africa-Asia Conference’s “Deklarasi Bandung” inspired the “gerakan bawah tanah” (underground movement) – and displayed a purported “seragam pasukan” (uniform) worn by the rebels. Peter Apollonious Rohi (“Kore Rohi” - born Sabu, 14 November 1942) served in the TNI (Marinir) before commencing a career in journalism in 1970.41 Rohi, P. A., “Soekarno …”, 2005, marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005, p.2 – citing an interview with Marcelino (a purported “youth observer” in Bandung from Portuguese Timor) in Venilale (East Timor) in 1996; and Rohi, P.A., email to author, 19 January 2007. In the article, Rohi stated that his interview with Marcelino was “in the context of reconstructing the Viqueque Rebellion of 3 June 1959.” According to Rohi, Marcelino had brought back a “painting of President Soekarno by Basoeki Abdoellah from the 1955 Africa-Asia Conference as a souvenir” measuring about 100cm x 65cm. To date, articles/emails by P.A. Rohi are the only known written source on Marcelino and the reported visit of three Timorese youth to Bandung as observers in 1955. Rohi also briefly related Marcelino’s visit to Bandung and advice from President Sukarno in “Kemenangan Fretilin dan Dampak Politik bagi Indonesia”, Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, 5 September 2001.

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no order for us to integrate with the Republic of Indonesia … but we realized that it would be impossible for us to stand alone.” On their return to Timor from their reported attendance, while maintaining the secrecy of their visit, the observers reportedly joined informal anti-Portuguese ((photo Marcelinounderground movements.42 - 2007 not included))

In 2007, the author met three times with Marcelino – ie Marcelino António Fausto Guterres43, in Dili on 3 and 10 April - and in Baucau on 28 June. Marcelino related that in 1955, the Indonesian Consul in Dili, Leopoldo Lasut, had “recruited” three “top-achieving” Timorese students to attend the 1955 Bandung Conference: Marcelino, Januario dos Reis44 and “Chiquito”45. They visited the Indonesian Consulate in Dili, completed forms and were photographed. However, they did not travel to Bandung as planned - due to “tensions between Indonesia and Portuguese Timor”. The Consul advised them to return to their homes and await further contact – but, according to Marcelino, none occurred.46

42 An official Indonesian publication: Brahmana, R., Buku 20 Tahun Timor Timur Membangun, Jakarta, 1996 – makes perhaps a brief allusion to activity in this period at p.27 as follows: “In 1955 in fact, there was a planned resistance rebellion by youth in the territory in Dili. This plan was then widely spread to all the districts of the territory.” This passage is also quoted verbatim in Wila, M.R.C., Konsepsi Hukum …, Bandung, 2006. In September 1955, the Portuguese Administration reacted to reports of a submarine allegedly landing personnel on the south coast, but no intruders were discovered: see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 189/56, 5 September 1956 (NAA: A5954, 2269/4). 43 Marcelino was born in Venilale on 25 February 1931 – and was 24 years old at the time of contact with the Consul. His father, Dom Cristóvão Fausto Guterres (died September 1992, aged 87), was the traditional head of the Venilale “jurisdição” – a grouping of six villages. “Cristóvão Fausto Guterres” is identified as the Chefe de Suco of Uato Haco (Venilale) in 1952 – Sherlock, K., East Timor: Liurais and Chefes de Suco; Indigenous Authorities in 1952, Kevin Sherlock, Darwin 1983, p.19. The dedication and merit of Cristóvão Fausto Guterres during WWII as a chefe de jurisdição was formally acknowledged in BOdT No.1, 1 January 1963, p.7. According to Marcelino, a forefather - Dom Cristobal Guterres, had been the raja of Venilale. 44 Born in Baucau - according to Marcelino, Januario dos Reis subsequently became a member of the regional parliament (DPRD I) in Dili during the Indonesian period.45 Marcelino could not recall Chiquito’s family name, but knew that he was from Manatuto and had been killed by Fretilin in Aileu in early 1976. It is highly probable that “Chiquito” was João Pereira da Silva – who was subsequently a leader of the 1959 Rebellion and, in 1974-75, a founding and senior member of the Apodeti political party (see footnotes 55, 138, 365, 374, 385, 386, 395 and 430).46 Marcelino visited Bandung for nine days in December 1996 with an Indonesian-sponsored party of 60, including a tour of the “Gedung Merdeka” – the site of the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference (author’s discussions with Marcelino in Dili on 3 and 10 April 2007 – and 28 June 2007 in Baucau). Marcelino confirmed that he had possessed a large portrait of Indonesian President Sukarno (see footnote 38) – but he had purchased it in Dili. In 2007, the author also discussed the purported 1955 visit to Bandung with Marcelino’s son, Joni (in Dili), and Marcelino’s younger brother, Virgílio Cristóvão Fausto Guterres - b. 21/5/1941, resident in Melbourne (Australia).

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THE REBELLION

Beginnings

In the mid-1950s, a small group of independence activists in Portuguese Timor – mostly junior civil servants in Dili, apparently had a range of aims. All resented the excesses, exploitation and human rights injustices inflicted by the Portuguese regime in Timor. In November-December 1956, the Portuguese Under-Secretary of State for Overseas Affairs, Carlos Krus Abecassis, made an extensive visit to Portuguese Timor47.

((Photograph not included))

Sr. Eng. Carlos Abecassis (right) meeting the widow of Régulo D. Aleixo Corte Real at Ainaro. Governor Serpa Rosa is on the left.48

Before his departure from Dili, he passed a 17-page instruction to Governor Captain César Serpa Rosa directing that abuses and social injustices be corrected – including the “immediate abolition of corporal punishment used to compel natives to work or to increase their pace of work” by “overseers, Posto chiefs or anyone else”.49 However, conditions did not improve, and the continuing abuses were subsequently

47 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 267/56, 7 December 1956 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 1).48 Boletim Geral do Ultramar, No.378, Lisbon, December 1956, p.19. A memorial to Régulo D. Aleixo Corte Real – killed by Japanese troops in May 1943, was inaugurated at Ainaro during the visit.49 Abecassis, C.K., Extractos das Instruções ao Governo de Timor, Dili, 19 December 1956 - Annex II in Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 199-203 and discussed at pp. 17-22. Governor Barata noted that “ironically, such reactionary instruments as the palmatória (see footnote 116) and the azorragues (whip) were referred to ((by local authorities)) as education devices.” – p.20.

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detailed in a “Memorandum” produced by exiled rebels in Angola in 1960 50 – see Annex D.

Some of the independence activists in Portuguese Timor sought the installation of a Timorese “native” regime that would still have strong links to Portugal – while others, the majority, reportedly favoured integration with Indonesia. The Dili group continued their contact with the Indonesian Consul in Dili (ie Leopoldo Lasut until December 1955, Dominggus Lahallo to late 1956, and then Nazwar Jacub Sutan Indra) – including through members of the local staff in the Consulate: David Verdial who had been born in Atambua (Indonesian Timor), Salem Sagran, and Mu Then Siong/Celestino Peter Guterres.51 Several of the activists in Portuguese Timor also had family contacts in West Timor.52 Acknowledging their inspiration from West Timor, the group in Portuguese Timor reportedly adopted a Tetum-language slogan: “Hamutuk ho manu alin sira, ita sadere sa sira, sira sae ita mir sae, sira tun ita mir tun.” (“Uniting with our brothers elsewhere, we depend on them – they advance and we will also, they fall and we will too.”)53.

In July 1956, José Manuel Duarte (1934-2003), who was to become one of the movement’s Timorese leaders – and later in the 1990s the principal spokesman of the surviving rebel veterans, moved with his family from his government position (assistant observer) in the meteorological office in Dili to a regional post in the Viqueque Circunscrição.54

50 Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe [sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor (Memorandum – Report: On the event that occurred on 7 June 1959 in the Circumscription of Viqueque - Timor), six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié (Angola), 21 April 1960 – in Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Jakarta/Kupang, 1974 – attached as Annex D to this publication. The Memorandum focuses on injustices in the countryside – it was written by the “Viqueque group” before the “Dili group” of leaders, who had departed Dili in early June 1959 for Lisbon, arrived in Angola (together with the four Indonesians) in early June 1960. The Memorandum was signed, in order, by Amaro Loyola Jordão de Araújo, Mateus Sarmento Jordão de Araújo, José Manuel Duarte, Joaquim Ferreira, António da Costa Soares (António Metan), Fernando Pinto, João Lisboa, Armindo Amaral, Paulo Amaral and Domingos Soares. The content of de Araújo’s 1974 (120mm x 205mm) booklet (at Annex D) - including the Memorandum, was later included in a larger format booklet of the same title ie Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005. This larger A-4 2005 publication contains additional material including discrete declarations (declaração) by several “Dili group” former rebels citing injustices (see also footnote 442). José Manuel Duarte, a signatory to the Memorandum of 21 April 1960, repeated many of the allegations in his Memorandum - Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, Colónia Penal de Bié (Angola), 31 August 1960 (TdT, Lisbon: AOS/CO/UL-32A2, Part 7). Duarte’s Memorandum – with a covering letter dated 2 November 1960, was forwarded to Dr Salazar (President of the Council of Ministers) by the Director of PIDE (Lisbon).51 Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, 1995, op.cit., p.14. Subsequently - from the early-mid 1980s, H. Salem/Salim Musalam Sagran/Syagran was prominent in Islamic affairs in East Timor eg as the Chairman of the Majelis Ulama Indonesia – Timor Timur (MUI, Indonesian Scholars’ Council – East Timor, see footnote 417) and an author (see bibliography). His later activities are noted in Chega !, CAVR Final Report, Chapter 7.8, para 383-384. Bazher, A.B., Islam di Timor Timur, Gema Insani Press, Jakarta, 1995, p.21 notes that David Verdial, a “non-Muslim” was from Bobonaro - and that Muhammad Sidin was also employed at the Consulate. For Mu Then Siong see footnotes 319 and 345; and Berlie, J.A., East Timor: A Bibliography, les Indes savantes, Paris, 2001, p.197 refers to Mu Then Siong/Celestino Peter Guterres as a driver at the Indonesian Consulate (and later deported to Angola). 52 The parents-in-law of José Manuel Duarte - who was later to become prominent in the attacks at Viqueque and Baguia in June 1959, reportedly came from the island of Roti/Rote, about 25 km southwest of Kupang.53 Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.14.

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The Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub Sutan Indra, invited several of the activists to the Consulate – including Luís da Costa Rego, João Pereira da Silva, José Beny Joaquim, Fernando Woodhomal55 and, together “with ‘elementos 14rabes’ , began a pro-Indonesia propaganda campaign among the natives” – assisted by the Chancellor at the Consulate, Suwarno. 56

One of the leaders of the “Dili group” was reportedly Francisco Maria Xavier Jesus de Araújo – a Timorese with considerable land holdings, who was a member of the Conselho de Governo in Dili.57 His ambitions to become the Governor of the Province had been frustrated, and he reportedly joined the independence activists in their efforts for greater rights and freedoms for the indigenous Timorese.

The group expanded – reportedly proselytising from “door-to-door”, and by late 1958/early 1959 had reportedly gained adherents across Portuguese Timor with the following organisation58:

Dili (“Central Sector”): Luís da Costa Rego (leader)59, Joaquim Ferreira, Francisco de Araújo (see footnote 54).

Aileu: Paulo da Conceição Castro (see footnotes 163-168). Ermera: Eduardo de Araújo, Alexandria [sic],

Viana de Jesus, Cripim [sic] Borges de Araújo. Same: Francisco Dias da Costa. ((photo Luís Rego Manatuto: Germano das Dores Alves da Silva, not included))

João Pereira Sikito [sic] da Silva. Baucau: Abel da Costa Belo. Manufahi: Matheus Ferreira.

54 Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, Colónia Penal de Bié (Angola), 31 August 1960 (TdT, Lisbon: AOS/CO/UL-32A2, Part 7). Notice of his move to Viqueque in 1956 was promulgated in BOdT No.31, 4 August 1956, p.506. 55 Fernando “Woodhomal” may have been “Fernando Wosdimal” – of “Indian background” – advice to author by former rebels Evaristo da Costa (aged 73 years), Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa (75 years) and Salem Sagran (78 years) in Dili, 2 April 2007. “A.H. Wadhoomal, a Hindu merchant” arrived in Portuguese Timor from India in 1925 - Archer, C.H. (British Consul-General, Taiwan), Report on Portuguese Timor, Canberra, 3 May 1941, para 111 (NAA: A981, TIM D 1 Part 2).56 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.51 and pp.217-218 – Annex V, Report of the Police Superintendent, Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959.57 Francisco Maria Xavier Jesus de Araújo was born in Luca (Viqueque) on 12/1/1893 and - with effect 26 March 1946, was appointed as the Secretary for the Administrative Council for Social and Public Assistance (BOdT, No.9, 21 December 1946, p.57). He was elected to the Conselho do Governo in 1955 for the period 1955-1958 vide BOdT, No.38, Declaração, 17 September 1955, p.757. Francisco de Araújo had substantial coffee holdings in Ermera. He was the patron of the popular Sporting (Group/Club) de Timor – a club for the elite and “integrated/assimilated” Timorese, and provided land in the suburb of Vila Verde for the Club. When arrested in June 1959, the PIDE claimed that “red and white” (ie Indonesian) flags had been found in his Dili residence. For his dismissal from the Conselho de Governo and remarks in 2007 by rebels on his innocence see footnotes 263-265. The extent of his involvement in the rebel movement has yet to be established with certainty. Former rebel Evaristo da Costa has however declared that Francisco de Araújo “was involved” – discussion with author, Dili, 29 October 2008. In discussions with the author on 6 December 2008, Câncio Noronha was also adamant that Francisco de Araújo had been involved – see footnote 265.58 As listed in Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit., p.14. Sarong, F., “Pejuang Timtim yang Kesepian”, op.cit., Kompas Cybermedia, Jakarta, 21 May 1999 reports that one of the rebel leaders, João Pereira da Silva, was killed in Aileu – but João Pereira da Silva is noted as being among those arrested on 3 June 1959 (see footnote 160). João Pereira da Silva was reportedly killed in the Aileu area by Fretilin - but in very early 1976. Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 59 relates the conspirators’ “infiltration of the interior of the Province” with “links in Remexio, Aileu, Lete Foho, Ermera, Same and Ainaro.”59 Luís da Costa Rego (also known as Luís Cina/China) was a civil servant (driver) in the Serviços de Agricultura. His father was Chinese and his mother, Timorese.

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Viqueque: Amaro Loyola Jordan [sic] de Araújo60. Uatolari: Antonius [sic] Metan (António da Costa Soares). Lospalos: José dos Ramos da Sousa Gama .

The Governor of Portuguese Timor (1959-1963) – Filipe José Freire Themudo Barata, later noted that in early 1959, the rebels had “links in Remexio, Aileu, Lete Foho, Ermera, Same and Ainaro” and used festivities such as weddings and other social gatherings to disguise their activities.61

The “Ex-Permesta 14”

In March 1957, a separatist rebellion against Jakarta arose in Sulawesi – the Permesta62 Movement. The Movement demanded greater autonomy for eastern Indonesia and opposed the growing influence of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI – Communist Party of Indonesia) on President Sukarno and his government. Soon after, Permesta representatives arrived in Kupang (the capital of Indonesian “West Timor”) and were welcomed by several of the local leaders and gained support from youth, schoolteachers and some military personnel63 – where “support for Permesta was certainly linked to a fear of Muslim domination” and resentment of rule by officials from Java.64 On 3 April 1957, pro-Permesta military personnel and youths in Kupang seized control of the security forces and detained public officials – and, while “there was no blood spilt”, “for many months the situation was somewhat uncertain.”65 On 13 April, Lieutenant Colonel Sumual – the Permesta leader, visited Kupang from Makassar (Sulawesi) and was warmly welcomed.66 The Indonesian “army estimated

60 Amaro de Araújo had been a civil servant in the Treasury Department from 1919 until dismissed for corruption in August 1948 – see detail at Annex E. Amaro, together with his brother Mateus, are listed as a retired civil servants in Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees in Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – see Annex F. Aged 58 years, Amaro was the oldest of the rebel leaders and reportedly a grandson of the 1912 rebel leader Dom Boaventura. Amaro died in exile in Angola in April 1969 – see footnotes 328 and 380 for further background.61 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.59. Some Indonesian reports have also claimed that the 1959 Rebellion was also supported in the Aileu, Same and Ermera areas – ie south and south-west of Dili; see Gonggong A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah …, 1992, op.cit., p.44. 62 Permesta (Perjuangan Semesta – Total Struggle). The Movement’s Charter (Piagam) was signed in Makassar (now Ujung Pandang), Sulawesi/Celebes, on 2 March 1957 by the Region VII/Wirabuana military commander, Lieutenant Colonel Herman Nicolas Ventje Sumual. The Permesta Movement had been defeated by September 1961. See Harvey, B. S., Permesta: pemberontakan setengah hati, 1984 for reference to Permesta in the Lesser Sundas at p.83 and p.228 – and, more generally also: Conboy, K., Kopassus – Inside Indonesia’s Special Forces, 2003, pp.37-59; Conboy, K. & Morrison, J., Feet to the fire: CIA covert operations in Indonesia 1957-1958, 1999; and the Permesta Information Office website at http://permesta.8m.net/. For the “companion” PRRI rebellion in Sumatra, see footnote 95).63 “Many of the soldiers involved in Kupang were ex-KNIL Christians from Manado and Timor” – KNIL ie Koninklijk Nederlandsch Indisch Leger (Royal Netherlands East Indies Army) - Farram, S.G., From ‘Timor Koepang’ to ‘Timor NTT’: A Political History of West Timor 1901-1967 (unpublished PhD thesis), Darwin, 2004, p.298. Termed the “4 April Incident”, the Permesta supporters forced the resignation of the Yonif 712 commander, Major Abdul Latief – see Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (ABRI) – Kodam IX/Udayana, 42 Tahun Pengabdian Kodam IX/Udayana (42 Years of Service by Military Region IX/Udayana), Kodam IX/Udayana, Denpasar, 1999, p.76.64 Farram, S.G., From ‘Timor Koepang’ …, op.cit., p.298.65 Ibid, p.299.66 ABRI, 42 Tahun …, op.cit., p.77. At this time, Lieutenant Colonel Sumual was the “Head of the Military Government” – and became Chairman of the Permesta Supreme Council and Chief of Staff of

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that about 100 of its soldiers in Kupang supported the movement”, and “there was support also from some members of the police and some schoolteachers and their students.”67

However, in March 1958, Sukarno government forces moved against the Permesta Movement in the Lesser Sundas68 and, soon after, Yonif (Batalyon Infanteri) 701 was despatched to restore control in Flores and Indonesian Timor.69 The Indonesian armed forces ie Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI)70 arriving in Kupang met little resistance. Several hundred Permesta supporters led by a police officer – Kotadia71, initially fled into the countryside but soon surrendered to the authorities. However, eleven dissident soldiers – reportedly from the resident Yonif 712, fled in a seized military truck. “Following a pursuit, nine surrendered with their weapons, but the other two fled into Portuguese Timor together with twelve civilians.”72

In March 1958, the Jakarta press reported that 14 Indonesians – all military personnel, had fled from Indonesian West Timor and sought asylum in Portuguese Timor. One press report related that: “As a result of the ban against the Permesta Movement, a few days ago, and as a consequence of the local purge carried out by the 26th Regiment, all supporters of the so-called Permesta Movement have fled into Portuguese Timor”73, and Portuguese Timor has “granted asylum to one officer, two sergeants and 11 soldiers from Nusa Tenggara.”74

the Permesta Revolutionary Army.67 Farram, S.G., From ‘Timor Koepang’ …, op.cit., p.300. An official Indonesian military history records that “between one and two companies of Yonif 712, together with its headquarters and the Kompi Pemuda (Youth Company) supported the Permesta movement.” – ABRI, 42 Tahun …, op.cit., p.77.68 The Lesser Sundas (Sunda Ketjil) – or Nusa Tenggara, comprised the island groups from Lombok to Timor inclusive, but not the Moluccas or Sulawesi to the north and east. In October 1958, the Lesser Sundas was formally divided into the regions of Bali, Nusa Tenggara Barat (NTB) and Nusa Tenggara Timor (NTT). The Permesta movement had established a nominal command in Nusa Tenggara (ie the Lesser Sundas) on 5 May 1957 with a “Regional Military Command” under “Military Governor” Lieutenant Colonel R. Minggu. For Permesta activity in Eastern Nusa Tenggara – initially on the island of Flores, see “Permesta di Nusa Tenggara” in Permesta Membangun sourced from Leirissa, R., PRRI Permesta - http://permesta.8m.net/relates/artikel_permesta_membangun.html69 C Company of Yonif 701 under Captain Soegiri was the principal sub-unit deployed to Kupang that “detained and internally cleansed Yonif 712 personnel … that was achieved smoothly without recourse to armed violence.” – see ABRI, 42 Tahun …, op.cit., p.77. Following its “cleansing”, Yonif 712 was used against the rebels ie to “neutralise sympathisers … and disarm civilians” and, in a reorganisation to limit opportunities for further unrest, several of its companies were swapped with elements from Bali and Flores – pp.77-78. 70 The TNI was retitled Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (Indonesian Armed Forces – ABRI) on 21 June 1962 – and formally reverted to TNI in 2000.71 Kotadia (-1991), while serving with the Netherlands Indies police at Ende (Flores), had befriended Sukarno who had been exiled on the island in the period 1934-1938. In 1958, Kotadia reportedly surrendered his group to avoid bloodshed – and pledged loyalty to the new Republic. Several of the pro-Permesta officers, including Lieutenant Sine (Army) and Lieutenant Stall (Air Force), were reportedly imprisoned in Denpasar (Bali). The foregoing information was provided to the author by Peter A. Rohi (Jakarta) – email 25 October 2006.72 ABRI, 42 Tahun …, op.cit., p.77.73 “Penjokong2 ‘Permesta’ kabur ke Timor Portugis” (“Permesta Supporters Run Away to Portuguese Timor”), Merdeka, Jakarta, 3 April 1958, p.1.74 “Pem. Portugis Tim beri asyl politik pada 14 orang ‘Permesta’ dari Nusatenggara” (“Portuguese Timor Government Grants Political Asylum to 14 Permesta Fugitives from Nusa Tenggara”), Merdeka, Jakarta, 16 April 1958, p.1. See also Casey, R.G. (Minister for External Affairs, Australian Department of External Affairs), Record of Conversation with the Australian Consul – Dili (F.J.A. Whittaker), Canberra, 29 April 1958 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 1; A10302, 1958/769) – the Consul reported

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Several contemporary reports – including statements by an Indonesian Consul in Dili, and several later English-language publications have suggested however that the “14” came from Sulawesi.75 An “official” Indonesian version of the “14” was published in a high school text-book in 1992.76 This briefly related that in 1958, 14 “youths” from Kupang crossed into Portuguese Timor, made contact with Timorese youth77 and “proselytised the spirit of independence as enjoyed in the Republic of Indonesia.”

In 1960, an Australian Methodist Minister in Kupang, the Reverend G.S. Dicker, related the following to the Australian Consul in Dili on “the escape of the Army deserters to Portuguese Timor in 1958”: “He ((Dicker)) came across the party of deserters at a river crossing in the Soe area ((about 110 kilometres east of Kupang, on the main road to Dili)). They had just crossed the river when their pursuers arrived on the scene. Dicker expected some sort of fight. However, the pursuing force halted in full view of the deserters and made no attempt to capture them or molest them in any way. Dicker’s interpretation of this is that both the parties were heavily under the influence of the Permesta which, he says, was very strong in Kupang at the time.”78 However, the 14 may have subsequently entered the Oecussi enclave (ie Portuguese Timor territory) from the west – ie taking a route from Kupang along the northern coast through Lelogama district. On their arrival in Oecussi, the group reportedly robbed a Chinese trader, taking his radio – a “very well-known incident that created negative attitudes to the escapees.”79

From Indonesian Timor, the fleeing Permesta 14 crossed into the Portuguese Timor enclave of Oecusse. Here, they met with the Acting Administrator of Oecusse,

“two N.C.Os and 11 O.R. … had come by small boat … they said they had come from the ‘Eastern Indonesian Movement’ ” … “presumably from the South Moluccan Republic” (see footnote 30 for background) – ie totalling the figure of “13” first reported in Merdeka on 3 April 1958. Minister Casey’s discussion with Consul Whittaker is also briefly mentioned in Millar, T.B. (ed), Australian foreign minister: the diaries of R.G. Casey, Collins, London, 1972, p.295. The erroneous belief that the 14 Permesta fugitives were “RMS” - and had come from the Moluccas, is also included in the editor’s preface to Araújo, Abílio de (Jolliffe, J. & Reece, B. eds), Timorese Elites, Canberra, 1975 (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2) ie “As recently as 1959, several hundred Timorese were killed in an uprising led by Moluccan separatists.”75 Tengku Usman Hussin (Indonesian Consul - Dili, who replaced Nazwar Jacub on 3 June 1959) initially declared to the Australian Consul that the “Permesta 14” had come from “Manado” (Northern Sulawesi) as reported in Australian Consulate - Dili, Saving 25, 19 April 1960 and Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1 and 3038/2/9). For English-language publications that address the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion in general terms see Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, pp.45-46; Dunn, J., East Timor – a rough passage to independence, 2003, pp.27-28; Gunn, G., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999, p.260; Taylor J.G., Indonesia’s Forgotten War, 1991, pp.21-22. Taylor, J.G., East Timor: The Price of Freedom, 1999, p.21 states that the Permesta group had come “from southeast Sulawesi” as does Nicol B., Timor - A Nation Reborn, Equinox Publishing, Jakarta, 2002, p.33 ie “fled from Sulawesi”. Dunn, J., East Timor …, 2003, p.27 discusses the “14” seeking political asylum and notes that “Among the remnants were Lubis, Kawilarang from Jakarta, Simbolon and Hussin from Sumatra and Warouw, five colonels, and Major Sumual.” However, this should not be misinterpreted - the detailed bio-datas of these senior PRRI/Permesta officers do not indicate that any entered Portuguese Timor after the failure of their separatist movements. For PRRI background, see footnote 95.76 Gonggong A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah Perjuangan Timor-Timur Untuk Sekolah Menengah Atas (History of the East Timor Struggle for Senior High School), 1992 – see translated extract at Annex B.77 Ibid, “such as José Peirera Da Costa, Abel Bello as well as with Ricardo, Germano Peirera Da Costa and others.” p.43.78 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 158/60: Visit to Kupang (by Consul W.A. Luscombe), 23 November 1960, p.6 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/6 Part 1).79 Rohi, P.A. (Jakarta), email to author, 27 October 2006.

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Fernando Plínio dos Santos Tinoco80 on 23 March 1958 and sought “assistance (political asylum)”.81 The Permesta 14 – with their ages and declared “PRRI” military ranks (see Annex C) were:

Lambertus Ladon [sic]82, 28 years, Lieutenant; Gerson Pello, 26, Lieutenant; Jobert Moniaga, 25, First Sergeant; Eddy Welong, 22, First Sergeant; Albert Ndoen, 36, Second Sergeant; Jeheskial Folla, 29, Second Sergeant; Ambrocius Dimoe Logo, 27, Corporal; Urias Daniel, 23, Corporal; Dominggus Adoe, 29, soldier; Lourenz Tangsi, 29, soldier; Paulus Adoe, 29, soldier; Anderias Therik, 21, soldier; Jonathan Nenotek, 21, soldier; and Jermias Pello, 18, civilian.83

All were born in Nusa Tenggara Timor (NTT) – most in Kupang, except for Lambertus Ladow: Surabaya (East Java); Jobert Moniaga: Menado (Sulawesi); and Eddy Welong: Malang (East Java)

A few days later, the 14 were transferred to Dili and initially accommodated in the harbour aboard the small coastal freighter N/M Dom Aleixo – and their 13 weapons84 were secured in the Depósito de Material de Guerra.

On 28 April 1958, the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent a note verbale85 to the Portuguese Legation in Jakarta advising that:

“according to reports received by this Ministry, fourteen members of the Indonesian Armed Forces had, on the 23rd March, 1958, crossed the Indonesian Territory of Timor and entered the Portuguese Territory of Timor, Oe-Kussi, from where they have been transferred by the Portuguese Authorities to Baucau. The fourteen members of the Armed Forces are believed to consist of: one First Lieutenant, one Second Lieutenant, two Sergeants and ten soldiers. The Ministry will greatly appreciate any cooperation from the Government of Portugal in returning the fourteen Indonesian nationals to the Government of Indonesia, as the Ministry is convinced that they have been misguided by propagandists of the anti Government rebellious groups and therefore not conscious of what they were

80 Secretary Fernando Plínio dos Santos Tinoco (born 31/8/1914) was promoted to Administrator of the Oecusse Circunscrição on 11 October 1958. A Circunscrição was a modern-day District.81 A translation of their formal written request for political asylum ie “Declaration” signed in Dili on 27 March 1958 is at Annex C. This was forwarded to Lisbon under cover of a letter from Governor Serpa Rosa - No 11, Dili, 1 July 1958 (AHU, Lisbon: MU/GM/GNP/084, Part 15). 82 A typing/translation error – should be “Lambertus Ladow”.83 In interviews in late July 1995, three of the “Permesta 14” related that they had all been resident in Kupang – and that their group comprised: “Gerson Tom Pello, Jezkial Fola, Jermias Toan Pello, Paul Adu, Albert Ndoen, Eddy Welong, Am Dimulogo, Dominggus Adu, Yuber [sic] Moniaga, Lambert Kling Ladaw, Orias Daniel, Andrias Therik, Laurens, and Jonathan Neno Ta Ek”. See Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata Pelaku Pemberontakan Rakyat Timor Timur 1959 – Integrasi itu Tekad Historis dan Etnis”, Mutiara, Edition 776, Jakarta, 5-11 September 1995, pp. 14-15 – interviews of Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello, Jezkial Fola and José Manuel Duarte. The article related that the Pello brothers and Am Dimologo were from Camplong – about 45 km east of Kupang. “Yuber” (ie Jobert) Moniaga was Manadonese ie from Northern Sulawesi. See also Sarong, F., “Pejuang Timtim yang Kesepian” (“The Loneliness of an East Timorese Warrior”), Kompas Cybermedia, Jakarta, 21 May 1999 – when interviewed in the Kupang area in mid-May 1999, “Jeremias” Pello did not admit to service in either the Indonesian military or the Permesta movement before fleeing with the group to Portuguese Timor.84 The weapons comprised: a Dutch machine gun, a Bren machine gun, an Australian sub-machine gun, a Sten sub-machine gun, a Browning automatic pistol, eight Lee Enfield rifles – together with bayonets and 1,603 rounds of 7.7mm and 9mm ammunition. This listing was compiled by the Chief of Administrative Services in Dili (Intendente L. Lisboa Santos) and forwarded to Lisbon under cover of a letter from Governor Serpa Rosa - No 11, Dili, 1 July 1958 (AHU, Lisbon: MU/GM/GNP/084, Part 15). 85 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Note Verbale No. 23118/I, Djakarta, 28 April 1958.

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doing. The Ministry also requests that the weapons carried by the fourteen Indonesian nationals mentioned above be returned to the Government of Indonesia.”

Subsequently, the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs “noted with pleasure of the best consideration the Government of Portugal have given to the requests made by the Government of the Republic of Indonesia” – and again sought the return of “two brenguns, two stenguns and five Lee Enfield rifles”. That note verbale also advised that “after thorough investigation, it appear that only 2 (two) of the 14 (fourteen) men who entered the Portuguese Territory of Timor are members of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia, e.g.: 1. Ladouw, Lambertus – Corporal; 2. Welong, Udy – Private; while the other 12 men do not belong to the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia.”.86

A few days after the arrival of the Permesta 14, the Indonesian Consul in Dili, Nazwar Jacub (sometimes as “Yacub”) Sutan Indra87, called on the Australian Consulate and sought to travel to Australia – for urgent medical treatment. He arrived in Darwin on 1 April 1958 and, having “undergone a thorough check in Darwin, … had been given a clean bill of health on all possible counts” – despite his claims that he was suffering from malaria.88 Consul Jacub also complained of a sore shoulder – however while the “physiotherapist at the hospital in Darwin could find nothing wrong”, Yacub persisted in his assertion and asked for permission to travel to Sydney for specialist examination.” The escape of the 14 Indonesians to Portuguese Timor – and Consul Nazwar Jacub’s sudden visit to Darwin and Sydney, apparently precipitated concerns in the Australian Department of External Affairs on “Political Asylum for Indonesians”:89

“If the revolt in Sumatra is suppressed, it is just conceivable that we will be confronted with isolated requests for political asylum by Indonesians belonging to the dissident movement. Another contingency, although the likelihood of it is very slight, is that we may receive requests for political asylum from Indonesian officials serving in or visiting in Australia.”

Within a few days of their arrival in Dili, the 14 Indonesians were settled in Baucau – the Province’s second-largest town about 135 kilometres by road east of Dili. The Government provided the Indonesian “asilados políticos” (Portuguese – political exiles) with a “daily subsidy of seven patacas per day (43$.75 escudos)”. “At the time, this was a generous amount considering the very modest lifestyle of the

86 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Note Verbale No. 33007 II-a, Djakarta, 14 June 1958. However, note that according to Rohi, P.A. (journalist, Jakarta), Lambertus Ladow - the leader of the group, and “Yuber” (ie Jobert) Moniaga, had been junior personnel in Yonif 712 (email to author, 25 October 2006). 87 Nazwar Jacub/Yacub Sutan Indra (born Padang Panjang, West Sumatra – 2 June 1925) served as the Indonesian Consul in Dili from 3 November 1956 until 4 June 1959 – having reportedly completed his designated tour of duty. Nazwar Jacub spoke “excellent English, German and Dutch”. He had a close association with the Islamic community in Dili, funding the refurbishment of the An-Nur mosque in 1957. He was a widower with three children – his wife had died of illness in Dili on 7 January 1957, and his mental stability was questioned by his successor (see footnotes 126 and 135).88 Department of External Affairs – Canberra, 1529/11, 23 April 1958 (NAA: A1838, 1529/11). The Australian Consul - F.J.A. Whittaker, was absent on recreation leave in Australia, and Consul Jacub reportedly “stood over” the locally-engaged clerk/interpreter at the Australian Consulate (C.J. Sequeira) on 29 March demanding an authorization to travel to Darwin – Whittaker, F.J.A., Letter to Secretary, Melbourne, 14 April 1958 (NAA: A1838, 1529/11).89 Department of External Affairs – Canberra, Memo, 16 April 1958 (NAA: A1838, 1529/11).

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Timorese – and a worker with the construction service did not receive a weekly wage of much more than this.”90 “They lived without great problems, in a climate of idleness, the majority of them in the company of local girls.”91 However, the Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub Sutan Indra, is also reported to have provided funds to the Indonesian exiles in Baucau as “subsistence” – as they were “neither paid enough by the Portuguese nor allowed to earn enough to live on.”92

A few months after the arrival of the ex-Permesta group, the Australian Consul in Dili met with three of the “Indonesian political refugees” when visiting Baucau in early July 1958 and reported93 that the group comprised: “two majors, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, two sergeants, and seven other ranks” (ie a total of 13); they were all living in a recently-constructed guest house in Baucau owned by “Mr Ricardo”94; were “all staying in Baucau on the bounty of the Portuguese Government”; and that their spokesman, the First Lieutenant, “mentioned that they were extremely grateful to the Portuguese Government for having granted them asylum, and for the kind way they were being looked after.” The First Lieutenant also related to the Australian Consul that “at the time they made their break from Kupang, a much larger group set off for Portuguese Timor by another route but were overtaken and captured.”95 90 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.53. At pp. 90-92, Barata provides comparative salaries in Timor in 1959, in escudos, together with prices for rice, sugar, potatoes and tobacco. The weekly wage for a civil construction worker is cited as 48 escudos. The pataca was replaced in early 1959 by the escudo – at a rate of one pataca = 5.6 escudos. In 1958, one pataca was the equivalent of 21.5 Australian pence. In 1958, at USD 76, Timor had the lowest per capita GDP of Portugal’s colonies eg: Macau at USD 232; Mozambique: USD 121; Cabo Verde: USD 97. In 1959, Portugal’s per capita GDP was USD 246 – such economic statistics of the period are related in Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 87-93.91 Ibid, p.53. 92 As advised to the Australian Consul by the “replacement” Indonesian Consul, Tengku Usman Hussin: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/9). The Australian Consul also reported that the Portuguese police alleged “much larger sums were drawn from the bank than the Consulate would normally need” and that “the rebels, after arrest, had admitted receiving money from the Consul.” Governor Barata also indicated that the Portuguese stipend was not always paid on time and the asilados were in debt to local storekeepers in Baucau - Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.79. Consul Nazwar Jacub’s alleged disbursement of funds is also related in an affidavit submitted to the UN Secretary General by José Martins (29 September 1941-1996, see footnote 385), President of the KOTA (Klibur Oan Timor Aswain – Fighters for Timorese Unity) political party: Implicação da Republica da Indonesia na Vida de Timor Português [sic], stamped Provisório and Secreto, 23 March 1976 – paragraphs 4-15 cover the 1959 Rebellion (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/13/1 Part 2). 93 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 109/58, 4 July 1958 (NAA: A11604, 605/15A). On ranks, see footnote 83. According to Rohi P.A., the other ranks cited above were “semacam pengakuan di antara mereka sendiri” (“a type of rank ‘self-granted’ among their group”) – email to author, 27 October 2006. Note that a listing of all deportees prepared in Angola by the exiled rebels in June 1960 shows Gerson Pello as an alferes (second lieutenant), Albertus Nundun (sic – ie Ndoen/Ndun) as a sarjento da Aviassão (Air Force sergeant), Jeremias Pello as a soldado (soldier) and Lambertus Ladow as a tenente (lieutenant) – and refers to all 14 Indonesians as “homens Armados” (military men) - Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees in Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – see Annex F.94 José dos Santos Ricardo – who reportedly bought the land from Venancio Boavida and built a guest house and small soap and cheese factories (author’s discussions with Marcelino Guterres, Baucau, 28 June 2007). The guest house/hotel, “Estalagem de Santiago”, was acquired by the Government in the mid-late 1960s – correspondence to the author, Sherlock, K., Darwin, 5 October 2007. The “guest house” is now the Pousada de Baucau – ie renamed from the “Hotel Flamboyant” during the Indonesian period. The photographs overpage were provided by the family of José dos Santos Ricardo to the author in 2007.95 This may have been a reference to the far larger group led by Kotadia – see footnote 68.

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((Photographs not included:

1. The Estalagem de Santiago – Baucau, 1958

2. Seven of the “Permesta 14” – Estalagem de Santiago, Baucau – 1958Albertus Ndun – second from the left (black trousers)

Lambertus Ladow – third from the left (in white, seated)With the children of the Ricardo family.))

According to the Australian Consul, “this First Lieutenant went on to say that if only they could contact Menado [sic] ((ie, the Permesta headquarters in northern Sulawesi)), Menado would most certainly find a means of transporting them to that Port by ship.” The Consul noted his impression that all members of the ex-Permesta group in Baucau “were of the Christian faith”, and the three personnel that he had met impressed him “by their intelligence and courteous bearing.”

As noted earlier, the “replacement” Indonesian Consul, Tengku Usman Hussin, initially contended that the “14” had come from “Manado” (see footnote 72) – but subsequently, in late 1960, the Consul changed his earlier claim and asserted that

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the 14 had deserted from the Indonesian Army in Kupang and, after committing a series of robberies, had fled to Portuguese Timor and sought asylum.96

In 1958, a meeting of Australian “Heads of Mission” in South East Asia concluded: “it is not in Australia’s interests for the Revolutionary Government ((in Sumatra)) to be suppressed.”97 It has been implied that the Australian Government - that was allegedly providing limited clandestine support to the PRRI/Permesta rebels, made a request to the authorities in Portuguese Timor to accept the 14 Indonesians who had fled from Kupang.98 However, this claim has yet to be substantiated by credible evidence.

Immediately after the 14 Indonesians were settled by the Portuguese administration in Baucau (as noted - the Province’s second-largest town, east of Dili), Marcelino (from Venilale, 35 kilometres by road south of Baucau - see footnote 40) reportedly visited the group. Gerson Pello - a leader of the “Permesta 14”, and Marcelino - a local bangsawan (Bahasa Indonesia - “noble”), became close friends and Gerson regularly visited Marcelino’s home where they “discussed efforts to struggle to free Timor from Portuguese colonialism as had been suggested by Sukarno. As an initial step, they set up a soccer ((ie football)) coaching programme under which youth - whose nationalist spirit had been awakened, were recruited. Marcelino provided a truck for the training and for travel to matches outside the local

96 Australian Consulate - Dili, Memo 144/60, 20 October 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1) – the Indonesian Consul also related that the “full details of the case were forwarded to the Portuguese with a request to return the men as fugitive criminals. However no reply was ever received from the Portuguese; presumably they preferred the political refugee story of the deserters themselves.” Earlier, the Portuguese Army Chief of Staff in Dili, Captain Manuel Herculano Chorão de Carvalho, had told the Australian Consul that the Indonesians were part of a group of “385 rebels” from “Indonesian Timor” who had been granted asylum in mid-1958 and relocated to three areas in Portuguese Timor in 1959 – Australian Consulate – Dili, Sav 2, 11 December 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). 97 Consensus of Opinion on Main Issues, Meeting of Australian Heads of Mission in South East Asia -1958, Singapore, March 1958, p.3 (NAA: A1838, TS383/1/2/2). For discussion on continuing “to sustain the dissidents by clandestine means” by the United Kingdom and the US, see United Kingdom High Commission – Canberra, Memorandum to Prime Minister R.G. Menzies, 12 March 1958 (NAA: A6705, 34).98 The PRRI (Pemerintah Revolusionir Republik Indonesia) was declared at Bukittinggi (Sumatra) on 15 February 1958. While there were also regional autonomy issues, the secessionist PRRI led by dissident Army officers was opposed to the growing influence of communists in the Sukarno Government in Jakarta. The Permesta movement aligned itself with PRRI on 17 February 1958 – and the two rebellions subsequently proposed amalgamation into a united front - ie the Federal Republic of Indonesia. United States covert support to the PRRI/Permesta (Operation HAIK: CIA with US Navy and Air Force support) is well documented – see Kennedy, D.B., Operation HAIK …, 1996. For alleged Australian involvement see Slater, S. and Waterford, J., “Finger in the Pie”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 17 February 1991, p.1 and pp.17-18. This press item cites Australian Department of External Affairs cables and contends that the Australian External Affairs Minister, Richard Casey, directed the Secretary of the Department of External Affairs, Arthur Tange, to “get in touch” with Portuguese authorities ie with a view to using Portuguese Timor as a “communications base” and monitoring events in “Ambon and the Moluccas” – p.17. The foregoing is also cited extensively in an Indonesian publication: Soebadio, H., Keterlibatan Australi dalam Pemberontakan …, 2002, pp.226 -251 and in a reviewing article by Piliang, I.J., Australia Terlibat dalam Pemberontakan PRRI/ Permesta, Jakarta, 14 August 2002. Moreover, a report by the Australian Senate – citing the press article “Finger in the Pie” by Slater and Waterford (above), asserts: “The officers had come to Portuguese Timor as a result of a request by the Menzies Government to Portugal in March 1958 for co-operation in assisting a rebel movement (Permesta) in Sulawesi and Maluku.”: Australian Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Committee, Final Report on the Inquiry into East Timor, Canberra, 7 December 2000, p,116, paragraph 6.16, footnote 21. However, as yet, there appears to be no direct or credible evidence that Australia specifically requested the Portuguese authorities to accept the 14 “Permesta asylum seekers” – see also the concluding “Discussion” section of this monograph.

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area. These soccer matches however were only a cover. The real objective was to establish an underground movement to drive out the Portuguese from East Timor. It was agreed to form two groups. The first group would engage in physical acts using armed force. The smaller second group, as the ‘konseptor’, would prepare a government for when independence was achieved by the first group. Contact between the two groups was conducted secretly – so that if the first group failed and were captured, they could not reveal the role of the second group, enabling the second group to continue the struggle.”99

In the author’s 2007 interviews with Marcelino (Marcelino António Fausto Guterres), Marcelino related meeting Gerson Pello at a Baucau hospital in late 1959 while seeking medical assistance for his (Marcelino’s) young blind daughter and developing a friendship with Gerson – and both played football together. However, Marcelino denied any involvement with the 1959 Rebellion or any “underground movement” – although he was acquainted with Abel da Costa Belo of Baucau and several other Timorese who were actively involved. Rather, according to Marcelino, he remained committed to the concept and ideals of the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference and its “Movement” – and continued to await further contact from the Indonesian Consul.100

Some months later, on 21 December 1958, following an internal argument among the Indonesian group, five were relocated by the Portuguese authorities from Baucau Town further south to the Viqueque Circunscrição 101 - ie about 205 kilometres by road east-southeast of Dili. According to Gerson Pello: “because I quarrelled with Lambert Kling Ladaw [sic], the 14 of us from Kupang were divided into two groups. Five were sent to Uatolari and exiled there.”102 This “Uatolari Group” comprised: Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello, Albert Ndoen, Jezkial Fola and Jobert Moniaga. In the 1950s, the Uatolari (Leça) Posto administrative centre was located in Afaloicai village, about 47 kilometres by road from Viqueque Town ie in the hills - (altitude 257 metres) about three kilometres to the north of the south coast road and about three km east of the Bebui River – see the map of the Viqueque Circunscrição at Annex A.103

99 Rohi, P.A., email to author, 19 January 2007. Peter Rohi - then a Surabaya-based journalist, and Gerson Pello reportedly visited Marcelino in Venilale in 1996. Rohi’s interview with Marcelino is related briefly in Rohi, P. A., “Soekarno, KAA, dan Timor-Leste”, Kongres, Jakarta, 28 April 2005 & marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005. For Marcelino’s alleged attendance at the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung, see footnotes 38-43. The veracity of Rohi’s account of Marcelino’s involvement is further considered in the concluding “Discussion” section of this monograph.100 During discussions with the author in Baucau (28 June 2007), Marcelino proudly displayed a copy of a 1980 handbook on the Bandung Conference and again related his visit to Bandung in December 1996 – see footnote 43. Marcelino also stated that Gerson Pello had visited him in Venilale in 1983 and 1994. Marcelino admitted that he had owned a “painting” of President Sukarno – but that he had bought it in Dili, not Bandung (ie contrary to Peter Rohi’s press item - see footnote 38). Marcelino had been employed as a driver by his father – and subsequently by a Chinese merchant. In mid-1974, he was noted as a “mototoriste mecânico” [sic] employed by the Câmara Municipal de Baucau – BOdT, No.30, 27 July 1974, p.583 and No.31, 3 August 1974.101 As noted earlier, a Circunscrição was a modern-day District comprising several Postos - ie modern-day Sub-Districts. Note that “Viqueque” was a Circunscrição, a Posto and a town.102 Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.14. The “Uatolari” Group in the Viqueque Circunscrição comprised: Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello, Albert Ndoen/Ndun, Jezkial Fola – whose parents-in-law were all from Rote/Roti island, and “Yuber” (ie Jobert) Moniaga from Manado in northern Sulawesi. Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.53 notes the five moved to Viqueque on 21 December as comprising “Gerson Pello, Albert Ndoen, Jehsekial Follo, Jeremias Pello and Jobert Moniaga”.103 In 1978-79, the Posto/Kecamatan offices were relocated by the Indonesian administration to Matahoi village on the coast road ie about seven kilometres to the south-west of the original Posto

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However, despite being termed the “Uatolari group”, the five Indonesians resided in the centre of Viqueque Town – in houses on the eastern side of the Town’s main square ie opposite the Posto headquarters and residence of the Portuguese Administrator (see map at page 42). Soon after their arrival, all five Indonesians began to openly criticize the excesses of Portuguese rule and proselytize the success and advances of Indonesian independence – with Gerson Pello the most active. The Indonesians also attracted the attention and admiration of Timorese youth by teaching pencak silat – an Indonesian form of martial arts, and by their skilled participation in local football matches including in Luca, Ossu, Uatolari and Uato-Carabau.104

Security Concerns on the Lautém Coast

On 14 July 1958, the Governor of Portuguese Timor, César Serpa Rosa105, departed Dili for Lisbon - and the Military Commander, Lieutenant Colonel Manuel Aguiar106, was appointed as Encarregado de Governo (Acting Governor). Lieutenant Colonel Aguiar was described as dedicated and conscientious – “but of a reserved temperament” and “less accustomed to the subtleties of politics.”107 However, according to the Australian Consul in Dili, Governor Serpa Rosa’s “successor as Acting Governor would not accept any responsibility with the result that Timorese affairs stagnated and the various Administrators in the interior were left to their own devices.”108

The Acting Governor was faced with several security concerns: - in late 1958, 16 rifles were stolen from the military storehouse in Dili (13 of which were eventually recovered); - to the east, Indonesian contraband copra traders were continuing to visit the northern coast of the Lautém Circunscrição; - and weapons and explosives were being traded to Indonesian vessels from Japanese wartime caches in the Lautém and Viqueque Circunscrições.109

location.104 See map at page 41 - author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto and Rogério Pinto in Viqueque Town – 29 June 2007.105 Captain César Maria de Serpa Rosa served as Governor from 31 December 1950 to July 1958 – he had previously served as the Governor of Zambesia Province, Mozambique. A replacement Governor, Major (Engineer Materiel Services) Filipe José Freire Themudo Barata (1918-2003), arrived in Dili on 22 June 1959 and assumed his appointment – ie a few days after the end of the military action in the Viqueque Circunscrição. He should not be confused with Brigadier Francisco António Pires Barata - the commander of military forces in Portuguese Timor from 1961, who became Acting Governor in April 1963 on the departure of Governor (then) Lieutenant Colonel F.J.F.T. Barata.106 Lieutenant Colonel (Infantry) Manuel Albuquerque Gonçalves de Aguiar – arrived in Portuguese Timor on 7 May 1957 and relinquished his position as Acting Governor to F.J.F.T Barata in late June 1959 and his appointment as Military Commander in October 1959 to Lieutenant Colonel (Cavalry) Serpa Soares.107 Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 42, p.50 – comment by Governor F.T. Barata.108 Australian Department of External Affairs, “Indonesia and Portuguese Timor” (Brief by J.A. Benson), Canberra, May 1964 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3). “Fillipe Ribeiro” [sic], the Administrator of the Baucau Circunscrição, was described by a visiting United States official as “reportedly inept, corrupt and slightly unbalanced.” – United States Embassy - Djakarta, Despatch 138, 19 August 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). For the career of Administrator 2nd Class José Maria Ribeiro Filipe (born 11/6/1910) see BOdT, No.51, 26 December 1959, p.844. Filipe was transfered from Baucau to Ermera on 12 March 1960.109 Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.51.

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In May 1959, the Army Chief of Staff in Dili reported that Indonesian boats from the Celebes (Sulawesi) and the nearby island of Kisar, crewed by “Celebes rebels” (ie Permesta – see footnote 59) were continuing to visit the Lautém north coast and “intimidate the local administrative authority.”110 Accordingly, in May, a military detachment - commanded by Portuguese Army Sergeant Carneiro Cirineu, was stationed at Lospalos as a security measure. In late May, an Indonesian vessel (“prau” or “corcóra”) landed on the Lautém coast and its crew came ashore. Several rifles were seized from the Indonesians – and the weapons were flown from Baucau to Dili.111 The Acting Governor despatched the Chief of Administrative Services, Intendente Dr Lisboa Santos, to the area to investigate matters – including to the Laivai area (about 60 km east of Baucau town), but his report was inconclusive.112 Subsequently, the Australian Consul reported that the confiscated rifles “were of the old Dutch NEI pattern” and confirmed that “the crew members were returned to their prau, and ordered put to sea. The authorities now believe, as one of the crew members said, that those who possess rifles carry them on their trading ventures as there is very little security in their areas and a rifle is a necessary possession. However, the authorities also believe that these Indonesians intended contacting local Chinese in the Lautem district with a view to bartering copra for manufactured goods.”113

Conditions in the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições

The Viqueque Circunscrição (see map at Annex A) comprised four Postos: Ossu (1st class Posto), Uatolari (2nd Class Posto) and Lacluta and Uato-Carabau (3rd Class Postos). Viqueque Town, the location of the Administrador and the Circunscrição offices, also functioned as a Posto Sede (Central Posto) administering the Town and a surrounding area.114 The Viqueque Circunscrição had an “administrative management”115 of civil servants – in order of rank: an Administrator (Administrador); a Secretary (Secretário); a Chefe de Posto (1st class) – Ossu; an Aspirante; an Encarregado de Posto (ie Posto Administrator) (2nd class) – Uatolari; two Encarregado de Posto (3rd class) – Lacluta, Uato-Carabau; an Intérprete; a First Corporal Sipai116; four Second Corporal Sipais; and 13 Sipais.117

110 Carvalho, M.H.C. de, Captain, “Incidents with Indonesian Rebel Boats”, Report 2/59, Dili, 14 May 1959. For earlier landings of Moluccan RMS rebels in the Lautém area in 1955, see footnote 30.111 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 123/59, 7 June 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). The Consul reported that there were no casualties in the clash - and also reported seeing eight of the seized rifles being off-loaded from the Portuguese aircraft in Dili on 30 May 1959.112 Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.51.113 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959, p.4 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).114 The boundaries of the Viqueque Circunscrição and its Postos (Divisão Administrativa) were detailed in Diploma Legislativo No 555, BOdT, No.22 – Suplemento, 5 June 1959, pp.391- 393.115 “Administrative management” refers to personnel of the Civil Administrative Services. A small number of civil servants from other government agencies and services - eg the meteorological, health, public works, and agricultural and veterinary services, also served in the Circunscrição.116 Sipai (plural: Sipais) were indigenous police – appointed as members of the Corpo de Polícia. Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.55, footnote 13 describes “sipaio” (also as “cipaio” in some documents) as “Timorese guards with a police function and rudimentary training.” The “Corpo de Cipaios” was established on 28 December 1945 as promulagated in Legislative Diploma No. 247 (BOdT No. 9, 21 December 1946, pp.55-56). This provided for a first corporal and six privates at each Circunscrição centre - and a second corporal and two privates at each Posto.117 As provided for in the Provincial Budget for 1959 (BOdT, No. 52, Suplemento 2, 31 December 1958, p.808), the “total annual salaries” for each of these appointments, in escudos, were: Administrador: 14,256; Secretário: 8,496; Aspirante: 5,760; Chefe de Posto - 1st class: 7,200; Encarregado de Posto – 2nd Class: 4,608; Encarregado de Posto - 3rd Class: 3,648; Intérprete: 1,920;

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Conditions in the Viqueque Circunscrição in the mid-late 1950s118 have been described at the time as follows:

“Conditions were notoriously bad … even though whipping and the use of the palmatória119 had been outlawed three years before, these practices continued there. People had to work for paltry wages. The administration had cut the wages offered to the local labourers by the Australian-owned Timor Oil Company to less than one third of what the company had offered.”120 Further, and more specifically – “the rebellion … was triggered by dissatisfaction of local villagers against the corruption by the Portuguese administrador (district head). One of his corrupt practices was to reduce the wages provided by Timor Oil for villagers involved in the company’s oil production activities in Aliambata. The corrupt district head reduced the A$300 and A$90 wages provided by the company to A$21, and pocketed the lion [sic] share. Yet the villagers still had to work for Timor Oil. Those who refused, were locked up. Eventually, the people could not stand this exploitative behaviour of their colonial master, and the 1959 Viqueque rebellion started.”121

The movement of Timorese was restricted as “every Timorese was legally required to obtain a transit pass (guia de transito) if he wished to leave his posto, either temporarily or permanently. Therefore, the Timorese did not travel between postos as much as they might otherwise have done.”122

First Corporal Sipai: 720; Second Corporal Sipai: 624; Sipai: 528. Sipais were phased out in the early 1970s when replaced by guardas auxiliares of the Corpo Polícia de Segurança Pública de Timor (founded in 1963) and the Polícia Municipal (BOdT, No.52, Suplemento, 31 December 1974).118 As noted earlier at footnote 47, abuses in the countryside – including in Viqueque, were detailed by a group of rebels in Araújo, A. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento …, 21 April 1960 – see Annex D. See also Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, 31 August 1960, op.cit.119 The palmatória was a stick (a “ferule”) – about 2cm thick and about 40cm long, with a disc at the end (with holes so as not to cushion the blow). The palmatória was used to strike the palm of the hand repeatedly – “It’s really painful. Sometimes they would beat someone’s hand until the hand became swollen and was bleeding. If they hit you a lot, you couldn’t use your hand for weeks. … Sometimes people got it simply because they could not afford to pay the imposto ((head tax)).” - Pinto, C. and Jardine, M., East Timor’s Unfinished Struggle: Inside the Timorese Resistance – A Testimony, South End Press, Boston, 1997, pp.33-34. See also Belo, C.F.X. Dom, “A Revolta de 1959”, op.cit., 2009, p.1.120 Lennox, R., Fighting Spirit of East Timor – the life of Martinho da Costa Lopes, Pluto Press, Annandale, 2000, p.63. 121 Aditjondro, G.J., Is oil thicker than blood ?, 1999, footnote 10 - cites interviews to support the above. His references indicate that his indirect source on this misappropriation of wages however is Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento, op.cit, p.3 – included in Annex D, that details this corrupt activity by the “Administrador da Circunscrição”. Accordingly, the “A$” figure cited by Aditjondro should be $ as “escudos” – ie at a rate of escudos per month (compare with figures at footnote 87). Timor Oil Limited had held concessions on the south coast since 1908 (see, Timor Development Syndicate, A Few Impressions of Portuguese Timor, Sydney, 1912 - NAA: A1336, 2526; and references in Chamberlain E.P., 2004/2008, op.cit.). Post-WWII, the company was re-established in early 1957, and a company work camp was established in Uatolari near the Posto offices. Drilling recommenced at Aliambata in mid-October 1957 but was moved westward to Beaco several months later. In September 1960, Timor Oil’s operations ceased in Viqueque and drilling operations recommenced at a site in Suai. When drilling commenced at Aliambata in 1957, the Administrator of Viqueque was Francisco de Salles d’Andrade e Castro Botelho Torrezão (since at least 1956 until mid-July 1958) – and replaced by Artur Marques Ramos (b. 9/10/1928) on 10 October 1958 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/12/2 Part 2; 756/2/4/1).122 Hicks, D., “Unachieved Syncretism: the local level political system in Portuguese Timor”, Anthropos Institut, 78, Edition St-Augustin, Switzerland, 1983, p.24, footnote 8 – focusing specifically on Viqueque.

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An exiled Timorese rebel leader, José Manuel Duarte – writing from the Bié penal colony in Angola in 1960, claimed “all this ill-treatment and abuse practised in Timor … put the idea in our heads to plan a revolt and demand our rights as free citizens.”123 Duarte stated that he “had been complaining since 1953 against the Portuguese use of forced labour, whipping and other forms of corporal punishment, and wage discrimination against Timorese.”124 Duarte also wrote of Timorese being “beaten with whips (called chouriços - or ‘sausages’, in Timorese slang)” and noted that the “many abuses in Timor are the reason for the planning of a revolt to ask for our rights as free citizens.”125 He also related a clash in 1958 between him and the then recently-arrived Secretary/Acting Administrator of the Viqueque Circunscrição, Artur Marques Ramos.126

Indignant at Portuguese oppression and injustices, it appears that some of the Indonesian Permesta exiles - with the encouragement and some funds from the Indonesian Consul, collaborated with local dissident Timorese and planned an uprising in the Viqueque Circunscrição (and possibly the Baucau Circunscrição to the north) in support of the main effort to be undertaken in Dili. Jeremias Pello - the

123 “Todos estes maus tratos e abusos praticados pelos mandantes de Timor, à sombre da sua autoridade, levaram-nos à cabeça a ideia de planear a revolta para reclamar os nossos direitos de cidadãos livres.” - Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, 31 August 1960, op.cit, p.7. Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, pp.45-46 and 325-326 - quotes from Duarte’s Memorandum that “described whippings, torture, arbitrary injustices and racial discrimination”. Duarte’s Memorandum was forwarded by the PIDE Delegation in Angola to Lisbon – then sent by the Director of the PIDE to the President of the Council of Ministers (PIDE, No. 7.434-S.R., Lisbon, 2 November 1960). Duarte’s statement is also related in Jolliffe, J., “Indonesia now wants all the gory details”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 19 August 1995, p.17. 124 Australian Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Committee, Final Report on the Inquiry into East Timor, p.116, paragraph 6.16. See also Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 20, 20 October 1955 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1) - in mid-1955, the Australian Consul, citing a Portuguese source, had reported “recent calls on conscripted labour …, life under the Administrator of Manatuto ((to the northwest of Viqueque)) was worse than under the Japanese.” For later descriptions, see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 158/60 “Visit to Kupang”, 23 November 1960 (NAA: A4359, 201/2/8/12); Memo 73/61 “Conditions in Portuguese Timor”, 10 May 1961 (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 1 & 3038/2/1 Part 3) – including on race and class relations; and Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 172, 20 September 1963 – later disseminated as Dunn, J.S., “The Timorese under Portuguese Administration” – five pages, Digest of Despatches, Serial No. 19, Department of External Affairs, Canberra, 13 December 1963 (NAA: A1838, 756/2 Part 1). Xanana Gusmão also recounted whippings and other abuses by functionaries of the Portuguese administration – although use of the whip and cane had, in theory, been banned by the Government in 1956: Gusmão, X. (Niner, S. ed), To Resist is to Win !, 2000, p.6. and Chega !, CAVR Final Report, Part 3, para 27. Such practices contrasted with the concept of a benign “civilizational plurality” and harmonious racial interaction espoused in the concept of Lusotropicalismo (Gilberto Freyre - 1900-1987, and António de Almeida - 1900-1984) – see Sousa, I.C. de, “The Portuguese Colonization and the Problem of East Timorese Nationalism”, pp.183-194 in Lusotopie 2001, Paris, 2001 and also related articles analysing this concept and its practice in Lusotropicalisme - Lusotopie 1997, Paris, 1997. 125 Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, 31 August 1960, op.cit., p. 5 and Berlie, J., email to author, 13 December 2006. See also footnote 274, for Francisco Xavier do Amaral’s similar complaints of corporal punishment by Portuguese using the “chicote” (a two-tailed hand whip) and also Pinto, C. and Jardine, M., East Timor’s Unfinished Struggle, op.cit., 1997, p.33.126 Ibid (Duarte, J.M.), p.9 – Acting Administrator Ramos tore up Duarte’s submission – “to show who was the boss”. Artur Marques Ramos (born 9/10/1928) was appointed a trainee (estagiario) Chefe de Posto in May 1955 vide BOdT, No.19, 7 May 1955, p.415, and his first appointment was as the Chefe de Posto at Laga in July 1955 vide BOdT, No.31, 30 July 1955, p.672, and transferred to Laclubar in May 1956. A “diplomado” of the “Overseas Administration Course”, he does not appear to have served as an aspirante or sat the Chefe de Posto examinations. Secretary Artur Marques Ramos – who had been transferred to Viqueque on promotion from Ermera, was appointed Acting Administrator of the Viqueque Circunscrição on 10 October 1958 (BOdT, No. 43, 25 October 1958, p.653).

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youngest of the 14 Indonesians, related that “after we mixed with the local people, we joined in their struggle against the Portuguese … they all felt oppressed and therefore had to fight to free themselves from their colonial shackles.”127

At about this time, the Australian Consul in Dili summarised the seemingly benign security situation in Portuguese Timor, noting:

“There are no political factors in Portuguese Timor and therefore no political leaders …. no Secondary Industry – therefore there are no labour troubles.”128

The Rebel Leadership – and its Direction

The principal Timorese rebels were Luís da Costa Rego (Luís Cina/China) in Dili and Amaro de Araújo in Viqueque. They were assisted by José Ramos de Sousa Gama (Zeca), Domingos da Conceição Pereira, João Pereira da Silva (Chiquito), José Manuel Duarte, David Verdial (known as “Garuda”), and Germano das Dores Alves da Silva – while the leaders of the Indonesian exiles involved in the Rebellion were Gerson Pello and - possibly, Lambertus Ladow.

According to the analysis of the Australian diplomatic service: “apparently, the revolt was fomented by the Indonesian Consul in Dili, Nazwar Jacub129, who organised and presided at secret meetings in Dili of certain discontented elements of the population. The half-castes and the assimilated Timorese who were employed in the lower grades of the Civil Service were undoubtedly dissatisfied by pitifully inadequate wages … It seems certain that the Consul was not acting under instructions from Jakarta: this much was admitted by the Portuguese Government.”130 Soon after the uprising, the Australian Consul had reported to Canberra that “the ADC to the Governor has informed me that they do not intend to make any issue with Djakarta concerning the activities of the Indonesian ‘Political Refugees’ and their former Consul Nazwar Jacub. They will merely ask Djakarta to take the Indonesians now held in custody as being unwanted here.”131 Two weeks later, the recently-arrived Governor, Major Filipe José Freire Themudo Barata, wrote to the Ministry of the Interior in Lisbon reporting that: “The former Indonesian Consul (Nazwar Jacub) and Consulate personnel had taken a preponderant and active part in the preparations; and the Indonesian political refugees (at least the senior ones) had links with Indonesian authorities (Government rebels ?) … and expected armed support via the north coast … ((and)) were, without doubt, the heads of the insurgency, and at least for some of the time acted in accordance with Consul Jacub.” Importantly, however, Governor Barata noted: “Nothing was found that allowed us to confirm or deny that

127 Sarong, F., “Pejuang …”, 1999, op.cit., p.2.128 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 45/59: “Biographical Notes on Personalities in Portuguese Timor”, 2 March 1959 (The National Archives – Kew: FO 371 143954).129 Nazwar Jacub/Yacub Sutan Indra (born Padang Panjang, West Sumatra – 2 June 1925) served as the Indonesian Consul in Dili from 3 November 1956 until recalled on 4 June 1959 (see footnotes 84, 137) – having reportedly completed his designated tour of duty. His replacement - Tengku Usman Hussin, claimed that Nazwar Jacub had been “mentally deranged” and that Jacub was later reprimanded by the Indonesian authorities for his involvement with the uprising : see Australian Consulate – Dili, Saving 25, 19 April 1960 and Sav 37, 10 June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).130 Australian Department of External Affairs, “Indonesia and Portuguese Timor” (Brief by J.A. Benson), Canberra, May 1964 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3). 131 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). The Governor of Portuguese Timor, Major Filipe José Freire Themudo Barata (footnote 102) took up his post on 22 June 1959 – about two weeks after the uprising in Viqueque. Several years later - in October 1969, as a Colonel, Barata was elected to the National Assembly in Lisbon as the representative of Portuguese Timor.

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the Indonesian Government had instigated or was aware of the event.”132 Governor Barata also noted that the majority of the natives that supported the rebels were naïve and had been influenced by reports of a “secret revelation” by “Lucia, the clairvoyant of Fátima” that “1960 would be the era of liberation for Timor.”133

However, the Army Chief of Staff in Dili - Captain Carvalho, in discussion with the Australian Consul, “speculated that they were either under orders from Jakarta to test Timorese reaction to the prospect of the country becoming Indonesian, or from the Indonesian rebel movement who might have been trying to embarrass the Central Government by making it appear that they were interfering in Portuguese affairs.”134 The Chief of Police in Dili “did not believe the Indonesian Consul was acting under instruction from the Djakarta Government, but was working for the Indonesian rebels combined with a hatred for the Portuguese” – he also noted that the Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub, was a Sumatran from “Kotta Tingghi”, the early centre of the PRRI rebellion.135 Several years later, then ex-Governor Barata wrote that “the investigators thought that Consul Nazwar Jacub took the full initiative for events in solidarity with the rebels in Sumatra – seeing success in an uprising in Timor as a consolidation for its party. Perhaps this has a great deal of truth … .”136 However, the Australian Consul noted that there was “nothing to support Carvalho’s suggestion that the Indonesian rebel movement might have been behind the trouble except that Jacub was a Sumatran who professed little love for the Javanese. The selection of Usman, another Sumatran, to take Jacub’s place may be an indication that Djakarta did not subscribe to this theory.”137

In August 1960, Governor Barata discussed events with the Australian Consul who summarised the Governor’s remarks as follows: “There has been no acceptable evidence produced that Indonesia had anything to do with last year’s unrest although the Portuguese feel that Djakarta’s rather overdone concern for the welfare of the Indonesians who had been arrested showed where their sympathies lay (the Governor was referring to the efforts of the present Indonesian Consul, Tengku Usman Hussin, to obtain details of the charges against these people and his protests at the way they were being held without trial). In the Governor’s view, Djakarta was probably not the instigator but was, nevertheless, willing to exploit the situation to the full once it had developed, presumably with the object of discrediting the Portuguese system. … Nor was there any evidence to suggest that these refugees were other than genuine rebels as they had claimed. The fact that the Consul had been distributing money to the

132 Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, Letter No.15 to the Minister of the Interior, Dili, 27 July 1959, paragraph 2. However, Portuguese authorities reportedly informed United States officials that the Rebellion “had been caused by Indonesians given asylum from the revolts in Sumatra and Celebes”: Australian Embassy - Washington, Cable, 25 July 1959 (NAA: A11604, 605/15A). Connect with later personal views by Barata on official Indonesian involvement described at footnotes 465-469.133 Barata, F.J.F.T., Letter No. 15, ibid., paragraph 3. This is a reference to the prophecies of Lucia dos Santos - one of the children who reportedly spoke with an apparition of the Virgin Mary at Fátima, Portugal, in 1917.134 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).135 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). The PRRI was proclaimed at “Bukit Tinggi”, Sumatra – see preceding footnote 95; and footnotes 84, 85, 126 and 137 for data on Indonesian Consul Nazwar Jacub Indra.136 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.73.137 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960, p.4 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). In mid-1960, Tengku Usman Hussin commented that “Djakarta … used Sumatrans for posts such as Dili, while all the popular ones went to Javanese officers … Sumatrans had to either go where they were posted or resign.” : Australian Consulate – Dili, Sav 38, 10 June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). The first “Javanese” Consul to serve in Dili, Raden Emas Jonopranoto, replaced Tengku Usman Hussin in August 1961.

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refugees proved nothing, he said, because the sums involved were not so large as to suggest that special funds, outside normal consular requirements, had been made available to him. The stories of arms being brought in, he dismissed as baseless rumours which had doubtless been started by the refugees to gain adherents to their cause.”138 At about this time, a United States diplomat visiting from Jakarta noted that the Indonesian Chancellor in Dili, Sastrawidjaja, “spoke quite frankly about the role of the previous Consul General, Mr. JACUB in fomenting and exploiting [sic] the insurrection of 1959.”139

Jacub’s replacement as the Indonesian Consul in Dili, Tengku Usman Hussin, later told the Australian Consul that Jacub “simply hated the Portuguese ((he blamed them for the death of his wife, Asma Yunus – died 7 January 1957, buried at Taibessi)) and may have encouraged the Indonesians privately. He was certain to help them financially, but this could be explained by the fact that the Portuguese neither gave them enough, nor allowed them to earn enough money to live on.”140 The Tengku also related that “Jacub apparently had the Indonesians using the ‘Merdeka’ ((‘Freedom’)) cry”, and “he ((the Tengku)) said that Jacob had behaved oddly in a number of ways before his departure and implied he had become perhaps a little unbalanced at the shock of his wife’s death.” The Australian Consul also reported: “As for the suggestion that the Indonesian Government was behind the affair, the Tengku dismissed this as a convenient invention by the Portuguese to hide the fact that there is genuine discontent in the country.” Much later, in a 1999 interview – as related earlier, Jeremias Pello, one of the “Indonesian 14” exiled to Lisbon and Angola, indicated that the Indonesian role in the uprising in the countryside was not pre-eminent eg “Under the coordination of a number of local identities such as João Pereira da Silva (killed in Aileu), Luís da Costa Rego, David Verdial, Salem Sagran, and Domingos da Conceição Pereira – we ((ie the Indonesians)) were given tasks.”141

The Plan

In November and December 1958, the Indonesian Consul Nazwar Jacub reportedly sent João Pereira da Silva - a Timorese medical assistant employed by the Health Services, to Baucau in order to brief the Indonesian asilados on the plan for the uprising. In December, the Indonesian Consul himself visited Baucau. In early February 1959, Luís da Costa Rego, a driver employed by the Agricultural and Vetinerary Service, travelled to Viqueque to explain the plans for the attack to Gerson Pello and Albert Ndoen – two of the five Indonesians who had been relocated to the 138 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 114/60, 25 August 1960, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). Connect also with Governor Barata’s later views on official Indonesian involvement at footnotes 465-469.139 United States Embassy – Jakarta, Despatch 138, 19 August 1960, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).140 Australian Consulate – Dili, Saving 25, 19 April 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). Jacub’s wife had died of illness in Dili, and Jacub apparently blamed the poor medical treatment at the Dili Hospital as causing his wife’s death. The Australian Consul added that “Whatever the truth of the Tengku’s version, in my opinion he believes it. For my part, I am prepared to accept it, pending my receiving something official on the outcome of the Lisbon enquiry.”141 Sarong, F. “Pejuang …”, 1999, op.cit., p.2. However, contrary to Jeremias’ statement above, João Pereira da Silva (from Manatuto) was not killed in Aileu in 1959 – but transported to Lisbon on 8 June 1959, later exiled to Angola, returned to East Timor and was a founder of the Apodeti political party and Ketua Cabang (Branch Chairman) in 1974 (see footnotes 385 and 386). However, João Pereira da Silva was detained by Fretilin in Dili in August 1975, taken from prison in December – see Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 389, 15 March 1976 (NAA: A10463, 801/13//11/1 Part 21), and killed by Fretilin in the Aileu area in early 1976. For other references to João Pereira da Silva, see also footnotes 42, 55, 365, 374, 385, 386, 395 and 430.

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Viqueque Circunscrição in late December 1958.142 Following these visits by the Indonesian Consul and his “emissaries”, two of the Indonesian group - “Lieutenant” Lambertus Ladow and “Lieutenant” Gerson Pello, reportedly travelled “frequently and clandestinely” throughout the Circunscrições of Baucau and Viqueque – with Lambertus visiting villages in Baucau, Laga (35 kilometres by road east of Baucau), and Ossu (21 kilometres by road north of Viqueque Town); and Gerson visiting villages in the Postos of Uatolari and Uato-Carabau (northeast of Viqueque town).143 In Dili, two of the conspirators, accompanied by a “corporal” (probably Francisco Orlando de Fátima Soares), reportedly made a reconnaissance of the Portuguese military headquarters at Taibessi – noting the locations of military stores, guard posts, sentries, and the duty officer.144 By early March 1959, the plan for the uprising had reportedly been completed.145

The Timorese conspirators originally planned the uprising for 28 May 1959 – when the two major recreational clubs in Dili, the Sporting Club de Timor and Sporting Club e Benfica, would be holding functions to celebrate the anniversary of their founding. However, in the first days of May 1959, Indonesian Consul Nazwar Jacub reportedly convened a planning meeting at Areia Branca - a beach area on Dili’s eastern outskirts, attended by “tens” of the conspirators146, and convinced them to delay the date of the revolt until the night of 31 December when the uprising could exploit Portuguese unpreparedness during the New Year celebrations.147 He noted that any noise of the revolt would then be covered by the sound of “panchoes” - ie fireworks and rockets. However, the meeting was reportedly tense – several of the Timorese disagreed with the deferment of the revolt and left the meeting. Before closing the meeting, the Consul reportedly stated: “We are all Indonesians, we all have the same flag.”148

The deferral of the uprising until December 1959 is also noted in a “Memorandum” by one of the rebels - Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, a seaman, as follows:

142 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 218 – Annex V, Report of the Police Superintendent, Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959. The visit to Viqueque in February 1959 by Luís da Costa Rego is also referred to in Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe [sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor, six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié (Angola), 21 April 1960 in Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005. A copy of the Memorandum is included in Annex D.143 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.54. Governor Barata refers to both as “Lieutenants”.144 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.56.145 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 218 – Annex V, Report of the Police Superintendent, Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959.146 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.59 – also notes the attendance of Jacub’s children. However, in discussions in Dili with the author on 2 April 2007, former rebels Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran insisted that the only meeting at Areia Branca attended by the subsequent rebels was hosted by Crispim Borges de Araújo to thank Vicente Vidigal and Mário Martins for their assistance in facilitating “trade certificates”. Evaristo joined the “movement” in April 1959, Frederico in May 1959 – while Salem stated that he was never involved with the movement - but rather was an “innocent”.147 For the deferment of the uprising, see also “Kepulangan Pejuang Integrasi Timtim”, (“Return of East Timor Integration Fighters”), Republika Online, Jakarta, 11 November 1995; “Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (East Timor Fighter: I Never Imagined …”), Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January 1996, p.1 & p.8; and Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit. quoting Marcelino (footnote 40) on the change of dates. It is perhaps relevant to note that Consul Nazwar Jacub was scheduled to conclude his appointment as Consul and depart Portuguese Timor in June 1959. 148 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.59.

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“On the night of March of the last year … I met with Mr Luís da Costa Rego … at his house … I began to tell about the treatment I received in my job. I told him that I had had enough of working and never having enough money and never having the possibility to live well. … he told me that in December, there will be a surprise and they ((our governors)) will all be taken and all be sent off to Lisbon. Some days passed, and on one morning … he gave me some papers to look after, together with some letters. … Out of curiosity, I glanced over them and observed a plan drawn with all of the points marked with various numbers and relating the names involved, and mine also – and the letters, I was not able to read.”149

According to Governor Barata, the revised plan envisaged the following phases:

“On the night of 31 December, Indonesian lieutenants Lambertus and Gerson, a sergeant and six other exiles would march to Dili and seize the military installations, including the paiol ((weapons and ammunition storehouse)):- One of the plotters, a driver, would take control of the vehicle compound.- Another one of the main cabecilhas ((ringleaders)) would take account of

the police and distribute the catanas ((machetes)) in the Agriculture Department warehouse to the prisoners – and with the support of other rebels, they would fall upon people in their clubs, slaughtering them.

- Other previously assigned personnel would seize road intersections, buildings etc.

- Other phases were envisaged in the countryside: in Aileu, for example, a party was to be planned in one of the plotters’ homes to which all the garrison’s officers, sergeants and civilian employees would be invited. They would soon be without their heads.

- All would be completed in an hour, and Indonesian flags then flown at all the seized locations.”150

However, the plan had already been compromised. The Government had apparently first received information about the rebel movement “at the end of March and the beginning of April 1959 from a Timorese closely associated with the rebels – but who disagreed with their plans.”151 According to the Australian Consul in Dili, the Acting Governor had reportedly received anonymous letters in March and April warning of the planned uprising, but had decided not to react in order to “give enough rope” to the plotters.152 The Australian Consul’s report also related that the Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub, had also presided over “secret meetings” in Dili in the first half of 1959, and that his locally-employed staff had been noted photographing public

149 Costa, F.A.S. da. (Prisoner No 52), Memorandum, Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960 – and as discussed by Frederico with the author in Dili on 2 and 6 April 2007. Frederico’s Memorandum implies that the deferral of the uprising to December was known in March – while Governor Barata (footnotes 143 -144) relates that Nazwar Jacub convinced the conspirators “in the first days of May” to delay the revolt until 31 December.150 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.59.151 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.52. Governor Barata related that the informant “cautiously” reported the rebels’ plan to a “well-respected intermediary” in the informant’s region and “sought advice”. However, the intermediary did not take the information seriously, and “it was a delay of some months” before the Government was told of the plan and the Indonesian Consul’s meetings.152 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). Also related by Governor Barata in Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 52-53.

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buildings.153 So, the plan for the uprising was known to the Portuguese authorities in Dili – with some sources reporting that it had been disclosed by a vengeful female Timorese informant to the Chief of Police (ie “cherchez la femme” – ie betrayed by a woman).154 In 2007, a group of former rebels related to the author that the plot was disclosed by Inácio Fernandes - the son of the liurai of Betano (João Batista) in the Alas/Same area. Inácio Fernandes had originally been one of the conspirators – but “became afraid” and revealed the plans to Pantaleão (a mestizo of African descent), who informed the Portuguese authorities.155

However, Father Jorge Barros Duarte contended that “the son of the régulo of Lacló (D. Luís dos Reis Noronha) – Câncio dos Reis Noronha, heard of the plans through family connections and denounced the rebel movement to the Government through Bishop D. Jaime G. Goulart in May 1959”.156 In 2008, Câncio Noronha157 related to the author that he had been informed of the plot in November 1958 by Inácio Fernandes158 – a disaffected member of the rebel group who was employed as a driver for the Agricultural Service. Câncio Noronha passed the information to the Bishop of Dili, Dom Jaime Goulart.

Arrests in Dili

While aware that the date of planned revolt had been delayed until December, the Acting Governor - Lieutenant Colonel Aguiar, was worried that some of the more radical conspirators might still launch attacks at the end of May. On the morning of 27 May, he informed the Army Chief of Staff, Captain Carvalho, of his concerns – who then ordered heightened security measures: military patrols and picquets, a stand-by army detachment, and increased police patrols.159 Captain Carvalho also briefed the 153 In May 1958, the Indonesian Consul had received six “commercial” cameras that, after an initial impounding by the Portuguese authorities, were released to the Consul in July 1958: see Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 109/58, 4 July 1958 (NAA: A11604, 605/15A). Governor Barata also noted the clandestine photography and the discreet, but active, anti-Portuguese campaign by the Indonesian Consul - Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.51.154 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 130/59, 29 June 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1; A1828, 383/7/1) and as also related by José Manuel Duarte - ie who contended that one of the rebel group in Dili - a low-level civil servant, revealed the plan to his mistress who informed the Portuguese authorities - see Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.20. Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.31 relates that an “angry wife … denounced her husband’s subversive activities to officials in Baucau.” A later Australian Consulate – Dili Memo (12 February 1963 – NAA: A1838, 3038/10/1 Part 2) suggested the plotters’ failed attempt to acquire arms from the Army Ordnance Depot in Dili compromised their plans. 155 Emails from Evaristo da Costa to author - 28 March 2007 and 3 March 2009; and author’s discussions with former rebels Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran in Dili on 2 April 2007 and Evaristo da Costa on 29 October 2008. Evaristo stated that Inácio – a “Tropas” (soldier), was the driver for a Portuguese major. Evaristo and Inácio had been long-term friends.156 Duarte, J.B., Em Terras de Timor, Tiposet, Lisboa, 1987, p.137.157 Discussion with Câncio dos Reis Noronha, Melbourne, 6 December 2008. Câncio knew of Pantaleão, but stated that Pantaleão was not involved in the disclosure of the rebels’ plans.158 Inácio Fernandes was recorded as a driver “second class” in the Agriculture and Forestry Service in 1974 – BOdT, No. 4, 26 January 1974, p.54; and as “lugar da guarda florestal” – No. 28, 13 July 1974, p.549. 159 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.60. The Acting Governor/Military Commander had apparently earlier consulted with the Chefe de Gabinete (Head of the Cabinet Department) - Lieutenant Daniel Rudolfo Sottomayor Carvalho Braga, on the developing plot – but not the Army Chief of Staff, Captain Carvalho. Lieutenant Braga also functioned as the aide-de-camp to the Acting Governor/Military Commander. The rivalry and jealousy between Lieutenant Braga and the Army Chief of Staff - Captain Carvalho, is noted by Governor Barata at pp.42-43 and p.60. Daniel

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two Army company commanders in the Dili barracks on security contingency plans. However, the festivities planned for the night of 27 May at the two clubs in Dili were amended but not cancelled – with a ball scheduled at the Club Benfica. Military personnel attending the ball were advised to go in civilian clothing, but to remain “armed”. News of the possibility of unrest became known to the public “with the topic being argued openly in a restaurant.”160 The Australian Consul in Dili attended the Club Benfica ball on the evening of 27 May and reported that beforehand “stories were circulating to the effect that subversive elements would attempt to throw bombs into the Benfica Club … Nothing eventuated at the Club, or elsewhere in Dili, and the festivities ended at 3 a.m. without any bangs … .”161 However, many people cancelled their attendance at the Club Benfica ball – including Francisco de Araújo, a suspected conspirator and member of the Conselho de Governo (see footnote 54).

Having precipitated “panic among the population”, the Acting Governor now felt forced to initiate a “repressive phase” against the conspirators. The first to be arrested was reportedly the rebel who had been tasked with action against the police and who had been planning to leave Dili – the authorities were fearful that an early attempt might be made to seize arms from the military depot.162 On the afternoon of 3 June, the Portuguese police reportedly arrested 15 of the cabecilhas da revolta (leaders of the revolt) in Dili:

João Pereira da Silva, Valentim da Costa Pereira, João [sic] de Sousa Gama, Evaristo da Costa, David Verdial, Luís da Costa Rego, José Beny Joaquim, Francisco Orlando de Fátima Soares, Carlos Salvador de Sousa Gama, Gervásio Soriano, Abel da Costa Belo, José Ramos de Sousa Gama, Tomaz da Costa Belo, Saleh bin Hamad [sic – ie Ahmad] Bassarewan (see footnotes 307 and 417 for alternative spellings) and Crispim Borges de Araújo.163

On 4 June, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa - a 25 year-old sailor, was arrested in Dili. Further arrests followed including the arrest of three men in Letefoho (about 80 km southwest of Dili in Ermera Circunscrição): Alexandre Viana de Jesus/Maia, José Maria Maia and Eduardo de Araújo.164

The “Movimento de Aileu: Paulo de Castro”165

Braga retired from the military in the mid-1960s (BOdT, No.32, 6 August 1960, p.428; BOdT, No.43, 22 October 1960, p.595) with a “louvado” (commendation) - and served as a senior civil servant in Dili, receiving a medal for his service in late 1974 (BOdT, No.46, 16 November 1974, p.840).160 Ibid, pp. 60-61.161 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 123/59, 7 June 1959, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).162 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959 claimed arrests began on 27 May and all the Dili conspirators had been arrested by 30 May (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).163 Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 218-219 – Annex V, Report of the Police Superintendent Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959. 164 Evaristo da Costa – email to author, 24 January 2007. Evaristo da Costa has declared that he was arrested on 2 June. Arrests in Dili continued into June – eg Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa was arrested on 4 June: see his Memorandum, Penal Colony of Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960; Juman bin Bachirum was arrested on 11 June; and Salem Musalam Sagran was arrested on 11 August 1959.165 Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.213 – Annex IV, Report by Lieutenant R.C. Braga. Lieutenant Braga uses “Movimento …” as the title for Section 4.5 of his Report - but this Section is omitted from F.T. Barata’s 1998 book (Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit.).

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In early 1959, the Portuguese authorities reportedly became concerned about a “bizarre organisation”166 led by a local chieftain in Aileu (in the mountains, about 42 km by road south of Dili). This group reportedly “extorted money from the more credulous local population” by selling “safe conduct” amulets with “supernatural” powers that would protect wearers against harm during the “approaching war”. The police saw such “profit-making as great highway robbery.” Suspecting a connection with the plans for the uprising, Lieutenant Braga, the Chefe de Gabinete of the Government in Dili (see footnote 156), followed developments in Aileu closely but did not move against the “organisation”.

However, once the arrests began in Dili, the organisation in Aileu was broken up and several people detained. These included António da Costa Araújo – a local notable and coffee plantation owner (the father of Abílio de Araújo – see footnote 164); “the brother in law of Dom João, the liurai of the Kingdom of Aileu, Inesman; António Soriano; Pablo Castro; representatives of the noble houses of Aileu; and Master Francisco Dias of Alas” - both Francisco Dias da Costa and António da Costa Araújo were also Catholic catechists.167 According to Abílio de Araújo, “the police repression in Dili was terrible and nobody dared to speak the names of those detained … a true terror” directed by “Sergeant Camara” (ie the Chief of Police, Manuel Vieira da Camâra Júnior) - and “although not formally imprisoned, the heads of all the detainees were shaved like criminals.”168

According to one report, Paulo de Castro and António Soriano - “who had planned a revolt against Portuguese sovereignty” in 1959, were associated with a Catholic cult, the Hoho Ulu movement, and had held “several meetings with the people of Aileu”.169 Of the Aileu detainees, only “Pablo Castro” (ie Paulo da Conceição Castro), António Soriano and Francisco Dias da Costa were later exiled – departing Dili for Angola aboard the N/M India in early October 1959 and, subsequently, transferred to Mozambique.170

166 Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp.55-56.167 The arrest of these Aileu notables is related in Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, As Duas Margens da Ribeira de Aileu, Lisboa, 2007. As noted above, Abílio de Araújo’s father - António da Costa Araújo, was briefly detained in Dili before returning to his plantation in Aileu. António was killed during the Indonesian occupation in December 1978 in the Aileu area, and his remains are yet to be recovered. Dr Abílio da Conceição Abrantes de Araújo was the Fretilin Minister of State for Economic and Social Affairs in late 1975 and subsequently a senior leader of the external Resistance (Head of the External Delegation) until expelled from Fretilin in August 1993/May 1994. In July 1999, he founded the Partido Nacionalista Timorense – which contested parliamentary elections in Timor-Leste in 2007.168 Ibid. For the dismissal of Chief of Police, Manuel Vieira da Camâra, see footnote 338.169 The Hoho Ulu movement, named after a sub-village between Aileu and Maubisse, was founded in the last quarter of the 19th century - see Duarte, J.B., “O fenomeno dos movimentos nativistas”, op.cit., pp. 43-46. The movement had reportedly evidenced anti-Portuguese activities during World War II - including the “Maubisse uprising” in late August 1942. In 1967, the movement conducted an activity on the outskirts of Dili at Fatu Metan that “expressed abhorrence for the sovereignty of Portugal and sympathy for Indonesia”. One of their cult symbols, the Menino Jesus (Baby Jesus) was reportedly “affiliated” with the Apodeti political party in 1975.170 In April 2007, three of the returned rebels declared to the author that Paulo de Castro and the “Movimento de Aileu” had no connection with the plot or the uprising. Rather, they opined that his “troublesome group” was falsely implicated by the Portuguese in the “1959 Rebellion” as a convenient means of ridding themselves of the group. In Angola, Paulo was among those classified as “Não considerado culpado” (“not considered guilty”) – see the listing at Annex F. According to several returned rebels, two Timorese were killed in Aileu during Portuguese suppression operations – author’s discussions with Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran, Dili, 2 April 2007.

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The Uprising in Viqueque and Baucau171

The first indications of unrest in the Viqueque area apparently arose at the end of May 1959 when the Administrator of the Baguia Posto (about 50 kilometres directly southeast of Baucau Town - see the map below) reported to the Baucau Circunscrição that two of the exiled Indonesians in the Viqueque Circunscrição had held clandestine night-time meetings with village chiefs in the Uatolari and Uato-Carabau Postos to plan a revolt.172

((Map – not included: Portuguese Timor – Eastern Region – 1959))

On 1 June, while enroute to a meeting in Dili, the Administrator of the Baucau Circunscrição, José Maria Ribeiro Filipe, was contacted at Manatuto by the Secretary of the Baucau Circunscrição, Francisco Menezes173, and advised that, in Dili, “a revolt had been spoiled, and the ringleaders imprisoned.” 174 The next day in Dili, Administrator José Filipe was ordered by the Acting Governor to fly back to Baucau, arrest Abel de Costa Belo (in charge of the Baucau Postal Office) and “Zeca Gama” (José Ramos de Sousa Gama) - a resident of Laga, and return with them to Dili.

171 The following description of the Rebellion draws principally from the following sources: Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit; a report written in late 1959 by Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes; a report to Lisbon by Governor F.T. Barata dated 6 October 1959 (based on the Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes report); interviews by Indonesian journalists (Rohi, Diatmika, Sarong, Herman) of Indonesian and Timorese participants in the Rebellion; and memoranda from the Australian Consulate – Dili. 172 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 228 – Annex VIII, Report of the Administrator of the Circunscrição of Baucau (José Maria Ribeiro Filipe), 3 February 1961.173 Secretary Francisco Xavier Aleixo Santana de Menezes (b. 14 /8/1929) had earlier served an attachment in Viqueque as Acting Administrator after Viqueque Administrator’s Torrezão’s departure to Portugal in July 1958. On the appointment of Secretary Artur Marques Ramos to Viqueque on 10 October 1958, Menezes returned to his post in Baucau. 174 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.227. For comment on Baucau Administrator José Maria Ribeiro Filipe, see footnote 105.

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In Viqueque, at the beginning of June, the Acting Administrator of the Viqueque Circunscrição, Artur Marques Ramos, received a message from Secretary Francisco Menezes in Baucau that a “revolutionary movement had been discovered in Dili, intended to stage an uprising on 28 May – and, in concert, the Indonesian political exiles in Viqueque had been holding meetings in Luca.”175 However, Administrator Ramos later noted that he found the report “not believable”- as he regularly saw the Indonesian exiles, and neither the moradores (local militia) nor sipaios (local police) – who had been instructed to watch the Indonesians, had reported any suspicious activity to him. Further, although “believing these reports to be untrue”, he had interviewed four of the Indonesians who had “signed a stamped declaration appealing to be returned to Indonesia.”176 Soon after, the Administrator of the Baucau Circunscrição - on instructions from Dili, sent a message to advise the Indonesians that a vehicle would be sent for them and matters would be investigated in Dili – ie the nine Indonesians in Baucau and the five in Viqueque would be officially escorted to Dili.

On 5 or 6 June, Viqueque Administrator Artur Ramos met with the Secretary of the Baucau Circunscrição, Francisco Menezes, at Ossu and was told that António Metan (António da Costa Soares)177, a chefe de povoação (sub-village head) in Uatolari, had been given a pistol and 100 rounds of ammunition by Abel da Costa Belo – and that Joaquim Ferreira was also involved in the plot. Ramos immediately telephoned the Uatolari Posto – the Encarregado de Posto (Posto Administrator) Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues178 was absent in Dili, and directed that António Metan - as well as Joaquim Ferreira (the son of the raja of Uma Kiik village) and Zeferino dos Reis Amaral (the régulo and village chief of Luca), report to the authorities (Administração) in Viqueque Town as soon as possible.179

175 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.223 – Annex VII, Report of the Administrator of the Circunscrição of Viqueque, 23 January 1961. Luca is located southwest of Viqueque Town - note however that Zeferino dos Reis Amaral, the village chief of Luca, was reportedly involved – see footnote 176. “Leça”, a name used for the Posto site in Uatolari, is also a location known to have been visited by Gerson Pello.176 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.63 and pp.223-224.177 The background of António Metan (António da Costa Soares) is unclear. “António Metan” is mentioned in Hicks, D., “Unachieved Syncretism …”, op.cit., pp.28-29 - as heading the principally Tetum-speaking “princedom” of the seven-village suku of Caraubalo in the Viqueque Posto (ie on the eastern edge of Viqueque Town) and domiciled in the village of Lamaclaran. Hicks notes that by 1966-67 - because of António Metan’s “previous disastrous dealings with the Administration, the political authority and influence of his descent group had vanished” and was “scarcely royal at all”. Metan was replaced by João da Sá Viana – see Hicks, D., Roh Orang Timor (Tetum Ghosts and Kinship), Pustakaan Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, 1983. However, João da Sá Viana is listed in Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.41 as the Chefe de Suco of Caraubalo in 1952, suggesting that the António Metan mentioned by Hicks may not be the António Metan involved in the 1959 Rebellion. For the Rebellion’s António Metan’s connection with Afaloicai (Uatolari) see footnotes 180, 198 and 405.178 Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues (born 20/2/1927) - Encarregado 3rd class, was first appointed to Uatolari in May 1956 vide BOdT, No.19, 12 May 1956, p.227. He returned to Uatolari on 1 July 1957 (vide BOdT, No.27, 6 July 1957, p.477) following the suspension and subsequent dismissal of the Encarregardo de Posto of Uatolari, Policarpo Soares on 6 May 1957. Policarpo Soares (born 26/1/1916 – of the Mascarenhas Ingles clan), was appointed amanuese in the Health and Hygiene Department on 18 July 1946, and became an Encarregado do Posto 3rd Class vide BOdT, No.40, 4 October 1952, p.574. The suspension of Policarpo Soares under a Penal Code provision was promulgated in February 1957 - BOdT, No.8, 23 February 1957, p.112; BOdT, No.16, 20 April 1957, p.249; BOdT, No.19, 11 May 1957. Policarpo Soares was dismissed vide BOdT, No.24, 15 June 1957, p.437 for an offence apparently related to his previous service at Lacló (Manatuto). For Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues, see also footnotes 179 and 295.179 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.224 – Annex VII, Report of the Administrator of the Circunscrição of Viqueque (Administrator 3rd Class Artur Marques Ramos), 23

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((Map – not included: Viqueque Town – 1959, see footnote 177))

180

On the morning of Sunday, 7 June, António Metan – together with Joaquim Ferreira and Zeferino dos Reis Amaral, were interviewed in Viqueque Town - with all denying any knowledge of a plot. António Metan was ordered to stay in the moradores quarters in Viqueque Town until the investigation concluded – but was permitted to return beforehand to the house of Amaro de Araújo (a former civil servant) in the Town to collect some clothing. There, he met Gerson Pello – the leader of the Indonesian exiles in the Viqueque Circunscrição, who directed António Metan to return immediately to Uatolari - about 47 kilometres by road northeast of Viqueque Town, and begin the uprising.181 António Metan - a sub-village head (chefe de povoação) and a descendant of the liurais of Afaloicai, reportedly “had grievances” against the acting Encarregado de Posto of Uatolari, Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues.182 On arrival at Uatolari, António Metan called the six village chiefs together – including Abílio Meneses of Afaloicai183, and convinced them and the local Timorese police (sipaios) to support the uprising.

January 1961. Zeferino dos Reis Amaral is also identified as the Chefe de Suco of Luca village in 1952 in Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.40.180 This sketch map of Viqueque Town is based on Map 27 “Viqueque” in Terrain Study No 50: Area Study of Portuguese Timor, Allied Geographic Section and Directorate of Intelligence - AAF SWPA, 27 February 1943 (NAA: A6779, 20). Amendments include the location of the “Secretária/Office” building.181 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.224, It appears that a group of moradores had been assembled to guard a quantity of money awaiting disbursement to local vendors for copra that had recently been purchased by the Government.182 Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.30 – Gunter notes that Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues was a “mestizo” ie of mixed race. 183 However see footnote 174 on António Metan’s reported connection with the suku of Caraubalo. Abílio Meneses is noted as the Chefe de Suco of Afaloicai in 1952 in Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.41.

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According to José Manuel Duarte (see footnotes 18, 46, 49, 51 and 120), “when the arrests occurred in Dili, those of us in Viqueque became worried. Sooner or later, we would surely be caught also. But we didn’t want to just surrender. Finally, we decided to take action. If we remained quiet – we would still surely be arrested. So to demonstrate our resolve, we took direct action … we were aware that we wouldn’t be successful, but through our Movement we wanted to tell the international community that we did not want to be under Portuguese colonial rule.”184

Accordingly, the uprising in the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições began on the late afternoon of Sunday 7 June 1959185 with a raid by a small rebel group led by António Metan and Abílio Meneses - aided by several local sipaios and villagers, on the Posto administration offices at Uatolari – during which they cut the telephone line to Viqueque Town. As noted earlier, the Encarregado de Posto of Uatolari -, Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues, was absent in Dili. There were no casualties in the seizure of the Uatolari Posto, and 12 rifles were reportedly seized by the rebels. That afternoon, according to Governor Barata, several of the Indonesians in the Viqueque Circunscrição who were not involved in Uatolari attack “peacefully played football – when the national ((ie, Portuguese)) flag had already been pulled down in Uatolari.”186

From Uatolari, the rebels sent a messenger eastward to two villages in the neighbouring Posto of Uato-Carabau (sometimes as “Uato-Carbau”)187 with instructions to seize the Uato-Carabau Posto headquarters.188

However, as noted above, not all the Indonesians in the Viqueque Circunscrição participated in the seizure of the Uatolari Posto – or the subsequent late evening attack on the offices in Viqueque Town. One of the Indonesians, Jezkial Fola, later explained that, although a member of the “Uatolari group”, he was playing football with the son of the Portuguese Posto chief on the afternoon of the Uatolari raid – which subsequently provided him with “an alibi”; and Albert Ndoen also did not participate because “he was at the house of his girlfriend.”189 Accordingly, it appears that the late afternoon attack at Uatolari was led by Abílio Meneses, the village chief of Afaloicai (Uatolari Posto) and António Metan (António da Costa Soares), a sub-village head – who were later joined by Jobert Moniaga, the Indonesian “Permesta 14” exile from Manado.

184 Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.21.185 Abílio de Araújo incorrectly cites the date of the revolta in Uatolari and Uato-Carabau as 11 May 1959 - and does not mention the arrests in Dili nor any involvement by the Indonesian Consul – Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor Leste: Os Loricos Voltaram a Cantar: Das Guerras Independentistas à Revolução do Povo Maubere, Trama, Lisboa, June 1977, p.165 and p.182.186 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.64. The local police at Uatolari apparently did not resist the rebels – and two were later dismissed and imprisoned on Ataúro – see footnotes 285 and 286.187 In 1959, the Uato-Carabau Posto administrative centre was located in the village of Afaloikai/ Afaloicai in the hills (altitude 426 metres) about eight kilometres north from the south coast road – the Posto centre was moved to Uaniuma village on the south coast road in 1979. The position of Encarregado de Posto at Uato-Carabau in 1959 had been vacant for about one year ie since the posting of Francisco da Sousa back to Lacluta on 13 May 58 – Da Sousa had moved from Lacluta to Uato-Carabau in August 1956. Note: there are three villages called “Afaloikai/Afaloicai” – ie one each in the Postos of Baguia, Uato-Carabau and Uatolari (see map at Annex A) - These were formerly “united” and ruled by Dom Feliciano.188 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.64. 189 Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15. Jezkial also added: “However, like Lambert Kling Ladaw who led the Viqueque group, Albert ((Ndoen/Ndun)) was also regarded as responsible for the Uatolari group – so both of them were sent to Angola.” For the activities of Jezkial Fola and Albert Ndoen/Ndun on 7 June, see also footnotes 195 and 209.

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On the evening of Sunday 7 June, the rebel group in Viqueque Town led by Amaro de Araújo and Gerson Pello sent messages to several surrounding villages to raise further support. According to Gerson Pello, the leadership of this rebel group comprised: Amaro de Araújo, José Manuel Duarte, Jeremias Pello and himself190 – and their aim was to seize weapons and ammunition from the administrative offices (Secretária da Administração) of the Viqueque Circunscrição in Viqueque Town.191 José Duarte subsequently stated that, while he was subordinate to Amaro de Araújo in the rebel movement, he operated as Araújo’s “right hand” in Viqueque. According to Governor Barata, an Indonesian - Jobert Moniaga, was also a key figure as Moniaga advised the nine Indonesian asilados políticos in Baucau Town, by telephone, of the plans for the uprising.192

This date for the start of the uprising in Viqueque, ie Sunday 7 June, was also cited in a report written by the Roman Catholic priest, Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes193, who visited the Viqueque area a few months later – and most of his account was repeated in Governor Barata’s initial report to Lisbon on the Rebellion.194 However, in interviews many years later, some rebel participants in the attacks in Viqueque have also cited (mistakenly) the date as “3 June 1959”.195

In Viqueque Town on Sunday 7 June, Administrator Ramos was unaware of events in Uatolari that afternoon and - “in a spirit of extreme confidence beyond the limits of prudence”, excused from duty two of the armed Timorese police (sipaios) who, with a few irregular militia (moradores), were responsible for guarding the

190 Governor Barata cites Gerson Pello as the leader – referring to him as “Tenente” (Lieutenant) Gerson. In his 1998 book, Governor Barata also implied that Jobert Moniaga was involved in the attack in Viqueque Town – although in later interviews with Indonesian journalists, Moniaga’s participation in the Viqueque Town raid is not mentioned by Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello, Jezkial Fola or José Manuel Duarte. The Governor does not name the Timorese participants – rather, referring only to “three or four Timorese of a certain cultural level” - Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 64-65.191 Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.13.192 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.64.193 Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes (Timorese priest – the first native prelate, 1918-1991) had been appointed a Deputy to the National Assembly in Lisbon representing Portuguese Timor from November 1957. In May 1977, he was appointed the Apostolic Administrator of Dili – serving until 1983. His report in late 1959 - “Breve resenha de alguns factos ocorrido em Viqueque e Uatolari (1959)” provides a brief chronology and recounting of the Rebellion – together with “Breve comentario” and “Sugestões”. The report was released in July 1995 in Lisbon as part of the “Arquivo Salazar” (see the report at TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS/AOS/CO/ UL-36, Part 5) – but the Monsignor’s authorship was deleted from the report as required by the release conditions. Monsignor Martinho Lopes’ report is also referred to in Jolliffe, J., “Indonesia now wants all the gory details”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 19 August 1995, p.17. – which also notes the release of the Arquivo Salazar papers.194 The report by Governor Barata acknowledged Monsignor Martinho’s report as the principal source of information for his (Barata’s) report and repeated the same chronology and events - Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, letter to the Ministry of Overseas Territories, Dili, 6 October 1959 – but does not include Monsignor Martinho Lopes’ “Comments” and “Suggestions”. A copy of Governor Barata’s report No. 34 of 6 October 1959 – in Portuguese, and related material, can be found at Gunter, J., Haree Ba Uluk: Timor Portuguese Pre-1974 – A Post-Colonial Forum for Learning and Debate: http://raiketak. blogspot.com/timorhistory/index.html. Governor Barata’s report concluded with a comment on Monsignor Martinho Lopes’ involvement to the effect that - “due to his background and tendencies of his spirit”, the Monsignor had “concerned himself more with possible excesses of repression than with the criminal acts of the sublevados ((rebels))”. Governor Barata’s report was forwarded by the Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Director of the PIDE in Lisbon – Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Lisbon, No.181 36-A, 14 January 1960 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS N.T. 8971).195 Gerson Pello apparently mistakenly cited “3 June 1959” when interviewed in 1995 - Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995. op.cit., p.13; and others have stated 1 June and 3 June. These references however are probably meant to relate to the first arrests of the conspirators in Dili.

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Secretária da Administração ie the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters complex in Viqueque Town.196 Administrator Ramos assessed that “the area was calm” and “the movement had already been uncovered in Dili, arrests made, and the Indonesians were to be sent to Dili the next morning.”197

During the evening of 7 June, two of the Indonesians, Jezkial Fola and Albert Ndoen were reportedly drinking tuak (palm wine) at the house of Manuel Pinto in Viqueque Town – and did not participate in the any of the attacks. Separately, Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello and several others were drinking tuak at the home of Mau Rubik – and the attack on the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters was “launched” from that house.198 Very late in the evening of 7 June, Jeremias Pello and José Manuel Duarte cut the telephone lines from Viqueque Town to the Ossu Posto - about 21 kilometres to the north, and established a small blocking position at a bridge north of Viqueque Town to disrupt any movement of government forces from Ossu or Baucau.199 At about midnight, the rebels’ main group surprised the sipaios and moradores in the Viqueque Circunscrição offices ie the Secretária da Administração – see map and photographs overpage, “knocking them over one-by-one” and “rolling them out the windows”.

Gerson Pello commented: “luckily, the building was high, so they were rendered unconscious or died – we didn’t know. We seized 67 weapons of four different types200 – but the ammunition was different. So, although the raid wasn’t very successful, we did surprise them.” Those participating in the attack included Gerson Pello, João Lisboa and Leki “Bure” Rubic (also as “Leque Rubic”).201 During the attack, Leki Rubic stabbed and wounded a sipaio, Jacinto Pinto.202 The group reportedly carried a “merah putih” (Bahasa: red and white – ie Indonesian) flag.

196 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 64-65.197 Ibid, p.55. 198 Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto and Rogério Pinto in Viqueque Town – 29 June 2007. This account of the activities of Jezkial Fola and Albert Ndoen/Ndun differs somewhat from that related at footnote 186.199 Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor – Sebuah Sumbangan Untuk Sejarahnya, 2003, p.102 – names the bridge as the “Luca-To’in bridge”.200 José Manuel Duarte cites seizing “50 rifles, pistols and ammunition” and also “46 weapons” - Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih …”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit. Other reports indicate 24 weapons were seized in Viqueque Town and 12 each at the Uatolari and Uato-Carabau Postos ie totalling 48. The weapons were mostly 1886-model Kropatschek 8mm-calibre bolt-action rifles – but also included bolt-action Lee Enfield and Garand rifles. The Australian Consul – Dili’s initial cable to Canberra reported a “sub-administrative post near Baucau raided by four men June 7th who stole 48 rifles. Later two men apprehended, 22 rifles recovered.” – Cable 17, 9 June 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).201 According to José Manuel Duarte, “the leadership of the group comprised about 50 people. However, it could be said that the whole of people in Viqueque participated in the revolt. At the time, the population of Viqueque was about 20,000. They were all followers.” - Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.21. It is unclear whether the Indonesian Jobert Moniaga participated in the attack in Viqueque Town - or had departed earlier for Uatolari with António Metan and participated in the attack on the Uatolari Posto earlier on Sunday afternoon.202 Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto and Rogério Pinto in Viqueque – 29 June 2007.

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((Map, photographs not included: Secretária office - photo, Town Centre - map, Administrative Posto - photo))

Gerson Pello related that “I had a Chinese woman, a bread seller in Viqueque, make the flag.”203 The handful of rebels also wore red and white-coloured “atribut” (Bahasa: “insignia”).204 The Indonesians also reportedly wore red bandanas – embroidered on the front with a buffalo, in white, a “symbol of strength”.205

A little after midnight (ie early on 8 June), the rebels moved to attack the adjacent residence of the Administrator of the Viqueque Circunscrição, Artur Ramos.206 However, the Administrator – together with his family, a junior civil servant (aspirante administrativo) – João Hermenegildo da Costa207, and an injured sipaio escaped in a jeep. At the bridge north of the Town, the Administrator’s vehicle was initially blocked by several tree trunks felled by the Jeremias Pello/José Duarte group and fired upon by Jeremias Pello. However, driving off the road into a gully, the vehicle reached Ossu without further injuries to its occupants.208 At 0300hrs on 8

203 Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15. Gerson Pello added that “the Chinese also wanted integration ((with Indonesia)) – and consequently there was a Chinese, Mu Teng Siong [sic], who was also exiled to Angola” – see also earlier footnote 48, and also footnotes 319 and 345. An interview in early November 1992 with the newly appointed Governor of East Timor, Abílio Osório Soares – a nephew of the rebel José Manuel Duarte and, who as a 13-year old in 1959 had known three of the Indonesian participants, refers to the rebels as “attacking and carrying the Red and White flag” – Forum Keadilan, No. 327, Jakarta, 6 November 1992. Following a visit to the Viqueque area in early July 1959, the Australian Consul reported on the background to the uprising and included: “it is known to me, however, that there were many natives in that area who were in possession of small Indonesian flags”: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, pp.1-2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1) – see footnote 266. 204 “Pejuang Integrasi Timtim di LN Presiden Minta Menlu Urus Kepulangan Mereka” (“East Timor Integration Fighters Overseas – President Asks Foreign Minister to Arrange their Return”), Republika Online, Jakarta, 11 November 1995, p.2. José Manuel Duarte also related rebels and supporters wearing red and white “badges” - Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.21. The claim of wearing Indonesian flags as the “panji perjuangan” (banners of the struggle) is also made in Lopes da Cruz, F., Kesaksian – Aku dan Timor Timur (Witnessing – East Timor and I), 1999 and in the Indonesian school text-book ie Gonggong, A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah …, 1992, op.cit. – see translated extract at Annex B. See also Governor Barata’s reference to rebels wearing “the colours of the Indonesian flag” in Uatolari – footnote 207.205 As described to the author by Constantino de Oliveira Simões, Viqueque Town, 29 June 2007. Constantino related meeting Gerson Pello on 8 June - and being berated by him for not having participated in the attack on the Viqueque Circunscrição office.206 According to one version, Acting Administrator Artur Ramos “was reading a newspaper in his residence when he was fired upon by Domingos Amaral – from a noble clan of Luca, but was not hit and fled from Viqueque to Baucau.” – see Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, op.cit., p.102.207 Aspirante João Hermenegildo da Costa (born 23/8/1925) had been posted to Viqueque on 22 July 1958. He was promoted on 18 January 1960 to become the Encarregado de Posto at Baguia. 208 However, José Manuel Duarte contended that the Administrator leapt from the vehicle and escaped into a ravine – and was later assisted by a local Chinese to return to his (Administrator’s) house. Jezkial Fola states that he later saw bullet holes in Administrator Ramos’ vehicle - Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15. Joaquim Ferreira was also reportedly a member of the blocking group at the bridge - author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões,

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June, Administrator Ramos spoke with the Chefe de Gabinete, (Lieutenant Daniel Rudolfo Sottomayor Carvalho Braga – see footnote 156) in Dili and, having described the events, was directed to drive north to Baucau (about 43 kilometres by road) and await further orders. At about 0400hrs, João Hermenegildo da Costa - the Viqueque aspirante administrativo, telephoned the Administrator of the Baucau Circunscrição, related the situation in Viqueque, and passed Administrator Ramos’ request for 50 moradores to accompany him (Ramos) back to Viqueque Town. The Baucau Administrator, José Maria Ribeiro Filipe, immediately ordered the arrest of the nine Indonesian exiles resident in Baucau – and “this was achieved without any difficulty as they were still asleep at that hour.”209 Administrator José Filipe also ordered local village chiefs in Baucau to assemble all able-bodied men and, armed with “zagaias” (spears), to watch the coastline and to conduct patrols in their areas.

In Viqueque Town, early on the morning of Monday 8 June, Gerson Pello’s group seized a light truck and travelled to the Uatolari Posto (about 47 km by road) where they were met enthusiastically by local “amontinados” (“rebels”) “wearing cloth ribbons on their chests with the colours of the Indonesian flag.”210 The leaders then moved on to Uato-Carabau northeast of Uatolari (about 46 km by road) where the Posto headquarters had also been seized – the position of Encarregado de Posto of Uato-Carabau had been vacant for about one year.211

According to Jezkial Fola – an Indonesian asilado who appears not to have participated in the attacks, the streets of Viqueque Town were empty when he awoke on Monday morning, 8 June – and he was alone. Many of the residents of the town had fled their homes and, according to Jezkial, he encouraged a local Chinese merchant to transport several of the injured guards to a medical post in his (the Chinese merchant’s) vehicle.212

Soon after midday on 8 June, Administrator Artur Ramos returned to Viqueque Town with a small lightly-armed force of an officer (Lieutenant Ferreira), a sergeant (Sergeant Pires) and nine soldiers. The Chinese driver of the light truck taken to Uatolari by the rebels had returned to Viqueque Town, and Administrator Ramos was told of the situation in Uatolari and Uato-Carabau where local leaders had rallied their tribal warrior militias (arraiais) in support of the Rebellion. Ramos responded by mobilizing loyal arraiais in the three Postos of Viqueque, Ossu and Lacluta. According to Governor Barata, on Monday 8 June, two of the Indonesians who had remained in the Viqueque Town area were captured in Ossu – probably Jezkial Fola and Albert Ndoen.

António Pinto and Rogério Pinto, Viqueque Town, 29 June 2007.209 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p. 228 – Annex VIII, Report of the Administrator of the Circunscrição of Baucau (José Maria Ribeiro Filipe), 3 February 1961.210 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.65: “recebidos pelos amotinados que tinham ao peito tiras de pano com as cores da bandeira indonésia”.211 The position of Encarregado de Posto at Uato-Carabau in 1959 had been vacant since the posting of Francisco da Sousa back to Lacluta on 13 May 58. In early 1959, four Chefe/Encarregado de Posto positions were unfilled ie “vago” – BOdT, No. 3, 17 January 1959, pp.44-46. A replacement Encarregado de Posto, Joaquim Pereira da Silva (born 3/1/1928), was not posted from Mape (Bobonaro) to Uato-Carabau until 16 Jun 1959 – BOdT, No. 26, 27 June 1959, p.447. A description of the seizure of the Uato-Carabau Posto can be found in Gunter, J., “Majesty yet no mercy”, 7 December 2002 - http://raiketak.wordpress.com/category/power/page/4/ . 212 Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15. Jezkial noted that his actions “gained the sympathy of the Portuguese.” He implied that Gerson excluded him from involvement in the attack, because he (Jezkial) was married and “someone had to carry the news back to Kupang ” – connect with reports at footnotes 186 and 195. Subsequently, Jezkial was not exiled to Lisbon or Angola – but repatriated from Portuguese Timor to Indonesian Timor in October 1960 with eight other Indonesians.

((Map – not included: Central Portuguese Timor –based on ONC Chart N-13 – Scale 1:1,000,000))

The Portuguese administration in Dili planned to fly 50 troops - commanded by Captain Manuel João Fajardo, from Dili to Baucau as reinforcements on the morning of Tuesday 9 June using a recently acquired Heron aircraft.213 However, at the last moment, the group was transported by Unimog truck to Baucau – about 135 kilometres by road. The initial operational plan preferred by the Acting Governor and the Army Chief of Staff, Captain Carvalho, was for the Portuguese forces to move in strength from Baucau southward into the Viqueque Circunscrição – to restore order and consolidate control in Viqueque Town before moving against the rebels in Uatolari and Uato-Carabau. However, the Chefe de Gabinete - Lieutenant Daniel Braga, feared that the rebels might move north from the Uatolari/Uato-Carabau area and attack the Laga Posto on the north coast (35 kilometres east of Baucau by road) where he believed the rebels might find further supporters – and, perhaps, assistance

213 Military forces in Portuguese Timor in 1959 reportedly comprised 650 Timorese regular troops with 30 Portuguese officers and 50 Portuguese NCOs – plus a Timorese reserve (Segunda Linha) force: Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable 18, 1 July 1959 (NAA: A1209, 1959/612). The official regular establishment, as promulgated in the 1959 Provincial Budget, was: 1,009 personnel including 43 Portuguese officers and 55 Portuguese sergeants – about 85 percent of the other ranks were Timorese. – BOdT, No. 3, 17 January 1959, p.84.

from the Indonesian island of Wetar about 60 kilometres to the north across the Wetar Strait. Lieutenant Braga convinced the Acting Governor of his preferred plan. Accordingly, in order to block any rebel advance to Laga, it was decided to reinforce the Posto at Baguia214 (in Baucau Circunscrição about 50 kilometres southeast of Baucau Town) with a military detachment that had been guarding the Baucau radio station. Captain Manuel João Farjado was placed in charge of local military operations in the two Circunscrições.

As noted earlier, in Uato-Carabau the local raja, Fernando Pinto, and his followers had joined the Rebellion and seized the Posto.215 However, realising that a victory over the Portuguese forces was not possible, the rebel leaders planned to attack the Posto at Baguia (about 18 kilometres by road north of Uato-Carabau) before attempting to withdraw westwards and cross the border into Indonesian Timor.216 Their advance to Baguia from the Uato-Carabau area however was interrupted as heavy monsoon-season rains had flooded the rivers across their route, and the rebel force was delayed in Uato-Carabau “for four nights” - giving time for the Portuguese to reinforce and defend the Baguia Posto.217 The defenders in the small fort (tranqueira) at Baguia were equipped with machine guns and easily repulsed the rebels’ first attack at about 1100hrs on 11 June.218 During the attack, a small force of Portuguese reinforcements (a corporal and two Timorese privates) arrived from Baucau equipped with a “lança-granadas Bazuka” (grenade-launching bazooka)219 and immediately joined the engagement while a rebel attack was underway. The rebels’ bolt-actioned rifles were no match for the defenders’ firepower. Much of the rebels’ ammunition was also faulty - or of an incorrect calibre, resulting in many misfires and explosions in the breeches of their rifles. José Manuel Duarte subsequently related: “when pulling the triggers, we were forced to face away from our targets.”220 Governor Barata also commented on this, later writing: “Happily for us, the weapons and ammunition that they had stolen were of weak quality (many cartridges did not go off).”221 After several attempted assaults lasting about two hours, the rebels withdrew towards Uato-Carabau – with the retreating rebels “becoming afraid as the support of the people began to wane.”222 Governor Barata later noted

214 The area of the Baguia Posto was 207 sq km. The population of about 5,000 were predominantly Makassae-speakers (about 85 percent), but the villagers of Afaloicai and Ossu Huna in the south-west of the Posto were Naueti-speakers – ie representing about 15 percent of the Posto’s population.215 The Chefe de Posto of Uato-Carabau - Joaquim Pereira da Silva, was reportedly absent in Dili. In an interview in 1995, Gerson Pello stated that Thomas Cabo Sipai [sic] raised the Indonesian flag in Uato-Carabau on 18 June - Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15, but it is likely that the flag-raising occurred several days earlier. The family name of Thomas Cabo Sipaio (ie Cabo Sipaio – local police corporal) was reportedly “Pinto”. 216 As related by José Manuel Duarte in Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.22.217 Ibid, p.22.218 The rebels’ attack at Baguia is also described in Gunter, J., “Majesty but no mercy”, 7 December 2002 - http://raiketak.wordpress.com/category/power/page/4/ .219 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.68. Probably either a 2.36 inch (60.07mm) or 3.5 inch (89mm) recoilless rocket launcher.220 As related by José Manuel Duarte in Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.22. Duarte also notes that while Portuguese forces were equipped with machine guns, “we only had Lee Enfield and Garand rifles.”221 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.68.222 As related by José Manuel Duarte in Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.22.

that “in the Baucau Circunscrição only two village chiefs had supported the rebels, and they had not suborned the local people.”223

Meanwhile, the force led by Captain Manuel Fajardo had advanced from Baucau to Viqueque and moved northeast towards Uatolari. A linesman had repaired the break in the telephone line near Ossu and, having contacted a colleague in Uato-Carabau, reported that the rebels had returned from Baguia and dispersed into the surrounding countryside.224

On 11 June, the Portuguese force - together with loyal arraiais and mortar support, recaptured the Uatolari Posto and began a series of arrests.225 On the following day, 12 June, the Portuguese authorities arrested three village chiefs in the Uatolari area: Paulo da Silva of Makadiki village; Celestino da Silva - Matahoi village226; and Tomé Leal of Uaitame-Vessouro village - (see village locations at Annex A). Further arrests were made on 13 June: Alberto Ribeiro - the fuc-mean (red-haired) of Afaloicai village; the village chief of Afaloicai - Abílio de Meneses; António Metan227 - a sub-village head of Uatolari; the brothers Amaro de Araújo and Mateus de Araújo; and – according to the reports of Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata, an Indonesian named “Joubert” (ie Jobert Moniaga). Jobert was apparently killed by Portuguese troops soon after his capture. According to Marcelino, Jobert was “shot and killed on the spot”.228 However, Gerson Pello related: that “Yubert [sic], who was acting on my orders, was captured. Tragically, Portuguese soldiers immediately crushed his skull with a rock.”229 According to several elders in Viqueque Town, Moniaga was struck on the head with a bamboo pole by arraiais and subsequently died of his wounds in the hospital in Baucau.230

Meanwhile, the rebels in the Uato-Carabau area - who had assembled to the east in the area of the estuary of the Irabere River, were attacked by a 400-500 strong

223 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.68 and Annex VIII, p.228. The rebel villages in the Baucau Circunscrição were the Naueti-speaking villages of Afaloicai and Osso Huna – see footnote 211.224 Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.22 – Duarte related that “unarmed” rebels surrendered, but those with weapons stayed in the jungle, initially building shelters about two kilometres from the Posto town – probably Uatolari. The defeated rebels may have hoped for extraction by boat – “through the Indonesian refugees, Sukarno had promised (?) support for the revolt – but when it occurred, no boat came from Sukarno to support it.” - Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor Leste: Os Loricos…, 1977, op.cit., p.182/footnote 203.225 In an interview in 1995, Gerson Pello stated that “Yuber” (ie Jobert) Moniaga had raised the Indonesian flag in Uatolari on 11 June - Rohi, P.A., “Pemberontakan …”, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15, but it is likely that the flag-raising occurred a few days earlier.226 Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.41 lists Paulo da Silva and Celestino da Silva as Chefes de Suco respectively of “Macadique” and “Mata Hoi” villages in 1953. Jolliffe, J., “Indonesia now wants all the gory details”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 19 August 1995, p.17 – reports her conversation with an eye-witness who stated that he had given first aid to Celestino da Silva and other Timorese involved: “He said the skin on Da Silva’s back was in shreds from a whipping and he had also seen the death certificate of a fourth Indonesian, called George, who he said had died under torture.”227 António Metan is also referred to by his formal baptismal name ie António da Costa Soares. 228 Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 – as recounted by Marcelino (of Venilale – see footnotes 38 and 40) in 1996 (Gerson Pello was also reportedly present during the interview of Marcelino).229 Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan Tuntut Portugal – Atas Pembantaian 2,000 Orang di Viqueque”, Jawa Pos, 16 November 1995, p.13. Gerson Pello was attending a reunion in Dili on 15 November 1995 in the home of José Manuel Duarte (see footnote 421). Note also footnote 223 above – “George” is very probably a reference to Jobert Moniaga.230 Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto and Rogério Pinto, Viqueque, 29 June 2007. Moniaga was reportedly easily recognizable as he had a gold front tooth.

force of loyal arraiais from the Lautém Circunscrição to the east led by the Lautém Administrador, José Esteval Calado de Serra Frazão231. The mobilisation of this force from Lautém was assisted by the small Portuguese Army detachment at Lospalos under Sergeant Carneiro Cirineu. While Captain Manuel Fajardo remained in command at Uatolari, Capt Barreiros – with a civil servant familiar with the area, was despatched with a force to Uato-Carabau to engage the rebels. On the evening of 13 June, the arraiais force from Lautém retook the Uato-Carabau Posto, and the rebels dispersed – “every man for himself.”232

On 16 June, the Government forces failed in an attack on the “revoltosos” position at “Afalebe”233, but were successful the following day and captured Armindo - the village chief of Osso-Huna (Baguia), and two Indonesians: the brothers Gerson Pello and Jeremias Pello.234 According to Gerson Pello, following the rebels’ defeat, he and his younger brother Jeremias Pello had hidden in the WWII “Japanese caves” in the hills north of Ossu. The Portuguese reportedly used a staff member from the Indonesian Consulate to convince them to surrender – after which they were shackled, transported to Baucau and then flown to Dili.235 According to Viqueque elders, when captured, Gerson declared himself to be a “Lieutenant” – but when challenged by Portuguese officers to prove such by reading a map, Gerson was unable to do so.236

The reports of both Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata noted that the campaign against the rebels finished on 18 June.237

According to José Manuel Duarte, following the defeat at Baguia, he was still determined to seek sanctuary in Atambua, Indonesian Timor – but all routes were blocked by locals collaborating with the Portuguese authorities.238 With an injured leg that limited his movement, he hid in the forest with a fellow rebel, Fernando Pinto - the raja of Uato-Carabau. According to José Duarte, “a reward of 500 patacas – the monthly wage of a senior Portuguese official … was offered for who-ever brought in my head. The reward for the heads of those who had only just participated in the Rebellion was 20 patacas … many killings occurred for the money … children were beheaded just for the reward from the colonial government – the killers were the poor and very ignorant villagers.”239 José Duarte also related that the Administrator of Viqueque, Artur Ramos, had reported that he (Duarte) had been killed – but Governor Barata “had questioned this, saying that if I had been killed why was there still rebellion in Same and Betano ?”. The Governor then ordered that “I must be captured alive – as all the rebels captured in Viqueque said that I was the leader of the movement. The Governor needed me for questioning – that’s the reason that I was

231 José Esteval Calado de Serra Frazão – Administrator 3rd Class, born 19/11/1923, was later commended for his action – see BOdT, No. 41, 10 October 1959, p.640. His career profile is outlined in BOdT, No.40, 4 October

1958, p.622. 232 “Salve-se quem puder” - Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.69. 233 “Afalebe” means “flat rock” in the Makassae language, but this site has not been located - possibly Aba Dere sub-village of Babulo; or Afaloicai.234 Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, Letter to the Minister of Overseas Territories, Dili, 6 October 1959, p.1.235 Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.14. The capture of Gerson and Jeremias Pello probably occurred on 20 June 1959 – not 17 June as indicated in the reports by Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata.236 Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto and Rogério Pinto, Viqueque, 29 June 2007.237 Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, Letter to the Minister of Overseas Territories, Dili, 6 October 1959, p.2 : “Terminou a campanha … regressam os arraias as suas terras.”238 Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.23.239 Ibid, p.24.

saved, otherwise I would surely have been killed by the soldiers.”240 To stop the bloodshed, José Manuel Duarte and Fernando Pinto decided to surrender and, through an elder (Paul Waragea) who had connections with the Portuguese military, negotiated to surrender in Ossu – but only to a Portuguese official. On 1 July, they surrendered at Ossu – and were badly beaten, including by the Viqueque Administrator, Artur Ramos. Soon after, they were transported to Baucau and then flown to Dili.

The Portuguese Government had also despatched regular troops from Portugal to reinforce their armed presence in the areas of the disturbances. On 17 June, 80 military police arrived in Baucau – having flown to Portuguese Timor in two Skymaster aircraft via Goa, Ceylon and the Cocos Islands.241 On 26 July 1959, the Portuguese navy Velho-class sloop, F 476 NRP Gonçalves Zarco, arrived in Dili from Macau to reinforce a sense of security. This may have been precipitated by the claims of the Chief of Police in Dili that an unidentified submarine had been sighted on 1, 2 and 3 July off Aliambata – on the south coast about 53 kilometres by road east of Viqueque Town and about 10 kilometres from the Uatolari Posto.242

In concluding their reports, Monsignor da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata also described summary executions of rebels in the Posto of Uatolari.243 While their reports did not specify the date of the incident, these events probably occurred on 17 June. The reports related that the Acting Administrator of the Viqueque Circunscrição (Artur Marques Ramos) and Senior Captain Barreiros were transporting three prisoners – mentioned above ie: Alberto Ribeiro, Abílio de Meneses and Armindo, in the vicinity of the Bebui River a few kilometres west of the Uatolari Posto headquarters - when the prisoners reportedly escaped. Following a pursuit by local loyal Timorese militia, Armindo was killed - and Alberto and Abílio were captured. Soon after, according to the reports, Abílio and Alberto were joined at the banks of the Bebui by a group of prisoners brought by jeep from the Uatolari Posto: João Soares of Uatolari; Feliciano, a former soldier; Naha-Leque (of Uma Ain de Baixo, Viqueque Posto); and three unnamed civilians.244 The seven were reportedly killed by

240 Ibid, p.24.241 Australian Consulate – Dili, Savin 22, 22 June 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). A further 80 military police and about 16 artillery pieces later arrived in Dili port on 30 September – Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 203/59, 11 October 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).242 Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable 28, 7 July 1959 (NAA: A1209, 1959/612).243 There is no reference at all to these summary executions in the main body of Governor’s Barata’s subsequent book ie Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit.. As annexes, the book includes reports by several officials including Lieutenant Braga, Administrator José Filipe Ribeiro (Baucau) and Administrator Artur Ramos (Viqueque) – but these reports are incomplete, and the details of the killings at the Bebui River are not included. In mid-1960, the Baucau Administrator José Filipe was transferred to the position of Administrator of the Bobonaro Circunscrição. United States Embassy – Jakarta, Despatch 138, 19 August 1960 , described Administrator Filipe as “reportedly inept, corrupt and slightly unbalanced” (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).244 The killings at the Bebui River are also related in Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, op.cit, pp.102-104 – that lists the following as having been killed: Alberto Ribeiro (Uatolari), Anselmo (Uato-Carabau), Abilio Menezes (village head, Afaloicai), Feliciano da Silva (Uatolari), Naha-Lequik (Viqueque), Lequi-Rubik (Viqueque), João Henrique (Luca), Paulo da Silva (Uatolari).“Feliciano Soares”, and “Paulo” are also suggested as two of the un-named civilians - Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.39. Thomas Cabo Sipaio/Cipaio of Uato-Carabau was also reportedly executed (footnote 243) – and may have been one of these un-named prisoners. Thomas is also cited as having raised the Indonesian flag in Uato-Carabau on 18 June - Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15 – see footnote 212. Elders in Iliomar – who had participated as in the campaign in Uato-Carabau as arraiais from the Lautém Circunscrição, also related the killing of Thomas Cabo Sipaio.

automatic weapons fired by Administrator Artur Ramos and Captain Barreiros - and their bodies mutilated with spears and machetes and then thrown into the flooded river. Both reports listed three eyewitnesses to the killings: Miguel da Costa Soares, the régulo (traditional ruler) of Viqueque; António da Costa Rangel, the village chief of Uai-Mori; and Miguel Amaral, the village chief of Uma Ki’ic.245 These killings were also later described by surviving rebels: “Moreover, seven of the people’s leaders were hailed as heroes – including Thomas Cabo Sipai [sic] ((ie, Cabo Sipaio – local police corporal)), Antonius Metan and a local noble, Abilir [sic] ((– ie, Abílio)) Afaloicai. Together with another four, they were shot with pistols while prisoners.”246

A “Memorandum” (copy at Annex D)247 written in Angola by rebel leaders in 1960 states that Abílio de Meneses, the village chief of Afaloicai (Uatolari) was shot and killed by Administrator Artur Ramos in the grounds of the Uatolari Posto on 19 June 1959 (ie not on the bank of the Bebui River as related above). Abílio’s daughter, Elda Sousa Meneses, also described her father’s death: “after he was shot and killed in the Posto Administrador, the family only found the body without the head. After some time however, the head was found and buried with the rest of the body.”248 The rebels’ 1960 “Angola” Memorandum also related that João Mariano, a sipaio, was shot and killed in the Secretariat of the Uato-Carabau Posto by the Lautém Administrador, José Esteval C. de Serra Frazão. João Mariano had surrendered – draped in a Portuguese flag, but was summarily executed.249 According to the Memorandum, the following were killed in the headquarters of the Viqueque Circunscrição: Domingos da Costa Amaral (known as Domingos Jeremias – see also footnote 203) and António Ferreira – both of Luca, and Leque-Rubic (married) of Caraubalo. Elders in Viqueque related that Leque-Rubic – who had participated in the

245 Both the reports by Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata gave no date for the killings, and the number killed is unclear – ie reporting “seven”, but implying these comprised Alberto, Abílio Meneses, João Soares, Feliciano, Naha-Leque, and three un-named civilians ie eight. Note also that, according to the Memorandum (footnote 244), Abílio Meneses was reported as being killed in the grounds of the Uatolari Posto on 19 June. Summarising a report from Administrator Ramos, Barata cites “seven killed from the Posto of Uatolari” – see following footnote 250. These killings are also related in Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, pp.45-46, 325-326 citing a report to Portuguese Prime Minister Dr António de Oliveira Salazar based on complaints from the Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes in which Monsignor Martinho purportedly “suggested criminal charges” against Ramos and Barreiros. As noted in footnote 240 above, Governor Barata’s 1998 book, Timor contemporâneo…, op.cit. provides no details on these killings at the Bebui River. On the witnesses, Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., pp.41-42 lists the following as Chefes de Suco in 1953: “Miguel da Costa Soares – of Umuain de Baixo, António da Costa Rangel – of Uai Mori, and Miguel da Costa Amaral – of Uma Quic”.246 Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15. 247 Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe [sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor, six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié (Angola), 21 April 1960 in Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré …, 1974, op.cit. 248 Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da Independência, Tipografia União Folha do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004, p.66.249 The circumstances of the killing of João Mariano are also related in Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.33. The killing of João Mariano – reportedly on 12 June, was witnessed by Francisco Ruas Hornay (of Iliomar) – and related to his son, Constantino Hornay – interviewed by the author in Dili on 26 June 2007. João Mariano’s son - Armindo Soares Mariano (sometimes as “Armindo Mariano Soares”), was an early member of Apodeti (its Information Secretary) and appointed Administrator of Dili in the late 1970s and later Chairman/ Speaker of the DPRD I (Parliament) in Dili in July 1997. A prominent pro-integration leader, Armindo moved to Kupang in September 1999. On 1 August 1959, João Baptista was appointed as segundo-cabo de sipais at Uato-Carabau to replace João Mariano, and Agostinho da Costa Pinto and Feliciano Soares were recruited as sipais at Uato-Carabau – BOdT, No.31, 1 August 1959, p.511.

7 June attack on the Circunscrição office, was shot by Administrator Artur Ramos and then decapitated by a Timorese, Arlindo.250

According to the Memorandum written in Angola, the Administrator of the Baucau Circunscrição, José Maria Ribeiro Filipe, ordered the killings of João Henrique of Uatolari, and Lourenço and Castilho of Baguia. The liurai of Afaloicai (Baguia), Aparício Pedro Ximenes was also reportedly beheaded.251 This Memorandum, written by deported rebel leaders, summarised those killed as “more than 500.”

A suspected rebel - Carlos de Carvalho of Nunumalau village (Uatolari), was also shot and killed on the outskirts of Baguia by a Timorese local policeman (sipaio) – reportedly while attempting to escape from police custody.252

A subsequent report by Viqueque Administrator Artur Ramos on the Viqueque uprising was included as an annex in Governor Barata’s 1998 book – but reference to the detail of incidents or casualties at Uatolari, Uato-Carabau and Baguia was omitted. Rather, in lieu, Governor Barata inserted the following passage, as comment, into Administrator Artur Ramos’ “bowdlerised” report:

“(A list of 21 names follows – the first seven from the Posto of Uatolari who died as witnessed by the signatory ((ie Administrator Artur Ramos)); and 14 others - including one from Uatolari who died in hospital, and the majority of the others were from Uato-Carabau).”

Viqueque Administrator Artur Ramos concluded his report as follows: “In conclusion, the signatory ((ie I, Administrator Artur Ramos,)) still wish to say that, in my modest opinion, the repression of this movement was much too benevolent and can encourage the repetition of such an event. The actions were as directed by the superior authority - by telephone from Lieutenant Braga. I believe that Captains Fajardo and Barreiros received the same instructions.”253

Ethno-linguistic Divisions and Violence

In mid-1960, the Portuguese Army Chief of Staff, Captain Carvalho, told the Australian Consul that “only a hundred or two of the total Timorese population” had been involved – and that the conflict “had been more a question of one tribe working off old scores against another than anti-Portuguese feeling.”254

250 Note that according to Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, “Lequi-Rubik” of Viqueque) was among those killed at the Bebui River –see earlier footnote 241. 251 “Pedro Soares (Liurai of Baguia)”, “Lourenço” and “Castilho” are also listed as being killed in Baucau – and “João Henriques of Naha-Reca, Ossu” as disappearing at “Bui-Bela” in Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003. Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.20 lists Pedro Ximenes as Chefe de Suco of Afaloicai village (Baguia) in 1952. Berlie, J., email to author, 13 December 2006 – also notes the beheading of Lorenço. The revered tombs of Aparício and Lorenço are in the aldeia (sub-village) of Bui Bela, one of the highest villages in the Matebian Mountains.252 Related in the reports by Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes and Governor Barata – Carlos de Carvalho had been detained and treated for injuries in the Baucau hospital, returned to Baguia, and immediately before his death had been interrogated by the Encarregado de Posto of Baguia (ie Amadeu Coelho – b. 14/4/1922, Encarregado since May 1957) and the Encarregado de Posto of Uato-Carabau (the newly-appointed Joaquim Pereira da Silva). The date of the interrogation and the death of Carlos de Carvalho are not recorded.253 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.225 – Annex VII, Report of the Administrator of the Circunscrição of Viqueque (Administrator 3rd Class Artur Marques Ramos) , 23 January 1961. Artur Ramos had earlier been appointed/promoted to “Administrator 3rd Class” of the Viqueque Circunscrição – ie from Acting Administrator, on 25 August 1959 vide BOdT, No. 35, 29 August 1959, p.558.254 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/9).

As noted earlier, the Portuguese had been “aided by native auxiliaries” (arraiais) against the rebels – principally “(loyal natives from Ossu), they converged on the area from two points – Lautem and Viqueque, using mortars, bazookas and machine guns.”255 On 5 August, the Portuguese Army Chief of Staff in Dili - Captain Carvalho, commenting on casualties, told the Australian Consul that there had been “quite a few … but this was unavoidable, and we had great difficulty in restraining the native auxiliaries from Ossu … the natives of Ossu were greatly angered at the disloyalty of Uatolari and Baguia peoples – very few were involved, really, and wished only to punish them … and once military action was taken, other peoples in the Uatolari and Baguia area were glad to assist in capturing remaining leaders in their area.”256

As described earlier, the Portuguese also mobilised arraiais from the neighbouring Circunscrição of Lautém under the Lautém Administrador, José Esteval C. de Serra Frazão. This force, numbering 400-500, marched into the Uato-Carabau and Uatolari Postos where they laid waste to villages.257 The Lautém force also seized property and livestock before withdrawing eastward. The Government force from Lautém was predominantly from the Fataluku ethno-linguist group - with lesser numbers from the Makalero-speaking Posto of Iliomar258 bordering Uato-Carabau. The Fataluku and the Makalero were traditional enemies of the Naueti speakers who inhabited the Uato-Carabau Posto, the eastern half of the Uatolari Posto, and two villages in the southwest of the Baguia Posto that had supported the uprising.259 Following a visit to the Viqueque Circunscrição in 1960, the Australian Consul reported on “killings by the Army or officially-encouraged Lautem tribesmen” noting that the Government gave “a free hand to Lautem people to move into the Uato-Carabau area under Army protection and kill as many of their enemies as they could find; some dozens of Uato-Carabau people are reported to have died.”260

Apart from the depredations of the Fataluku and Makalero auxiliaries from Lautém into Viqueque’s Uato-Carabau Posto261, there were also other significant ethno-linguistic – or tribal, elements to the conflict within the Baucau and Viqueque Circunscrições.262 Of the five villages in the Uatolari Posto (291 sq km), the three 255 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, p.1 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).256 Australian Consulate – Dili, Record of Conversation, 5 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).257 For detail see Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle in Iliomar, op.cit., 2008, pp. 41-42. 258 It is unclear whether the force from Iliomar was accompanied by the Encarregado do Posto of Iliomar - Filomeno da Cruz Miranda Branco (born 17/12/1910). Filomeno was the long-serving Encarregado at Iliomar ie from 1954 to to 23 July 1959.259 See Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle in Iliomar, op.cit., 2008, pp.34-36 for Fataluku forays as Japanese auxiliaries during World War II westward into both Makalero (Iliomar Posto) and Naueti territories (Uato-Carabau and Uatolari Postos).260 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/60 - “Tour of Viqueque Area”, 20 October 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/9) – the Australian and Chinese Consuls accompanied the Governor on a visit to the area. The Governor’s visit to Lacluta,Viqueque, Iliomar and Lospalos was briefly reported in the Portuguese Government’s foreign affairs monthly bulletin ie Boletim Geral do Ultramar, No 426, Lisbon, December 1960, p.642.261 Gunn, G.C., A Critical View …, 1994, pp.86-87; and Gunn, G., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999 - p.145 notes that the raising of militia in the Lospalos area by the Portuguese for action in Viqueque exacerbated ethnic tensions among the Timorese.262 Within the Viqueque Circunscrição (estimated population in 1959 of 37,150 - area: 1,850 km), the largest number spoke Makassae (about 46 percent), about 25 percent spoke Tetum (Viqueque Town and to the south and southwest), and about 20 percent spoke Naueti (including about 40 percent of the Uatolari Posto and all villagers in the Uato-Carabau Posto). The foregoing figures are estimated by the author on calculations using the 1960 census figures and the 2001 Suco Survey. Metzner, J.K., Man and Environment in Eastern Timor, op.cit., 1977 notes a 1954 census survey that showed 34 percent of

villages in the eastern half of the Posto were Naueti-speaking: ie Afaloicai, Uaitame/ Vessoro, and Babulo; while the two western villages were mainly Makassae/Makasai-speaking: ie Matahoi and Makadiki. In the period 1952-1958 - with the permission of the traditional ruler of Uatolari, Don Humberto (of Uaitame), the villagers of Afaloicai had expanded their rice fields into the Uaitame and Naedala areas, drawing water from the Bebui River. The villagers from the three Naueti-speaking villages appear to have been the basis of the 1959 Rebellion in Uatolari – and, although the village chiefs of Makadiki and Matahoi were detained by the Portuguese on 12 June (as related earlier), the Makassae-speaking people of those two villages appear to have joined the Portuguese in attacking the rebels with “the Makassae-speaking community joining volunteers raised by the Portuguese and conducting violence against other communities … seizing land and domestic animals from the Afaloikai community.”263

THE AFTERMATH

On 25 June 1959, with the operations against the rebels in the Baucau and Viqueque Circunscrições concluded, the Director of Civil Administration in Dili - Abílio da Paixão Monteiro264, recommenced the investigation in Dili of the 45 detained Timorese implicated in the revolt. For “ethical and political considerations”, Governor Barata directed that the number of “detentions be scaled down” so as not to “aggravate the wounds in the social fabric.”265 Governor Barata noted that his views were opposed by several sectors - particularly by the military who advocated “exemplary punishment” and “implacable toughness” in suppressing the uprising.

According to Governor Barata, “trustworthy information” had indicated that a Timorese member of the Conselho de Governo, Francisco de Araújo, had been

the Uatolari Posto were Naueti speakers and 66 percent spoke Makassae. Metzner’s 1969 work is an important reference, but his study only covers a transect from the northern coast to the southern coast between the longitudes of 126 15 and 126 35 ie only as far east as Aliambata on the southern coast.263 Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah Dan Perumahan Di Timor Lorosae Antara Harapan Dan Kenyataan” (“Land and Housing in Timor Lorosae – Between Hope and Fact”), East Timor Law Journal, Article 14, 2004. This study, done in 2002, also relates the disempowerment of the Naueti – who had supported UDT (União Democrática Timorense – Timorese Democratic Union) and Apodeti in 1974-75 (see footnotes 398, 399, 406) and who subsequently retook their lands in Uatolari from the Makassae during the Indonesian occupation period (beginning in early 1979 after the fall of the Matebian Mountain resistance base). However, land and property conflicts in Uatolari have still to be satisfactorily resolved. On the causes for the Rebellion, see also Babo Soares, D., “Building a foundation for an effective civil service in Timor Leste”, Pacific Economic Bulletin, May 2003, p.13 who contends that “the essence of the protest was merely to insist that the colonial government pay more attention to the social welfare of the locals, who until that time, had lacked access to education and other government services.”264 Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, an Administrator 3rd Class, was apparently also appointed Superindente da Polícia.265 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 69-70. In assessing Barata’s tenure as Governor, the Australian Consul reported that Governor Barata “was widely regarded as the most popular and most energetic governor in the recent history of the province” – and although he could “hardly be described as a liberal, he was more tolerant of ‘oppositionist’ opinions than were his predecessors”: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 67, 6 Apr 1963 (NAA: A3092, 221/11/18).

involved in the uprising – including in its preparatory phase. Due to the “political and social considerations” - and following direction from Lisbon, Francisco de Araújo appeared before an investigating session of the Conselho. Francisco defended himself - but following a secret vote by the Council members, he was dismissed from the Council and detained.266 However, according to a group rebels, Francisco de Araújo was not involved in the movement. Rather, he was falsely implicated in the plot by Câncio dos Reis Noronha267, a long-time rival. Câncio Noronha reportedly pressured the police to force false confessions of Francisco’s involvement from two of his employees: Crispim Borges de Araújo and Belarmindo de Araújo.268

In early July 1959, a few weeks after the violence, the Australian Consul visited the Baucau and Viqueque Circunscrições and reported:

“I met very few natives on the road ((from Baucau)) to Venilale - the route to Viqueque, but they were to be seen in the fields, carrying out the various agricultural processes. However, at Ossu there were many on the roads, all very bright and cheerful. Viqueque presented a different picture – hardly a native to be seen – I felt it to be depressing. The Uato Lari area had been ‘swept clean’ – not a village left standing, completely burnt out and all livestock driven off. Time did not permit continuing to Baguia, but I understand that a similar situation obtains in that area. The actual disturbances where the troops took military action was confined to the Uato Lari – Baguia area. Aided by native auxiliaries (loyal natives from Ossu) they converged on the area from two points – Lautem and Viqueque, using mortars, bazookas and machine guns. … talking to the military Chief of Staff ((on 13 July in Dili)) … he volunteered the information relating to the military action and the measures taken. The Chief of Staff said that the actual shooting, and the use of mortars etc, was more for the moral effect than anything else, but of course the native auxiliaries were difficult to restrain. I have no doubt, however, that brief as the action was, it was equally ruthless and complete. The Chief of Staff went on to say that the natives implicated in the disturbances had no heart for any further opposition to Portuguese authority once their leaders had been taken. … It is known to me, however, that there were many natives in that area in possession of small Indonesian flags … On the face of it, everything now appears to be

266 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 70-71 – for Francisco de Araújo’s background, see footnote 54. His PIDE/DGS case file is PIDE/DGS Lisboa PC 636/59 NT 5292 (TdT, Lisbon). A vacancy on the Conselho de Governo was declared on 21 September 1959, and voting by the “electoral college” to fill the vacancy was conducted on 15 November. Câncio Noronha – an empregado bancário, was appointed as a member of the Conselho – BOdT, No.3, 16 January 1960, p.2.267 Câncio dos Reis Noronha was a son of the luirai/régulo of Lacló (Dom Luís dos Reis Noronha) – see footnote 153. Câncio Noronha - and his brother, Bernardino, were evacuated to Australia in August 1942 and served, in Australia, in the Australian military’s “Z Special Unit” until early 1945. Returning to Portuguese Timor in late 1945, Câncio Noronha joined the Health and Hygiene Service as a civil servant – but soon after joined the Banco Nacional Ultramarino (BNU). As noted above, he was appointed a member of the Conselho de Governo in late 1959 and also served in the Conselho Legislitavo from its founding in April 1965 – including as a member of the revised 13-member Government Council in December 1974 (the BNU representative).268 Author’s discussions in Dili with Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran in Dili, 2 April 2007 – who also noted that Francisco de Araújo’s wife was Indonesian. However, according to Câncio Noronha, Francisco de Araújo was involved – and had written a letter to his friend, António Senanes (the accountant at the Sociedade Agrícola Pátria e Trabalho - SAPT), in which he accused the following of involvement in the plot: Câncio dos Reis Noronha, Bernardino dos Reis Noronha, Alarico Fernandes (b. 31/12/04, father of 1975 Fretilin Minister Alarico Fernandes), Domingos Soares (of SAPT) and six others (author’s discussion with Câncio Noronha, Melbourne, 6 December 2008).

normal – but I can sense that the authorities are not entirely happy – arrests continue as interrogations progress … .”269

Casualties

Estimates of casualties among the rebels and villagers vary widely and are difficult to assess accurately. Some English-language publications have suggested that the number of deaths was as high as 1,000 270. While official Indonesian publications relate that “hundreds of people were killed”, some Indonesia writers have claimed 10,000 or 40,000 were killed.271 As noted earlier, in April 1960, rebel leaders deported to Angola summarised: “the number of those deceased was calculated as more than 500.”272 Other published estimates were “about 1,500 killed”273 and “more than 2,000”.274 Ms Janet Gunter has estimated “between 50 and 500” deaths (see p.3, footnote 8).

One of the Timorese leaders of the Rebellion in Viqueque, José Manuel Duarte, claimed that 545 Timorese were killed during the uprising – noting: “I myself witnessed the brutality, and have sufficient evidence with which to win the case” and that there were “at least nine others who can testify on what happened.”275 The National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM) however, cited a far lower figure in 1995: “the badly planned rebellion failed, causing the expulsion of the Indonesians, some 150 casualties and 60 Timorese deported to Angola and Mozambique by the Portuguese colonial authorities.”276

Timor-Leste’s first President, Francisco Xavier do Amaral, stated: “in 1959, in the aftermath of the uprising, a good number of women, children and old people were gunned down by the Portuguese soldiers on the beaches of Watulari and Waturkabau. Some were killed in Dili, Baucau, Weikeke ((Viqueque)). Others were deported to Angola.”277 Amaral was training as a Jesuit priest in Macau at the time of the

269 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, pp.1-2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).270 Taylor, J.G., Indonesia’s Forgotten War, 1991, p.21 – “between 160 and 1,000”; Gunn, G., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999, p.260 – “between 500 and 1,000 killed”. 271 Brahmana, R., Buku 20 Tahun Timor Timur Membangun, Jakarta, 1996, pp.28-30 cites “hundreds”. Soekanto, Integrasi – Kebulatan Tekad Rakyat Timor Timur (Integration - The Determined Will of the People of East Timor), Yayasan Parakesit, Jakarta, 1976, p.75 states: “According to records, more than 10,000 people were slaughtered by the Portuguese colonialists”. See also Kamah, M.S., Seroja: pengalaman seorang wartawan di medan tempur Timor Timur, Eko’s, Palu (Sulawesi), 1997, p.25 that claims “makan korban 40,000 jiwa” (“the loss of 40,000 lives”) in the 1959 uprising. 272 “… o número de mortos calcula-se acima de quinhentos !” - Araújo, A. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento …, 21 April 1960, op.cit., p.5 – included in Annex D.273 Rohi, P.A., “Timor-Portugis dari Masa-kemasa”, Kompas, Jakarta, 4 October 1974, p.V; and Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, p.15.274 Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan Tuntut Portugal – Atas Pembantaian 2,000 Orang di Viqueque”, Jawa Pos, 16 November 1995, p.13. José Manuel Duarte claimed: “Portugal killed more than 2,000 citizens of Viqueque at the Bebui river”. Note however, Duarte’s previous claims of “about 500” and “545” – see the following footnote 272.275 Sampaio, A., “Portugal Accused of Human Rights Violations”, Publico, Lisbon, 4 January 1996 – Duarte was speaking at a press conference in Dili in November 1992 when a member of the Indonesian East Timor (Timor Timur) provincial parliament (DPRD I) in Dili. Earlier, Duarte had cited “about 500” - Mali Mau, M., “Jose: Saya merasakan kejamnya Portugal”, Surya, Jakarta, 14 November 1992, p.13.276 Conselho Nacional de Resistência Maubere (National Council of Maubere Resistance - CNRM), “Indonesia’s desperate attempt to revise East Timor history”, Media Release, 3 July 1995, p.1.277 Amaral, F. X. do, “My Response to the Film ‘Death of a Nation: The Timor Conspiracy’ ”, London, 2 July 1994 – his public statement after attending a debate in London on 30 June 1994.

Rebellion and contends that, due to his pro-rebel sympathies, he was not appointed a Catholic priest by the Portuguese authorities on his return to Timor in 1963.278

A large number of Timorese were arrested, together with 13 of the 14 Indonesian asilados reportedly involved – Jobert Moniaga had apparently been killed in Uatolari on 11 June as noted earlier. Most of the Timorese detained appear to have been minor civil servants and workers in Dili – as well as three Timorese staff of the Indonesian Consulate, including the Consul’s “right-hand man” and also his driver.279 The Australian Consul reported on “wholesale arrests on little or no evidence and great emphasis on the extortion of ‘confessions’ by torture.”280 Many of the prisoners were initially held in the Portuguese armoury in Dili and, following interrogation, were imprisoned aboard the unseaworthy coastal freighter, N/M Dom Aleixo, in Dili harbour.

((Photograph of N/M Dom Aleixo not included))

Conditions aboard the vessel were very poor – with the prisoners sleeping on the floor without blankets.281 Governor Barata noted that “despite the cool season”, the heat aboard the Dom Aleixo was “unbearable.” He “considered it urgent to remove these men from the Province - despite the human cost of separating them from their families, as to keep them in those conditions was intolerable.”282

According to José Manuel Duarte, a number of the captured Timorese rebels were also imprisoned on the island of Ataúro for three years – and some in Baucau for two years.283 An “Islamic account” lists members of Portuguese Timor’s Islamic community imprisoned for four-six months in Dili, Liquiça, Batugade and Ataúro.284

278 Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, op.cit., p.107. See also Hill, H. M., Gerakan Pembebasan Nasional Timor Lorosae, Sahe Institute/Yayasan HAK, Dili, 2000, pp.63-64; and Subroto, H., Saksi Mata …, 1996, op.cit., p.190 that relates Amaral telling the Bishop of Dili that he (Amaral) was not “anti-Portuguese” – but “anti the system” that the Portuguese implemented. In a 2009 interview, Amaral related his refusal to be ordained – citing the abuses of the Portuguese colonial regime, in particularly the use of the chicote (a two-tailed hand whip) to punish the Timorese (Anderson, C., “East Timor’s First President Recalls His 9-Day Term”, Jakarta Globe, Jakarta, 18 March 2009). Francisco Xavier do Amaral (b. 3/12/1937) joined the public service in Dili on 13 August 1965 and served as a “tesoureiro” (“treasurer”) second-class in the Customs Service until early 1975.279 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 173/59, 30 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1). The “right-hand man” - an “Arab”, was deported but released in 1961 and returned to Portuguese Timor - see also Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 98/65, 12 July 1965, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 4).280 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960, paragraph 10 (NAA; A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1; 3038/2/9).281 Costa, F.A.S. da. (Prisoner No 52), Memorandum, Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960.282 Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., pp. 69-70. Conditions aboard the Dom Aleixo were also described by José Manuel Duarte in Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.24. 283 Duarte, J.M., Memorandum, Dili, 4 February 1994. Duarte stated that 16 rebels from the Viqueque Circunscrição (“one from Uato-Carabau, one from Uatolari and 14 from Viqueque”) were “captured and taken to Dili, and together with 52 from Dili, sent to Angola.”284 Bazher, A.B., Islam di Timor Timur, Gema Insani Press, Jakarta, 1995, p.34 lists Ahmad bin Abdullah Balafif, Muhammad bin Mahfud Bazher, Ambarak bin Mahfud Bazher, Salim bin Said al-Katiri (Liquiça), Awad bin Bade al-Katiri, Saleh Duru, Abdul Pirus Husen Bima, Umar bin Mussallam Syagran, Muhamad bin Mussallam Syagran - and refers to “others”.

In the Viqueque Circunscrição, 18 males – almost all from villages in Luca and Carau-Balo, were arrested and imprisoned in Baucau285:

Carau-Balo Village, Viqueque Posto : Vicente Soares, Estevão de Araújo, Leki Loic, Lela Vomuc, João Soares, Inácio Soares, Rubi Nahac, João Soares, Lacu Caic, Mau Loic. Luca Village, Viqueque Posto : António Soares, Nanu Alves, Duarte Soares, Adalino Soares, Mateus Soares, Luís Soares, José Soares.Viqueque Town: Manuel Pinto.

Additionally, several of the key rebels in Viqueque were also imprisoned elsewhere in Timor, including286:

Zeferino dos Reis Amaral (aged in his 50s) - the régulo of Luca who had attended pre-uprising meetings with Gerson Pello – imprisoned on Ataúro Island for two-three years.Celestino da Silva - the Chefe de Suco287 of Matahoi village – imprisoned on Ataúro;Celestino Amaral - imprisoned on Ataúro;Tomé Amaral (village chief of Uai Tame – possibly Tomé Leal);Armando da Silva, of Uatolari – imprisoned on Ataúro;Fernando Soares Amaral (cabo-sipaio ie local police corporal) of Uatolari – imprisoned on Ataúro288;Julio da Silva289 (sipaio) of Uatolari – imprisoned on Ataúro;João Ennes Pascoal of Uatolari – imprisoned on Ataúro.Duarte Ximenes of Laga – imprisoned on Ataúro.José Henriques of Uatolari – imprisoned in Baucau, escaped but killed (stoned to death) in the street (near the Baucau church) by pro-Portuguese Timorese.Joaquim Trinidade of Aliambata - imprisoned in Uatolari.290

285 From a list – “Naran Ema Nebe Castigo iha Baucau Tempo 1959 Viqueque”, drafted by Vicente Soares (of Viqueque) and provided to the author by Virginia Pinto (younger sister of exiled rebel Domingos Hornay Soares), Dili, 3 April 2007. Dom Ximenes Belo relates - as a school child in Baucau, “hearing the piercing screams and despair” (os gritos lancinantes e desesperados) of the tortured prisoners - Belo, C.F.X. Dom, A Revolta …, op.cit., 2009, p.5.286 Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto and Rogério Pinto, Viqueque, 29 June 2007 – with additional names from lists in Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, op.cit, pp.102-104. At p.103, Soares (Mali-Lequic) also records that Domingos Jeremias and António Pereira of Viqueque “disappeared” at Mali-Aba-Ulun, Viqueque; and José Pinto and Luís “disappeared” at Uato-Carabau.287 From 1912 to about 1966, the term “suco/suku” referred to a “princedom” or grouping of villages – see Metzner, J.K., Man and Environment in Eastern Timor, Development Studies Centre – Monograph No. 8, The Australian National University, Canberra, 1977 - that focuses on central Viqueque.288 Fernando Soares Amaral (“segundo-cabo”) and Julio da Costa Amaral – “sipais da guaranicao” at Uatolari were formally dismissed from the administrative service with effect 1 June 1959 - vide BOdT, No. 31, 1 August 1959, p.511. Both were reportedly imprisoned on Ataúro – and subsequently at Ermera (author’s discussion with Gaspar Mascarenhas, Matahoi, 24 October 2008). The following were recruited on 1 August as replacement sipais for Uatolari: Guilherme da Cruz (segundo-cabo de sipais) to replace Fernando Amaral; and Armando da Cruz as sipai to replace Julio Amaral – BOdT, No. 31, 1 August 1959, p.511.289 Although recorded as “Julio da Silva, Cipaio, Uatolari” in Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, op.cit, p.103, this is likely to be Julio da Costa Amaral – see preceding footnote.290 Author’s discussions with Joaquim Trinidade (b. 1935), Aliambata, 24 October 2008.

Several rebels and supporters were also reportedly “punished locally” eg Francisco (Chico-Berek-Debu-Inan) and Mabe’oc – both of Crarec-Maruc were punished at Uma Tolu, Lacluta; and “Pedro of Railaco” was similarly punished.291

Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes, serving as a delegate to the National Assembly in Lisbon, returned to Dili in October 1959 and “was able to plead for clemency” for the rebels.292 As noted earlier (footnote 190), most of his account of the violence in the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições was also reported in Governor Barata’s letter to the Ministry of Overseas Territories (footnote 191) – in particular, the killings on the banks of the Bebui River in Uatolari. The report written by Monsignor da Costa Lopes also included comments and suggestions not repeated in Governor Barata’s letter to Lisbon. While Monsignor Lopes cited the executions on the banks of the Bebui River in Uatolari, he was reluctant to unequivocally describe the killings as “criminal”.293 His report also queried the circumstances of the death of Carlos de Carvalho at Baguia. Monsignor Lopes offered some explanations for the discontent that led to the Rebellion, including: a lack of schooling in the countryside, shortages of government administrative staff294, and unfair practices such as the obligatory sale of livestock by villagers at low prices. Apart from a reference to the capture of “o indonésio Joubert” and “os indonésios Gerson and Jeremias”, Monsignor Lopes does not mention in his report any involvement in the revolt of Indonesians, the Indonesian Consul or Indonesia. Subsequently, on his return to Lisbon, Monsignor Lopes wrote to Governor Barata in November 1959 to thank the Governor for his “humane and Christian role in the events in Timor.”295

In 2007, several former rebels stated their belief that the Bishop of Dili in 1959, Dom Jaime Garcia Goulart, and Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes had pressed for the exile of the arrested rebels – believing that a just trial for the rebels was more likely outside Portuguese Timor.296 Both Dom Jaime Goulart and

291 Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, op.cit, pp.102-104.292 Lennox, R., Fighting Spirit … , 2000, p.64. Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes had returned to Portuguese Timor from Lisbon during the National Assembly’s “regular northern summer recess”. Lennox also notes that Monsignor Martinho Lopes “saw himself as a Portuguese patriot” … “defended Portugal against insidious slander at the UN” … “and for him the Portuguese colonies were the crowning glory of the Portuguese nation” - p.66.293 “dificilmente deixará do ser qualificado de criminoso” - Lopes, da Costa, M., “Breve resenha …, op.cit., Lisbon, 1959, p.3.294 Monsignor Martinho Lopes’ report was not specific on these “shortages”. However, Artur Marques Ramos – a Secretário, was the Acting Administrator of theViqueque Circunscrição and the Secretário position was not filled. There were also vacancies in the Postos. As noted at footnote 208, at the time of the uprising, the position of Encarregado de Posto at Uato-Carabau had been vacant for about one year since the posting of Francisco da Sousa to Lacluta on 13 May 58 – with a replacement Encarregado de Posto, Joaquim Pereira da Silva not posted from Mape (Bobonaro) to Uato-Carabau until 16 Jun 59. At Lacluta, Encarregado Francisco da Sousa had been in bad health and was hospitalised in Dili in November 1958 - and replaced in December 1958 by Laurentino António Pires. A PIDE report discussing the “Motives for Discontent” noted that the “Mascarenhas Ingles (Mousinho)” family – a notable and well-established Timorese family, was in dispute with the authorities due to appropriation of property and the dismissal of family members from senior government administrative posts - including four Chefe/Encarregado de Posto positions (PIDE – Timor, Report, Dili, 23 October 1959 – TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS NT 8971 Part 1). 295 Lennox, R., Fighting Spirit …, 2000, p.66: Letter – Flight Timor to Portugal, 12 November 1959. Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, p.45; p.325 also notes that Monsignor Martinho Lopes wrote to Portuguese Prime Minister Dr A. de Oliveira Salazar. See footnote 190 for detail on Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes and his 1959 report on the Rebellion.296 Statements to the author by Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran, Dili, 2 April 2007. Dom Jaime Garcia Goulart (1908-1997) served as Bishop of Dili from October 1945 to January 1967.

Monsignor Martinho Lopes later visited the rebels imprisoned in Lisbon and sought improved conditions for them.

Governor Barata made several changes to the administration in Viqueque. Acting Administrator Artur Marques Ramos was appointed Administrator - ie “Administrator 3rd Class” of the Viqueque Circunscrição, on 25 August 1959.297 Earlier in mid-late June, the Encarregado de Posto of Uatolari, Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues – who had been absent from Posto at the time of the rebels’ attack on 7 June, was posted to Mape (Bobonaro). His replacement from Laclubar (Manatuto), Aspirante Saul Nunes Catarino, was older (born 2/7/1904) and two grades more senior. As noted earlier, Joaquim Pereira da Silva (born 3/1/1928), was posted from Mape (Bobonaro) to Uato-Carabau to fill the long-vacant Encarregado de Posto position in mid-late June 1959.298

Into Exile

Reporting on the fate of the 13 detained Indonesians, the Australian Consul commented that in early June 1959 the then Acting Governor (the Military Commander, Lieutenant Colonel Aguiar) “initiated the question of their being handed back to Djakarta. However, soon after the new Governor ((Barata)) had taken office, he ((Barata)) vetoed this, and said that the Indonesians, by their actions, had forfeited all rights under which they were granted political asylum in Portuguese Timor, and now became subject to the Portuguese criminal law and as such must be tried and dealt with under Portuguese law. Negotiations are now proceeding between Lisbon and Djakarta to resolve this question.”299

According to one of the exiled Timorese rebels, Evaristo da Costa, 11 of the Timorese - including the “pemikir” (Bahasa Indonesia = “brains”) of the Rebellion and Evaristo, left Dili by ship on 5 June 1959 for prison in Portugal.300 The report of the Portuguese police superintendent in Dili listed the 11 departing on the Portuguese passenger vessel N/M India301 as: João Pereira da Silva, Valentim da Costa Pereira, Evaristo da Costa, David Verdial, Luís da Costa Rego, José Beny Joaquim, Francisco Orlando de Fátima Soares, Carlos Salvador de Sousa Gama, Gervásio Soriano, Abel da Costa Belo and José Ramos de Sousa Gama.302

297 BOdT, No. 35, 29 August 1959, p.558.298 The postings of Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues to Mape, Saul Nunes Catarino to Uatolari, and Joachim da Silva to Uato-Carabau were promulgated in BOdT, No. 26 of 27 June 1959, p.447 – to have taken effect on 16 June 1959. Governor Barata – who arrived in Dili from Lisbon on 20 June, was unlikely to have been involved in these movements as they were approved by the Administrative Tribunal in Dili on 19 June 1959. Subsequently on 18 June 1960, Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues was suspended for “disciplinary infractions committed during his tenure as Chefe do Posto at Uatolari … contrary to the interests, prestige and dignity of the State” – belatedly promulgated in BOdT, No. 10, 11 March 1961 p.114. He was “dismissed at his request” on 16 April 1962 - vide BOdT, No. 21, 26 May 1962, p.429.299 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).300 Statement by Evaristo da Costa on his return to Jakarta on 5 January 1996 – reported in “Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (“I Never Imagined …”), Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January 1996, p.1 & p.8. The N/M India was scheduled to depart Dili on 5 June, but its departure was delayed until 8 June to embark the rebel prisoners. Evaristo was transported from Lisbon to Angola in May 1960, and later exiled in Mozambique – before returning to Portugal and working in menial jobs in the period 1983-1995.301 The N/M India, of 7,631 tons, was built in 1951 and had a capacity for 387 passengers. Operated by the Companhia Nacional de Navegação, it transported passengers (principally public servants and troops) and cargo to/from Portugal’s colonial territories. Photographs of N/M India, Niassa and Moçambique can be found at http://www.simplonpc.co.uk/Portugal_Nacional.html

((Photograph not included – N/M India))

The Australian Consul noted “nine of the principal ringleaders … with some others, were taken away in the Portuguese ship ‘India’ to Lisbon.”303 According to Governor Barata, to avoid “panic” among the population, the 11 prisoners were taken aboard the N/M India “with great secrecy at dawn on 7 June” – with the “normal passengers” (including the departing Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub) embarking in the evening, and the vessel departed Dili at dawn on 8 June.304 This departure of the initial group of exiles is also related in statements by José Manuel Duarte: “those who had been arrested on 3 June 1959 had already been taken to Portugal, while the remainder who had been captured outside Dili were incarcerated with me in the hold of the Don Alezu [sic] … those sent first to Lisbon, were also sent to Angola.”305 The 11 Timorese deportees were disembarked in Lisbon from the N/M India on 20 July 1959 and – as “Traição A Pátria”, imprisoned in De Forte do Reduto Norte in Caxias.306

On 4 October 1959, the majority of the rebel prisoners307 to be sent into exile were embarked on the N/M India bound from Dili to Lisbon via Macau, Singapore, Mormugão (Goa), Aden, Port Said and the Suez Canal.308 These prisoners comprised:302 Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., pp. 218-219 – Annex V, Report of the Police Superintendent Abílio da Paixão Monteiro, 25 July 1959.303 Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable 20, 16 June 1959 (NAA: A1209, 1959/612). 304 Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., p.61. Governor Barata also notes that Nazwar Jacub’s replacement, Tengku Hussin, had arrived on the N/M India a few days earlier.305 Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.24.306 Costa, E. da, Declaração, Dili, 17 June 2001 – in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré …, 2005, op.cit. 307 Their completed pro-formae ie “Boletim Registo Polícial” – with fingerprints on the reverse, can be found on file PIDE/DGS, PC 634/59 Caixa 5291 (TdT, Lisbon).308 N/M India arrived in Dili on 30 September 1959 and, as noted above, disembarked an additional 80 military police and 16 artillery pieces : Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 203/59, 11 October 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1). José Manuel Duarte related that “Bupati … Monteiro” ((Bahasa – “Bupati” = “Circunscrição Administrator”)) - a friend from soccer/football activities, visited him aboard the N/M India and offered to help his family in Viqueque – which he later did: Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih…”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.24. It is highly likely that “Monteiro” was Administrator (2nd Class) Abílio Maria da Paixão e Morte de Jesus Ferreira Monteiro. According to Abel da Costa Belo, the rebels believed that they would be tried in Goa - Subroto, H., Saksi Mata …, 1996, op.cit., p.172. Gata, A. C. L.G., Captain, Relatorio da Viagem do Navio India de Macau para Lisboa – 1959, 11 December 1959 - provides a comprehensive account of that part of the voyage from Macau to Lisbon. The ship’s voyage was subsequently diverted from Aden via Lourenço Marques (Mozambique) and Lobito (Angola) – to Lisbon. The voyage to Lisbon is also partly related in Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 229-234 – Annex IX, Extract of the Letter by Chief of Police (Manuel Vieira Câmara Júnior) “Aboard the Vessel India …”, 15 November 1959.

- 52 Timorese – including four of “Arab descent” (“de origem arabes”)309 ie

Salem bin Mussallam Syagran (Salem Sagran), Usman bin Manduli Loly, Saleh bin Ahmad Basyarewan [sic], Jum’an bin Basyirun 310; and

- the four Indonesian “ringleaders”: Gerson Tom Pello, Lambertus Ladow, Jeremias Toan Pello, and Albert Ndoen (also as “Albertus Ndung”, “Alberto L. Ndoen”, “Albert Ndun”).311

The N/M India also carried one “special status” Timorese prisoner, Francisco

M. X. J. de Araújo, who had been a member of the Conselho de Governo in Dili. A consolidated listing of all deportees – ie those who departed Dili in both

June and October 1959, is at Annex E (alphabetical) and Annex F (Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 – prepared by deportees in Angola in June 1960, that also notes their pre-arrest vocations and employment detail)312.

When the N/M India reached Macau, “one of the prisoners – Senhor Araújo – reportedly managed to send a message to a relative, Dr Pedro José Lobo, President of the Macao Senate and the island’s most powerful citizen.”313 The senior Portuguese

309 In Portuguese Timor, there were “only about 100 of the Islamic faith … mostly engaged in the piecework trade”: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 68/54, 23 February 1954 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1); and “Islam … has a handful of adherents among a small community of Arab descent”: Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 73 “Conditions in Timor”, 10 May 1961 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3). 310 Bazher, A.B., Islam di Timor Timur, Gema Insani Press, Jakarta, 1995, p.34 – this publication uses Islamic spellings of names that differ slightly from those in other reports..311 The 52 Timorese and four Indonesian are listed – together with personal details, in the “Guia” (“Pass”) by Lieutentant D.R.C. Braga (Chefe de Gabinete), Dili, 3 October 1959 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS Lisboa, PC 604/59, Caixa 5288) ie “special status” Francisco de Araújo is not listed. José Manuel Duarte stated that 68 rebels were deported to Angola - Duarte, J.M., Memorandum, Dili, 4 February 1994 – this comprised 64 Timorese and 4 Indonesians. However, Duarte is also quoted as citing “47” departing Dili on 4 October 1959 in Mali Mau, M., “José …”, 14 November 1992, op.cit., p.13. For a “primary source” listing prepared by the exiled rebels see the following footnote 309 (and attached as Annex F) - and also Annex E. Note however an “error” in Annex F ie “22. Mateus Pereira” should be “Matias Guterres de Sousa”.312 Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees Sent to Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – Annex F. Those arrested and deported were predominantly from the Timorese “educated” class: more than 30 percent appear to have been “funcionario” (civil servants), several were in commercial employment, at least three were village chiefs - others were mechanics, drivers, sailors etc and only three were noted as “desenpregado” (“unemployed”). However, almost all of the Timorese participants in the Rebellion in the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições would be classified as “villagers”. Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959, 2006, op.cit., provides an analysis of the employments and vocations of some of the exiles. Annex E – Deportees 1959 Rebellion, summarises “all-source” data on each of the rebels.313 “Trouble in Timor”, Foreign Report, The Economist, London, 25 April 1963 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 2; 3006/4/3 Part 3). The main topic of the Report was the announcement in mid-April 1963 of the Ministry of the “United Republic of Timor – Dilly” – to which the Economist article appended reference to the “abortive uprising in Timor at the end of 1961” (ie incorrect date) and the relationship between Dr Pedro José Lobo (Presidente do Leal Senado de Macau) and the transiting Francisco de Araújo. This relationship is also mentioned at p.406 in Fernandes, M.S.F., “A União da República de Timor: o atrófico movimento nacionalista islâmico-malaio Timorense, 1960-1975” at pp.355-431 in Guedes, A.M. & Mendes N.C. (eds), Ensaios sobre nacionalismos em Timor-Leste, Collecção Biblioteca Diplomática do MNE – Série A, Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros Portugal, Lisbon, 2005. Dr Lobo (born Manatuto, 12 January 1892; died 1 October 1965) was President of the Maucau Senate (4 November 1959 – 9 May 1964). Apparently an orphan of probably Chinese or Chinese/Timorese parents, he was adopted by a Portuguese official and was sent to study at the

police officer on the N/M India reported that the son of Francisco de Araújo – ie Constâncio de Araújo, came aboard the vessel to visit his father – accompanied by Constâncio’s wife and child. Subsequently, the son-in-law of Dr Pedro Lobo also visited Francisco and “passed his father-in-law’s compliments.”314 Francisco de Araújo protested his innocence – claiming that he was the victim of an intrigue initiated by one of the rebels, Crispim Borges de Araújo, his godson.315

Early on 20 October 1959, as the N/M India was entering Singapore to off-load a cargo of coffee, the four Indonesians escaped from their cell, leapt overboard and were picked up by a German freighter, the MS Bayernstein, at about 0500hrs.316 During the Indonesians’ subsequent detention by the Singapore immigration authorities, their circumstances were reported in the local press.317 On 22 October, the Indonesians spoke briefly with two Straits Times’ reporters and declared: “We are Indonesian army officers – please inform the Indonesian Consulate here that we need their help … we are all Sukarno’s men.”318 The Singapore maritime police called upon the Indonesian Consul in Singapore to verify the status of the four Indonesian escapees – but the Consul “declined to recognise them as his citizens.”319 Consequently, the Indonesians were returned to the N/M India by the Singapore Immigration Police at 0635hrs on 23 October, and the vessel departed Singapore soon after.

The four Indonesians were placed under greater security for the rest of the voyage, and the four Timorese “arabes” were also isolated from the main body of Timorese prisoners. Conditions during the voyage were described by one of the prisoners, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, as follows: “During the trip from Timor to Angola, I received only 52 cigarettes, a fresh water bath only once and was able to take in the sun only twice.”320

After a voyage of eight days from Singapore, the N/M India arrived at the port of Mormugão in Portuguese Goa321 on 30 October. The local police came aboard the vessel to strengthen security, military personnel patrolled the wharf and erected barbed wire, and a police patrol launch guarded the harbour waters. While checking the passenger manifest, an immigration official queried the presence of a Chinese-Timorese, Mu Theng [sic] Siong. The India’s captain explained that Mu Then Siong (Indonesian Consul Nazwar Jacub’s driver who had been arrested in June) was a Portuguese government contracted worker returning to Portugal – and no further action was taken.322 The India then sailed to Aden where if off-loaded a 257-ton cargo of timber taken aboard in Singapore. Immediately after its departure from Aden on 6

Seminário de S. José in Macau (1901-1908) – letter to the author from Sherlock, K., Darwin, 5 October 2007. 314 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 229-234 – Annex IX, Extract of the Letter by Chief of Police (Manuel Vieira Câmara Júnior) “Aboard the Vessel India …”, 15 November 1959, pp. 230-231.315 Ibid, p.71 & p.231 - It was apparently alleged that Francisco de Araújo had abused a woman connected to Crispim Borges de Araújo. For background on Francisco de Araújo see footnotes 54, 263, 265, 310, 330 and 336.316 Gerson Pello describes exiting a porthole and using bed sheets as a makeshift escape rope - Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15.317 “Riddle of 4 Men Saved from the Sea”, The Straits Times, Singapore, 21 October 1959; “All Portuguese on way to Lisbon: Mystery Deepens”, The Straits Times, Singapore, 22 October 1959.318 “4 Rescued Men: New Riddle Now”, The Straits Times, Singapore, 23 October 1959.319 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.72.320 Costa, F.A.S. da (Prisoner No 52), Memorandum, Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960. Frederico also described his arrest in Dili on 4 June 1959 and his pre-departure incarceration aboard the Dom Aleixo.321 Goa – together with Damão and Diu, were incorporated into the Republic of India on 19 December 1961.

November, the India’s captain, Comandante Contreiras, announced that the vessel was required to sail to the port of Lourenço Marques (Mozambique) to take cargo on board for Lisbon ie rather than transiting the Suez Canal direct to Lisbon. This diversion caused “great consternation” among the India’s passengers.323 Once at sea and “out of the arab world”, the four Timorese “arabes” were moved to less harsh accommodation, and a Catholic mass was celebrated for the prisoners on 12 November at the request of Rev. Ramiro Dias Branco. On 17 November while in Lourenço Marques, one of the prisoners (Eduardo Francisco da Costa) passed a 100 pataca note to a crew member to purchase sugar and tea for him. Discovered, Eduardo was taken ashore for interrogation, but was later returned to the ship.

While in the Atlantic Ocean on 25 November, Captain Contreiras received a ciphered message requiring him to call at the Angolan port of Lobito (about 400km south of the capital, Luanda) and to contact the local security authorities for further instructions.

On the N/M India’s arrival in Lobito on 26 November, 52 Timorese prisoners were disembarked into the custody of the local Portuguese military commander. Initially, the prisoners were transported and detained at the military base in Nova Lisboa (now Huambo, about 250 kilometres east of Lobito), but after two days were divided into two groups – with 30 remaining in the Companhia Militar in Nova Lisboa and 22 sent to the Bié penal colony at Capolo (about 70 kilometres south of Silva Porto on Angola’s central highlands plateau).324 At the beginning of 1960, those at Nova Lisboa were moved to join their comrades in the Bié penal colony.

((Map: Central Angola – not included))

322 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 229-234 – Annex IX, Extract of the Letter by Chief of Police (Manuel Vieira Câmara Júnior) “Aboard the Vessel India …”, 15 November 1959, p.233.323 Ibid, p.234.324 Gata, A.C.L.G., op cit. includes a listing at Annex 16 of the 52 prisoners disembarked at Lobito (Angola) – not sighted by the author of this monograph. Costa, F.A.S. da, Declaração, Dili, November 2005, op.cit. describes detention with the Companhia Militar at Nova Lisboa.

Central Angola: showing Lobito, Nova Lisboa, Silva Porto, Vila Luzo 325

From Angola, the N/M India continued its voyage to Lisbon, disembarking the four Indonesian prisoners and Francisco de Araújo into the custody of the security police (Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado – PIDE) on 11 December 1959.326 Initially, this group was imprisoned separately from the 11 Timorese who had arrived in Lisbon in July 1959 – but subsequently joined them in the prison in Caxias. In early December 1959, the Portuguese authorities decided that the 11 Timorese would be sent to Angola – but they were to remain in Lisbon for a further five months.327

In late December 1959 – about two weeks after their arrival, the four Indonesians were questioned to confirm their earlier statements made in Dili. Lambertus Ladow explained that “he had not met Major Mustafine at his house, but rather had only met him casually in the Port of Baucau and their interaction had nothing to do with the revolutionary movement.”328 Lambertus denied strongly that he had told Joaquim Ferreira that “Indonesian forces would soon take part in the occupation of Timor.” Lambertus also stated that - while he had requested in Dili not to be repatriated to Indonesia, he now wished to return to Indonesia for the sake of his wife and children – and now that President Sukarno had granted a general amnesty to all political prisoners and refugees. In July 1960, commenting on the fate of the deportees, the Army Chief of staff in Dili – Captain Carvalho, commented to the Australian Consul that he was “quite certain that nothing has come out of the Lisbon inquiry into the 1959 disturbances to indicate that Djakarta was involved in any way.”329

Imprisoned and Exiled in Lisbon, Angola and Mozambique

In late April 1960, Lambertus Ladow – the senior of the four Indonesians imprisoned in Caxias (Lisbon), wrote to the Indonesian Consul in Dili on behalf of the Indonesian group and requested financial assistance.330 At about the same time, ten of the senior exiles in Angola from Viqueque, led by Amaro de Araújo, produced a 325 Based on a map in Boletim Geral das Colónias, No 97, Lisbon, July 1933, p.112.326 Gata, A. C. L.G., op cit., Annex 18 details the handover of the four Indonesian prisoners and a single “special status” prisoner from Dili, Francisco M. X. J. Araújo - ie separate from the “52 Timorese”. Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 notes that the four Indonesians were subsequently imprisoned for some time in Angola before their release and return to Indonesia in 1962.327 PIDE – Lisbon, 383/59-D.Inv., Lisbon, 17 December 1959 – to PIDE Luanda (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS, PC 634/59, Caixa 5291).328 Ladow, L., Auto de Perguntas, Caxias (Lisbon), 26 December 1959 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS Lisbon, PC 604/59, Caixa 5288). The identity of “Major Mustafine” is not clear.329 Australian Consul – Dili, Memo 99/60, 30 July 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).330 Ladow, L., Caixas (sic, ie Caxias) Lisbon, 24 April 1960 – original in Tetum (AHD, PAA-809-948-46). Ladow comments that the group had arrived in Lisbon “in the winter.”

Memorandum detailing the causes and events of the Rebellion331 - see Annex D. This Memorandum noted the leadership of the “500”-strong rebel group in Dili – but made no mention of Indonesia, nor the 14 Indonesian Permesta exiles.

Soon after, on 31 May 1960, the 11 Timorese imprisoned in Portugal who had arrived in Lisbon in July 1959 – together with the four Indonesians (Lambertus Ladow, Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello and Albert Ndoen) and Francisco de Araújo, were transported from Lisbon to Vila Luso, Angola.332 Evaristo da Costa recalled “on 31 May 1960, the 11 Timorese in Lisbon were re-transported to Angola, together with the four Indonesian officers” – and arrived in Vila Luso (Lwena) on 4 June 1960.333

Later in 1960, to facilitate continuing surveillance, the PIDE in Angola drew up a list of the eight ringleaders of Rebellion: Joaquim Ferreira, João Pereira da Silva, António Metan (António da Costa Soares), Fernando Pinto, Amaro de Araújo, Mateus de Araújo and Luís da Costa Rego.334 PIDE records also indicated that Fernando Pinto, “a former régulo of Uato-Carabau, was deemed influential and not to have changed his ideas”, and the report noted that he “displayed a photograph of the Indonesian Consul and chief organiser of the revolt in his house.”

((Photograph not included: 1959 Rebels - Cadeia Colonial Penal, Bié (Angola) 1960))

331 Araújo, A.L.J. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe [sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor (Memorandum – Report: On the event that occurred on 7 June 1959 in the Circumscription of Viqueque - Timor), six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié (Angola), 21 April 1960 – in Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré …, Dili, 1974 (at Annex D). The Memorandum was signed, in order, by Amaro Loyola Jordão de Araújo, Mateus Sarmento Jordão de Araújo, José Manuel Duarte, Joaquim Ferreira, António da Costa Soares (António Metan), Fernando Pinto, João Lisboa, Armindo Amaral, Paulo Amaral and Domingos Soares.332 Following vaccinations, the Guia de Marcha (Travel Pass) for their journey was signed on 31 May 1960 by the PIDE Director in Lisbon (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS, PC 634/59, Caixa 5291).333 Statement by Evaristo da Costa on his return to Jakarta on 5 January 1996 – reported in “Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (“I Never Imagined …”), Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January 1996; and information emailed to the author from Evaristo da Costa on 11 January 2007. Evaristo was one of the “11 Timorese” transported to Lisbon in early June 1959. As noted above, Francisco de Araújo was also in the group moved from Lisbon to Angola - ie totalling 12. Evaristo subsequently confirmed Francisco’s inclusion - email to author by Evaristo da Costa, 26 January 2007 and confirmed in discussions on 2 April 2007. Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., p.44 - cites a PIDE report which can be interpreted to indicate that “four Indonesians and 12 Timorese arrived at the port of Vila Luso in Angola on 3 June 1960” - ie including Francisco de Araújo .334 Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., pp.45-46 cites the PIDE report and lists these seven – plus, by implication, Francisco de Araújo.

According to Gerson Pello, the four Indonesians had not been put on trial in Lisbon – but were sent to Angola where they were allowed to “live freely and choose their own work.”335 Jeremias Pello chose to tend cattle so that he could act as a courier each morning for messages from Angolan nationalists without the knowledge of the police. “We used a code created by Lambert who was clever at such things as he had previously been a radio operator. In 1961, with the assistance of the International Red Cross, we returned to Indonesia – but travelling to Switzerland first.”336 President Sukarno had reportedly requested the release of the four Indonesians during talks in Lisbon with Portugal’s Prime Minister Dr António de Oliveira Salazar.337

There appears to have been no mention in the Portuguese media of the Rebellion or its aftermath. However, with increasing international criticism of Portugal’s colonial policies – including at the XV General Assembly of the United Nations, Prime Minister Salazar stated in December 1960 that:

“Any person of good faith can see for himself that peace and complete calm reign in our overseas territories, without the use of force and merely by the habit of peaceful living in common.”338

Following an investigation in Lisbon, Francisco M. X. J. Araújo was released and moved from Angola to live in Macau.339

After-Effects

Immediately after the uprising, the Portuguese administration in Dili established a “coast-watching organisation” of “200 natives” supervised by police to cover the northern coast - principally from Dili westward to Liquiça, with a less

335 Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata … “, Mutiara 776, 1995. op.cit., p.15336 Ibid, p.15 – quoting Gerson Tom Pello. Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 notes that while in Angola they were considered by fellow prisoners to be “heróis da Asia” and relates the activities of Jeremias Pello - then reportedly 17 years of age, as a clandestine prison “courier”.337 Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2. states that Sukarno negotiated with Portugal’s Prime Minister Salazar for the release of the four Indonesians during Sukarno’s visit to Lisbon – this probably occurred in early May 1960 (Sukarno arrived in Lisbon on 7 May 1960).338 “Portugal e a Campanha Anticolonialista” (“Portugal and the Anti-Colonial Campaign”) – speech delivered by Prime Minister Oliveira Salazar to the National Assembly, Lisbon, 30 November 1960, Boletim Geral do Ultramar, No 426, Lisbon, December 1960, p.21 (Portuguese), p.713 (English). India was cited as “eagerly assuming in the U.N.O. the leading role in the Afro-Asiatic opposition to Portugal … for its claims on Goa. It also wishes to hand over Macao to China and Portuguese Timor to the Indonesian Republic, which has more than once stated that it has not claims to it.” – p.24, p.716. 339 In April 1963, Francisco de Araújo greeted Governor Barata in Hong Kong when Barata was returning to Lisbon at the end of his gubernatorial tenure in Timor. Francisco later corresponded with ex-Governor Barata in Lisbon - Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., p.71.

intensive coverage from Baucau eastward to Com.340 Small military detachments were also established at Laga and Lautém – ie additional to Lospalos, by August 1959.

In early August 1959, at the request of Governor Barata and in response to the Rebellion, a PIDE inspector from Lisbon (Mário Ferreira da Costa) visited the Province to advise on security issues. As a consequence, the Chief of Police, Manuel Vieira da Camâra Júnior, was dismissed – “an earlier confidential report had already related his improper behaviour”, and replaced by an administrative official, Agapito dos Anjos.341 The Governor and Inspector Mário da Costa also developed a proposal to establish a local PIDE “subdelagação” in the Province.342. A few weeks later in mid-November 1959, the Governor commented to the Australian Consul: “I shall be happier when the five Metropolitan security police officers arrive – one cannot make intelligence officers out of Administrators.”343

Some weeks after the arrests in Dili, the premises of a “Timorese-only” club in Balide, the Associação Desportiva e Recreativa União, were burnt down. “It’s said that the headquarters of the Club had been set on fire by the Portuguese colonial authorities as it was considered a centre of anti-colonial subversion.”344

The Indonesian Government “had reportedly protested about the ‘disappearance’ of 12 of its nationals captured during the fighting.”345 On 26 September 1959, the Indonesian Consul in Dili wrote to Governor Barata seeking “particulars regarding the death of one of the Indonesian detainees”.346 In response, Governor Barata cited a Corpo de Polícia de Dili report that:

“an Indonesian, Jobert Moniaga, 26 years of age, single, the son of Frederik Moniaga and Marga Berlaar, of Saelewere, Ntara [sic] ((ie, Sulawesi Utara = North Sulawesi)), Menado, a first sergeant in the Revolutionary Party of the Republic of Indonesia, died in the hospital at Baucau on 17 June of this year as a consequence of injuries received after having taken up arms against Portuguese sovereignty.”347

In January 1960, the Indonesian Embassy in Lisbon wrote to the Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs lodging a “strong protest against the actions taken by the local authorities of Portuguese Timor” and calling the attention of the Ministry to:

- the arrests in 1959 of local staff of the Indonesian Consulate in Dili ie David Verdial (“an Indonesian national”), Salem bin Musallam Sagran and Mu Theng Siong – which “took place without previous notice … departing from the common international practice between souvereign [sic] nations.”

340 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 155/59, 3 August 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).341 Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo …, op.cit., p.30, p.44. On 4 October, Manuel Vieira da Camâra Júnior departed Dili for Lisbon on N/M India escorting the rebel deportees.342 Ibid, p.30, p.44 and pp.125-127. The PIDE staff was not operational in the Province until 2 March 1961 – Australian Consulate – Dili, SAV.7., “Reorganisation of security in Portuguese Timor”, 10 March 1961 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/6).343 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 224/59, 18 November 1959 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1; 49/2/1/1 Part 1). The Governor noted that one of the PIDE officers would be fluent in Chinese – and of considerable help in combating any infiltration from Indonesian territory. A PIDE presence in Portuguese Timor had been earlier proposed in its 1955 budget, but not implemented – see footnote 36.344 Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, As Duas Margens da Ribeira de Aileu, Lisbon, 2007. See also footnote 370.345 Percival, J., “The Portuguese outpost the world forgot for 250 years”, The Sun Herald, Sydney, 13 August 1961.346 Indonesian Consul – Dili, Note Verbale 203/I-b/59, Dili, 26 September 1959.347 Governor of the Province of Timor, No. 285, Dili, 7 November 1959. For other accounts of the circumstances of Jobert Moniaga’s death, see footnotes 225, 226 and 227.

- The spreading by the local authorities of Portuguese Timor of “accusations against Mr. Nazwar Jacub Sutan Indra, the former Indonesian Consul in Timor-Dilly, that he was involved in subversive activities collaborating with some of the Indonesians, who have taken refuge in Portuguese Timor. Such accusations are without any grounds.”348

In October 1960, the Indonesian Consul in Dili, Tengku Usman Hussin, advised the Australian Consul that the nine remaining Indonesians who had been imprisoned in Dili had recently been taken by sea to Oecusse by the Portuguese authorities - and “simply pushed across the border from the enclave.”349 The Indonesian Consul added that “the nine men are in custody in Kupang and are to be charged with armed robbery and probably other offences against the criminal law – apart from any action the Army might be taking against them for desertion.”350 He added that “the method of handing the men over was irregular and is bound to be resented in Djakarta. It appears that the Indonesian Government was not notified in advance … and caused considerable adverse comment there ((Kupang)) regarding the Portuguese methods … regarding the four men still in Portuguese hands … Djakarta will continue its efforts to have them brought to trial or returned to Indonesia.”351

Australian officials in the Department of External Affairs in Canberra discussed whether Consul Nazwar Jacub had operated unilaterally – or had been operating under instructions from the Indonesian Government.352 The Australian Embassy in Jakarta was subsequently tasked to obtain “discreetly” any information on the “present whereabouts and activities of Naswar [sic] Jacub Sutan Indra … Our particular interest is in whether, as has been speculated in some quarters, he no longer enjoys the confidence of his superiors.”353

To further strengthen security - primarily in response to the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion, in 1961 Governor Barata formally re-established (ie “renascer”) a regional

348 Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia, No. B4/1/1/60, Lisbon, 4 January 1960. The letter also complained of intimidation of local people from accepting employment at the Indonesian Consulate and the “shadowing” of Consul Tengku Usman Hussin by local police that “prevented him from the proper performance of his duties”.349 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 144/60, 20 October 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1) ie as reported to the Australian Consul by the Indonesian Consul.350 Australian Consulate – Dili, ibid – the Australian Consul also reported that the return of the Indonesians had been “independently confirmed by a member of the staff of the civil prison in Dili who has also verified the Tengku’s account of how it was done. It is assumed that this informal method was adopted to avoid embarrassment of having to acknowledge Djakarta’s 1958 representations on the subject” – connect with footnote 93 on “full details” of the 14 Indonesians having been forwarded to the Portuguese authorities by Indonesian officials in 1958.351 Australian Consulate – Dili, ibid - the Indonesian Consul, Tengku Usman Hussin, was in Kupang at the time of the transfer of the nine Indonesians. Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 255, 26 December 1966 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 4) noted that the Dili-Kupang telephone link was closed by the Portuguese administration in 1959 – but might “possibly re-open” in 1967.352 Australian Department of External Affairs - Canberra, Manuscript Note, 1 July 1960 – in response to Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 78/60, 18 June 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/9).353 Australian Department of External Affairs - Canberra, Memo 800, 7 July 1960 – acknowledged by Australian Embassy – Djakarta, Memo 820, 21 July 1960 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 1).

Timorese militia under Portuguese command – the Segunda Linha (Second Line).354 In October 1961, the Australian Consul reported:

“The target of 20,000 irregulars has been reached and, after completing a few weeks of training, the bulk of the force is to be stood down and sent back to their tribes. … Firearms will not be retained by the individuals.”355

In Exile

Those exiled in Angola do not appear to have been mistreated. Several reports note that they were referred to as “Os Heróis da/de Asia”.356 According to José Manuel Duarte:

“we remained prisoners, but the judicial process did not start immediately as the charges prepared in Dili did not meet their prerequisites. So, we were again interrogated in Angola … I took the opportunity to relate the actions of the Portuguese colonial government, explaining all their errors. Because the conduct of the Portuguese colonialists was beyond our tolerance, we felt that it would be better to unite with Indonesia which had been independent since 1945 … I related the reality of the situation – for example, there were no schools, hospitals, the people had to hand over their food crops, there were no roads, forced labour everywhere etc – all as background to the Rebellion … The conduct of our interrogators in Angola was far different from that in Dili. In Angola, there was no torture. They just asked us to explain what we had done, and the background to events. After we had revealed all, they weren’t game enough to prosecute us. … Our dossiers were sent to the Portuguese Minister for the Interior and, after a while, a decision was made that we had to be released. To guard against further demands for integration and to disempower us, we were divided into two groups. One was allowed to remain in Angola, and the other was relocated to Mozambique. … Although we were declared to be free men, we weren’t able to enjoy the same freedom as Portuguese – and we continued to be watched closely.”357

354 Barata, F. J. F. T., Timor - esse desconhecido, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais & Política Ultramarina, Lisboa, 1963, pp.25-26. Barata planned a force of 20,000 – essentially to replace the moradores, beginning on the western frontier and in Manatuto (to reward the “people’s loyalty”). The Segunda Linha was planned to be led by “traditional chiefs” – with régulos given the rank of major, chefe de sucos (village chiefs) as captains and lieutenants, and chefe de povoação (sub-villages) as “sargento-ajudante” - Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., pp. 136-141. Local auxiliaries had also previously been termed “Segunda Linha” in the 19th century – see Oliveira, L. de, Timor na história de Portugal, Vol I-III, Agência Geral do Ultramar, Lisboa, 1949-1952. See also footnote 210. A useful history of Segunda Linha - including its re-organisation in the 1960s, can be found in Sales Grade, E.A., “Timor: O Corpo Militar de Segunda Linha”, Revista Militar, 26 (4-5), February 1974, Lisbon, pp.198-215. 355 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 188/61, 23 October 1961 (NAA, A1838, 696/5 Part 2).356 Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit. – see footnote 333; Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré …, 1974, op.cit. – “Heróis” in the title of a photograph; Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan Tuntut Portugal – Atas Pembantaian 2,000 Orang di Viqueque”, Jawa Pos, 16 November 1995, p.13.357 Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih …”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.24. Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up, 2001, op.cit., pp.45-46, pp.325-326 (endnote 19) quotes extracts from José Manuel Duarte’s written submission on human rights abuses by the Portuguese administration in Timor - see earlier footnotes 120-122. Pinto, dos Santos, L., Certidão - …, 22 March 1983, (see Annex H) indicates that Duarte appeared before the Tribunal Militar Territorial de Luanda on 25 June 1960. Some of the rebels were processed earlier by the Tribunal in mid-May 1960 - Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., p.44.

((Photograph not included - football team, with players named – but see front cover))

1959 Rebels’ Football Team – Bié, Angola, 1961

José Manuel Duarte declared that there were 64 Timorese political prisoners and “four from NTT” (ie Nusa Tenggara Timor – ie the Indonesians from Kupang, West Timor) in Angola and Mozambique.358 This is confirmed by a listing (Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959) produced in Silva Porto (Bié) by Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa (“Detido Numero 52”) in June 1960 – Annex F.359 That document noted the previous employment of each exile (with the exception of a few from Viqueque) and grouped them as:

I. De Dili Não Considerado culpado (From Dili, considered not guilty) – 32 (including Francisco de Araújo).

II. De Dili considerado como culpado (From Dili, considered guilty) – 16.

III. Os que assaltaram Secretária de Viqueque, Uatu-Lari e Uatu-Carbau, Causaram mortes na ribeira mota Webui (Those who attacked the Secretariat in Viqueque, Uatolari and Uato-Carabau – Resulting in the deaths at the Bebui River) – 16.

IV. … quarto Indonesios (four Indonesians) – 4, all with military ranks (but see footnotes 80, 82 and 90).

358 Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.14. 359 Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees Sent to Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – Annex F. The title of the document is not quite correct as the list also includes those Timorese sent initially to Lisbon (departing Dili in early June 1959) and arriving in Angola in early June 1960 – as well as Francisco de Araújo and the four Indonesians who were disembarked in Lisbon on 11 December 1959.

After 15 months of imprisonment in Angola, 32 of the deportees – essentially those “not considered guilty” – see above, were released in February 1961 – with “liberdade condicional”, but were required to reside and seek employment in the Bié province capital, Silva Porto (now Kuito)360. Interestingly, those “considered not guilty” and released conditionally included those from Aileu, Baucau, Letefoho – and most of those from Dili. On 27 May 1961, a further group of 31 – “the most responsible for the incident” including Evaristo da Costa were similarly released361 - and all reportedly received a monthly subsídio of 120 escudos. A few months later, on 29 August 1961, a group of the previously released deportees, including Evaristo da Costa and Salem Musalam Sagran, were embarked on the vessel N/M Moçambique and transported to the Colonato do Limpopo (Limpopo resettlement zone) in southern Mozambique.362 According to Evaristo, 31 of the deportees were sent to Mozambique, with 32 remaining in Bié – including the four Indonesians and Francisco de Araújo.363

Those selected for transfer to Mozambique were the “inocente” – but, following the intervention of Francisco Dias da Costa (the brother of Evaristo), two of the “culpados” (Evaristo da Costa and Vicente Vidigal) were included in the group sent to Mozambique.364 At Limpopo in Mozambique, the deportees became rural “transmigrants”. In October 1961, several of the transmigrants – including Evaristo da Costa, received a despacho from the Portuguese Minister for Overseas Affairs directing that they remain in Limpopo for five years pending a review of their situation.

According to a PIDE report of mid-October 1963, most of the former Timorese rebels in Africa “took up with ‘mulheres de raça negra’ or local women deemed mancebada (concubines or mistresses) and started families.”365 In 1967, José Manuel Duarte applied for his wife and children in Portuguese Timor to join him in Angola – and, “with the assistance of a member of the Portuguese Parliament representing Timor and the intervention of a pastor”, his family arrived in Angola in 1969.366

Some Exiles Return

360 The 32 are listed in PIDE-Angola, No.43/61-S.INV., Luanda, 9 March 1961 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS PC 604/59 Caixa 5288). Their release was proposed in September 1960 by PIDE Luanda and agreed by the Governor-General of Angola, Dr Silva Tavares, following an assessment that “the investigation in Dili was undertaken in conditions that were unclear - and the nature of the facts investigated with the resulting prejudice to the determination of the degree of responsibility of each of the defendants.” – PIDE Angola, No. 398/61-S.INV., Luanda, 9 August 1961 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS PC 604/59 Caixa 5288). 31 of the 32 who were released are listed as “De Dili Não Considerado Culpado” (see footnote 356 above) – and Jose Soares (“attacked the Secretariat in Viqueque …”) was also among those released. 361 The 31 are listed in PIDE Angola, No. 398/61-S.INV., Luanda, 9 August 1961 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS PC 604/59 Caixa 5288).362 Costa, E. da, Declaração, Dili, 17 June 2001 – in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré …, 2005, op.cit.363 Emails to author, 24 and 26 January 2007. Those sent to Mozambique appear to comprise the group of 31 “not so culpable” released in February 1961 – plus Evaristo da Costa364 Evaristo da Costa – discussions with the author in Dili, 2 April 2007. The listing of deportees at Annex E indicates those deportees transferred from Angola to Mozambique – based on the recollections of Evaristo da Costa, Salem Sagran and Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa on 2 April 2007. 365 As cited in Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., p.46.366 Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih …”, Vista 57, 1989, op.cit., p.24.

At the outbreak of the war in Angola in early 1961, due to an influx of Angolan detainees, most of the Timorese prisoners in Angola’s Bié penal colony had been released - but remained confined to the Bié provincial capital, Silva Porto. However, a number of the “tidak terlalu bersalah” (Bahasa – “not so guilty ones”) were returned to Portuguese Timor.367 This group probably included Crispim Borges de Araújo, Joaquim dos Santos and “Francisco Periero Ou Chiquito.”368

The four Indonesians: Gerson Pello, Lambertus Ladow, Albert Ndoen and Jeremias Pello were transferred from Angola to Lisbon on 12 July 1961. They remained in Lisbon until April 1962 and were then flown to Zurich before arriving in Jakarta by air on 7 April 1962. Three of the four accepted offers to serve in the Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI – “Indonesian Armed Forces”) – Jeremias Pello however declined and returned to Kupang in 1963 to care for his aged parents.369 Gerson Pello was reportedly “parachuted into Irian Barat ((Dutch New Guinea)) - but when Irian Barat finished, Gerson just left the military and wandered around … Lambert and Albert remained in Jakarta.”370

In November 1961, a sub-group of the deportees in Mozambique – including Salem Sagran, were transferred to Lisbon, before returning to Timor a few years later.371

A group of seven Timorese – reportedly “cleared” of involvement in the Rebellion, arrived back in Dili aboard the vessel Arbiru on 23 April 1963.372 On 10 August 1963, another group of eight - including Juman bin Bachirun and Salem Musalam Sagran, arrived in Dili aboard the vessel Timor. For many Timorese, “the returnees from Angola were ‘heroes’.”373

Fernando Pinto, a former régulo of Uato-Carabau reportedly desired to “save face” with the people of his district before returning from Angola to Timor. Accordingly, he requested compensation from the Portuguese authorities for cattle

367 Statement by Germano das Dores da Silva in Jakarta on 6 January 1996 when greeting returning exiles (Evaristo, Armindo and Domingos) – reported in “Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (“I Never Imagined …”), op.cit. , Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January 1996. Germano had returned to East Timor in April 1970, was a founding member of the Apodeti party and served as a member of the regional parliament (DPRD II) in Same (Manufahi, East Timor).368 Rohi, P.A., “Timor-Portugis dari Masa-kemasa”, Kompas, Jakarta, 4 October 1974, p.V. “Francisco Periero Ou Chiquito” is not listed as one of the deported rebels – however, note that “João Pereira da Silva – alias Chiquito” was still in Angola in 1964 (footnotes 303 and 304) and returned to Timor in April 1970, see footnotes 381and 382. Frederico Almeida da Costa returned in 1963 – and may have been accompanied by Agostinho dos Santos and Vital Ximenes.369 Sarong, F., Pejuang …, 1999, op.cit., p.2. The three who joined the TNI were “Klein Lado, Albert Ndoen and his ((Jeremias’)) older brother, Gerson Pello.” Jeremias however was classified as a purnawirawan (Bahasa – retired Indonesian military member) and received a pension as a veteran and an “independence pioneer”.370 Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.15.371 Sagran, M.S., Declaração, Dili, November 2005 – in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré …, 2005, op.cit.372 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 85, 26 April 1963 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 3).373 Gusmão, X. (Niner, S. ed), To Resist Is To Win !, 2000, p.16. Gusmão continued: “I had always enjoyed stories – told in whispers by the older residents of Dili – the old elite made up of nurses, employees of the printing industry and a few old retirees – about the 1959 case in Dili when the clubhouse of the União was burnt down and why that club had become a symbol of anti-colonial and sometimes racist sentiments against the Portuguese and Chinese.” Niner adds in an explanatory footnote (f.18) on the 1959 uprising that “Around 160 lives were lost and 60 Timorese were exiled for their part in the rebellion. Both UDT (União Democrática Timorense – Timorese Democratic Union) and Fretilin claim this event as a formative influence.” José Alexandre (later “Xanana”) Gusmão served as a junior civil servant in the Administrative Service in Dili in the period January 1966-July 1974 – completing his obligatory military service from mid-1969 to mid-1971.

and other goods seized by the colonial administration from his father who had been killed in Uato-Carabau during the uprising in 1959. Pinto’s claim comprised “23 buffaloes, ten horses, 20 goats, two gold horns (lua), three ropes of 300gm each (essential to restrain cattle), 50 swords (essential items of bride wealth to negotiate marriages and for funerals) and among other items: four table knives, four shirts, six items of men’s clothing and five items of women’s clothing … . Pinto also asked that 22 buffaloes, 20 goats - as well as many other items, be given back to his sister-in-law whose property was seized by the troops after her husband, João Gaspar from Uato-Carbau, was killed.”374

In the mid-1960s, although no longer imprisoned, the deportees in Angola were still watched closely by the PIDE and their agents. An official report in October 1964 indicated that: “Joaquim Ferreira, João Pereira da Silva, António da Costa Soares, Fernando Pinto, Amaro Jordão Loyola de Araújo, Manuel Rodrigues Alin, Luís da Costa Rego, and Gama keep the same attitude as they had in Timor and which had led to their deportation to the Province.”375 “Chiquito” (João Pereira da Silva) was noted as listening to radio broadcasts from Moscow and Peking and passing information to other deportees. Both Chiquito and Joaquim Ferreira were “encouraging the natives against the Portuguese”. A few months later, a similar report accused these two “of listening to broadcasts from Moscow, Peking, Brazzaville and Tangiers” – disseminating the information to other Timorese, and noted that they “were optimistic that Timor would be annexed by Indonesia.”376 Comments were also made on the activities of eight of the deportees – adding that “besides the eight referenced, the rest are practically harmless - and there was no ‘political organisation’ … In general, almost all live with blacks (“pretas”) and have children. There are a few who have cooperated with the authorities – and, as such, are viewed poorly by the others resulting in divisions into groups.”377

Reports of Unrest in Portuguese Timor

In late February 1965, there were rumours in Dili of “unrest among the Uatolari tribes” including “blood-letting ceremonies and other gatherings normally not permitted by the authorities.”378 The Governor, the military commander and the head of the civil administration made a hastily organised visit to the region - despite the hazardous road conditions in the wet season, and the reported unrest abated.

In early July 1965, eight men suspected of plotting to “assassinate the Governor and perhaps other senior officials with hand grenades” were arrested – two

374 Berlie, J., email to author, 13 December 2006, citing “A Written Report in the National Archives in Lisbon”. Fernando Pinto’s claim was not resolved, and he reportedly died in exile in Angola.375 Governo do Distrito do Bié, No 64, Silva Porto, 6 October 1964 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS 1507a, NT 2080). “Gama” was José dos Ramos de Sousa Gama (“Zeca”).376 PIDE – Silva Porto, No 33/65-S.R., Silva Porto, 8 February 1965 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS 1507a, NT 2080).377 Ibid. – the eight deportees reviewed were, in order: Joaquim Ferreira, João Pereira da Silva (O Chiquito), Fernando Pinto, António da Costa Soares, Amaro Loyola Jordão de Araújo, Manuel Rodrigues Alim [sic], Luís da Costa Rego, and José dos Santos [sic] de Sousa Gama (married to a white European woman). All the “28 deportees” were living in Silva Porto – except for Luís da Costa Rego (living on a farm about 40km outside the town); and Gervásio Soriano Aleixo and Venancio da Costa Soares (living in the Colonata da Chicava about 40km from the town). Luís da Costa Rego’s contact with an American evangelical missionary in the area - Charles Donald Cole, was viewed suspiciously by PIDE.378 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 50/65, 8 March 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3).

in Dili and “six in the border area attempting to escape into Indonesia”.379 Each of the three principal conspirators reportedly had close relatives connected with the 1959 Rebellion – arrested or deported.380 No details of this event were apparently made public. At the end of 1965, a Timorese second sergeant – Manuel Vladimiro Osório Soares, was transferred to Portugal “as a security measure”. Sergeant Osório Soares had “been in contact with the Indonesian Consul and not advised his superior officers of his conversations”.381

An End to African Exile

In mid-1966 – apparently following a request from Dili, the PIDE Delegation in Angola, completed an investigation into the status of the remaining 35 deportees - ie 27 in Angola and eight in Mozambique.382 Of the 27 in Angola - 14 were in employment, 11 were unemployed and living on government subsidies, and two were self-employed. Seven of those in Angola, “showed no desire to return to Timor” (Luís da Costa Rego, Valentim da Costa Pereira, Jorge Anselmo de Lima Machado [sic] – ((ie, Maher))), Luís Soares da Costa Nunes, José Manuel Duarte – all five were employed, Venancio da Costa Soares (unemployed) and Fernando Pinto (self-employed). All 11 of those who were receiving a government subsidy “have in mind to one day return to Timor”.

José Manuel Duarte notes that on 3 April 1969, in Angola, the rebel exiles went into mourning at the death of one of the Timorese leaders of the Rebellion,

379 Australian Consulate – Dili, Cable 51, 8 July 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3).380 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 98/65, 12 July 1965 (NAA: A1838, 3006/4/3 Part 4; 3038/2/1 Part 3). The Consul speculated that this plot might be connected with the activities of the United Republic of Timor-Dilly (URT-D), but senior officials in the Australian Department of External Affairs in Canberra noted that there was no evidence to suggest that the URT-D operated outside Jakarta – see marginal notes on the copy of Dili’s Memo 98/65 on NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 3. The Australian Consul’s Memo 98/65 – noted above, provided information on three of the eight arrested. One was an “Arab/Timorese whose father, Abdullah, was the driver of the local judge, when he was arrested for his part in the 1959 uprising … now dead” – but this description does not fit any of the four exiled “arabes” – see footnotes 306 and 307. However, “Abdullah” may have been imprisoned in Portuguese Timor – see footnote 281. Another of those arrested was “Kim Lim Yeong/Acoet” – the “younger brother of the Indonesian Consul’s driver”, ie probably the younger brother of 1959 rebel Mu Then Siong. The third was Castello – whose father had been “arrested in 1960 for his part in the previous uprising and deported … from where he has not returned.” The Australian Consul’s Memo also relates that, in mid-July 1965, a returned 1959 exile, an “Arab” who had been Indonesian “Consul Jacub’s right hand man”, had sought employment at the Australian Consulate. The applicant had reportedly learnt English in Lisbon – this was probably either Salem Sagran, an “Arab” (see footnote 307) who had been exiled in Africa but spent several months in Lisbon before returning to Portuguese Timor (footnotes 48, 368, and 370); or perhaps – but less likely, David Verdial, a non-Muslim, who had been imprisoned in Lisbon (footnotes 48, 138, 160 and 345). 381 PIDE – Timor, Documento No. 2 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS CI(2), NT 4874). Sergeant Osório Soares departed Dili on the N/M Timor on 22 October or 22 November 1965. Five years earlier, he had joined the public service as an aspirante administravo acting as a chefe de posto - vide BOdT, No.6, 11 February 1961, p.62. He was released from the public service on 3 April 1961 in order to undertake his military service obligations – vide BOdT, No.16, 22 April 1961, p.248. Manuel Vladimiro Osório Soares was a younger brother of José Fernando Osório Soares – who became the Secretary General of the Apodeti party (see footnote 388). Manuel Soares was reportedly transferred to the Azores “as a result of his opposition (ie “pembangkannya”) – namely his friendship with the younger brother of the Indonesian Consul” in Dili. - Rusdie, H., Suratama K. & Soares, A.J.O., Perjuangan Kemerdekaan Rakyat Timor Loro Sa’e, 1997, p.9.382 PIDE – Angola, “Assunto: Timorenses Fixados em Angola”, No. 237/66-SR-2a, Luanda, 5 August 1966 (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS 1507a, NT 2080).

Amaro de Araújo.383 On 21 March 1970, 12 of the exiles – most with family members, returned to Portuguese Timor from Angola aboard the N/M India: António da Costa Soares, Gervásio Soliano Aleixo, Domingos dos Reis Amaral, João Lisboa, João Pereira da Silva, Joaquim Ferreira, José Sarmento, Miguel Pinto, Nicodemus dos Reis Amaral, Manuel Rodrigues Alin, Germano das Dores Alves Santana da Silva, and Duarte Soares.”384 On their return, João Pereira da Silva and Germano das Dores da Silva reportedly then “fled to Indonesia”.385

An Indonesian publication claims that, following increased security by the authorities in Portuguese Timor in response to the 1959 Rebellion:

“East Timorese resistance leaders concentrated their movement overseas … The leaders of the East Timor movement began preparations for their activities by organising their forces in the East Timor-Indonesian Timor border area. They even began to organise cells in Australia.”386

1974-1975 – and Apodeti

Following the April 1974 “Carnation Revolution” in Portugal387, a period of “political development” began in Timor as Portugal sought to disengage from the Province. Several of the former rebels who had returned from exile to Timor were among the 36 “Os fundadores” (founders) of the Apodeti political party (Associação Popular Democrática Timorense – Timorese Popular Democratic Association)388 ,

383 Mali Mau, M., “José …”, 14 November 1992, op.cit., p.13. Amaro de Araújo was the leader of the Timorese rebels in Viqueque and had participated in the raid on the Viqueque Circunscrição buildings on 7 June 1959. Amaro and fellow rebel Eduardo de Araújo – who died in Mozambique, were reportedly grandsons of the leader of the 1912 Rebellion, Dom Boaventura. According to some Indonesian sources - including Rohi, P.A., Pemberontakan …, Mutiara 775, 1995, op.cit, Dom Boaventura fled to Kefamenanu in West Timor and died in 1969. However, Portuguese sources and Chega !, CAVR Final Report (Part 3, para 21) contend that he was captured near Betano in October 1912 and died in prison on Ataúro. Indonesian sources may be confused with Dom João da Cruz Hornay, the raja of Ambeno (Oecusse), who rebelled in 1910-1913 and later resided in Kefamenanu until his death – see Hagerdal, H., Historical Notes on the Topass Leaders in Oecusse, Vaxjo (Sweden), pp.31.32 who cites the “major revolt” by Dom João as “an offshoot of the great revolt of Dom Boaventura of Manufai in 1911-12.” The rebellion by João de Hornai in Oecusse is also related in Oliveira, L. de, Timor na história de Portugal, Vol II, Agência Geral do Ultramar, Lisboa, 1952, pp. 115-121.384 “Relação dos Timorenses e Famílias a Repatriar”, 21 March 1970 – an annex lists former rebels and the dependants returning with them (TdT, Lisbon: PIDE/DGS 1507-A, NP 2080). Germano das Dores is mentioned incorrectly in “Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …” (“I Never Imagined …”), Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January 1996, as returning to Timor in 1986. See Annex E for a consolidated listing, spelling of names, and returning family members.385 Tomodok, E.M. ((Indonesian Consul – Dili: 1972-1976)), Hari-Hari Akhir Timor Portugis, Pustaka Jaya, Jakarta, 1994, p.96.386 Soekanto, Integrasi … ,1976, op.cit., p.76. While these claims may be an oblique reference to the Indonesian-supported activities of West Timor-based Silvester Martins Nai Buti (1914 - 1991) in the border areas in the early 1960s (see Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps …, 2008, op.cit., pp. 100-101) – no further information has been noted on the claimed “cells” in Australia.387 For the transitional constitutional structure, see Junta de Salvação Nacional, Lei 3/74, 14 May 1974 – BOdT, No. 26, 29 June 1974, pp.488-497.388 Apodeti was founded in Dili on 27 May 1974. The 36 Apodeti “fundadores” are listed in the Apodeti Manifesto promulgated by the Committee for the Self-Determination of Timor on 19 June 1974 – see attachment to Department of Foreign Affairs – Canberra, File 3038/3/1, 8 August 1974 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/2 Part 2). Note that the English translation, in error, only lists the first seven of the Apodeti fundadores. Also, only 35 “pendiri” (Bahasa - founders) are listed at p.33 in Rusdie, H. et al, Perjuangan …, March 1997, op.cit., – ie omitting Domingos Pinto Soares. The 36 are also listed in Soekanto, Integrasi …, 1976, op.cit., pp.81-82 , and Tomodok, E.M., Hari-Hari Akhir ..., op.cit., 1994,

that pressed for integration into Indonesia. These former 1959 rebels389 were: Abel da Costa Belo (a member of the Apodeti Party Presidium), Germano das Dores Alves da Silva, Vital Ximenes390, João Pereira da Silva (“Chiquito”), Frederico Almeida da Costa, Gervásio Soriano Aleixo and Francisco Orlando de Fátima Soares. José Duarte also asserted that in 1974 or 1975, he was contacted in Angola by José Fernando Osório Soares391, the Secretary General of the Apodeti Party in Dili, and appointed as “Apodeti Representative for Angola and Mozambique.”392 In explaining the origins of Apodeti to an Australian journalist, José Osório Soares related that the party’s real leaders were the former members of the “movimento de ‘59’ ” – or more bitterly, “the massacre of ‘59’ ”- ie the Viqueque Rebellion of 1959.393 An Apodeti newsletter in September 1974 printed a letter from nine “leaders of the 1959 Rebellion” supporting Apodeti’s policy of integration into Indonesia.394 An Indonesian source also contends that “many of the personalities behind the founding of Apodeti were veterans of the people’s rebellion of 1945-1949 in Lospalos and also veterans of the 1959 independence struggle in Viqueque.”395 In a public address on 12 November 2008, the former Bishop of Dili - Dom. C.F.X. Belo, stated that Apodeti’s “members came from those dissatisfied with the Portuguese Government who had

pp.96-97. Several works incorrectly include “José Martins” (of KOTA) ie instead of “João Martins Corbafo” (see footnotes 825 and 826) among the 36 – including those of Tomodok; Soekanto; Gunn, G., Timor Leste – 500 Years; Chrystello, C.J., 2000; and Chega, CAVR Final Report, Part 3, History of the Conflict, p. 16, para 49: “José Martins defected from Apodeti, of which he had been one of the founders.”389 These former rebels are listed among the 36 “fundadores” in the Apodeti Manifesto cited in the footnote above. Araújo, A. (Arnaldo) de (Governo Provisorio Timor Loro Sae), Matanza em timor oriental, March 1976, Dili – cites the deaths in 1976 of Apodeti, UDT and Trabalhista members later killed by Fretilin including: Osório Soares on 28 February 1976 - and “Chiquito, Gervásio Aleixo, António Soares (Metan), and Vital Ximenes”.390 Vital Ximenes - an Apodeti “founder”, was arrested by Fretilin in August 1975, imprisoned, and later removed into the countryside by Fretilin in December – see Australian Embassy – Jakarta, Memo 389, 15 March 1976 (NAA: A10463, 801/13//11/1 Part 21), and presumably killed.391 José Fernando Osório Soares was born in Same on 3 November 1938 – his wife was reportedly a daughter of a former Governor of Portuguese Timor (1946-50), Óscar Ruas. Two of his uncles (Joaquim Osório and José Manuel Duarte) were reportedly Timorese principals in the 1959 Rebellion. José Osório Soares trained as a priest in Macau but, on his return to Timor, served as a civilian official in the Portuguese administration – including as a Sub-District Administrator in several locations. Background detail can be found in Rusdie, H. et al, Perjuangan …, March 1997, op.cit., pp.7-11 and in Ramos-Horta, J., Funu, op.cit., 1987, p.32. Ramos-Horta claims José Fernando Osório Soares, a “colonial official”, was dismissed from his Sub-District appointment over a rape charge, posted to Dili, and three years later fired for fraud. However, Ramos-Horta also notes that he suspected “there was some truth” in Soares’ claims that he (Soares) had been “framed by the Portuguese authorities for his pro-Indonesian sympathies”.392 Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata …”, Mutiara 776, 1995, op.cit., p.14.393 Juddery, B., “East Timor: which way to turn ?”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 18 April 1975. According to an Australian intelligence report: “Its followers include relatives and friends of the Timorese who were involved in the insurrection of 1959, and Timorese priests.” – Joint Intelligence Organisation (JIO), “A Descriptive Survey of Portuguese Timor”, JIO Study No. 3/75, Canberra, 1975 (NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2). Following a visit to Timor in June 1974, Australian officials had reported: “Apodeti is seen as the political heir of the 1959 rising against the Portuguese in Viqueque which was instigated by refugees from the Permesta/PRRI revolt.”- Australian Department of External Affairs, Cable O.CH79457, Canberra, 3 July 1974 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/11/2 Part 2). For Fretilin and UDT positive attitudes towards the 1959 Rebellion as a “formative influence” – see footnote 370.394 Hill, H.M., Gerakan Pembebasan Nasional Timor Lorosae, 2000, p.62 – footnote 22 cites the Apodeti publication ie O Arauto de Sunda, No. 3, 18 September 1974.395 Soekanto, Integrasi – Kebulatan Tekad Rakyat Timor Timur (Integration – the Determined Will of the People of East Timor), Yayasan Parakesit, Jakarta, 10 November 1976, p.79. For the alleged “Lospalos uprising 1945-1949”, see Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps, op.cit., 2008, p.5.

been involved in the revolt of 1959 in Viqueque, Uato-Carabau and Uatolari – and some members of the Arab community in Dili who had asked the Consul of Indonesia for integration … the mentor of the ideals of Apodeti was the Portuguese major Arno Metelo [sic]396, the Armed Forces Movement’s delegate in Timor”.397

In 1974, a group of the ex-rebel members of Apodeti arranged for the production of a booklet : O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau ((Photo not in 1959) – Annex D, that included the six-page “Memorandum” included))(cited earlier) written by Amaro Araújo in Angola in 1960 titled “Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe [sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor” (Memorandum – Report: On the event that occurred on 7 June 1959 in the Circumscription of Viqueque - Timor).398 The thin 12cm x 21cm booklet also included a frontispiece photograph of “Chiquito, Membro de Apodeti, Um Dos Desterrados de 59” – ie João Pereira da Silva; and a group photograph of about 50 of the rebels at the prison in Bié (Angola) in 1960 as “Os Heróis de ‘59’ de Sterrados [sic] em Angola” (see page 65). The booklet was intended to promote Apodeti’s links to the earlier 1959 rebellion – but made no mention of the involvement of the Indonesian Consul - Nazwar Jacub, nor of any of the 14 Indonesian “Permesta” exiles.

In early 1975, several of the exiles who had left Angola and Mozambique to live in Portugal sought to return to Portuguese Timor. According to Armindo Amaral, they sought the assistance of the Indonesian Embassy in Lisbon – including through the Indonesian Ambassador, Ben Mang Reng Say, but the Indonesian Embassy was closed in December 1975 before all the arrangements for their return had been finalized.399

In 1975, support for the Apodeti party was strong in northeastern Viqueque. A visiting Australian journalist, Bill Nicol, noted:

“In Uatolari, for instance, the scene of the 1959 ‘massacre’, there was growing animosity between the Fretilin and Apodeti supporters. Both parties had equal support in the area. The Portuguese intelligence officer, Captain António Ramos400, explained the Uatolari problem at the end of our meeting on 8 April 1975. ‘The people do not easily forget the trouble there in 1959’, he said. ‘People revolted against the government and were sent to Angola. They returned to Timor in 1968 … The main problem now is the land and the cattle. They want everything that was theirs returned to them. But it has since been taken over by the other people there, who are now Fretilin (and) who want to

396 The Portuguese Junta’s representative in Dili, Major A.C. M. M. Metello - as the President of the Comissão Para Autodeterminação de Timor (Committee for the Self-Determination of Timor), issued a declaration on 19 June 1974 that formally promulgated the communiqués and manifestos of the three political associations: ASDT, UDT, and Apodeti (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/2 Part 2; 49/2/1/1 Part 3; 695/5 Part 3).397 “12 de Novembro de 1991 – por D. Carlos Ximenes Belo” – text on Forum Hakesuk blogspot, Dili, 13 November 2008/Uma Lulik blogspot, Dili, 14 November 2008. 398 The booklet “O Célebre Massacré …” shown opposite at p.76 is included as Annex D to this monograph – less the “Os Heróis…”photograph (see p.65). The booklet’s multi-coloured front cover dramatically depicts a booted bayonet-thrust into Viqueque - and spurting red blood.399 “Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …”, Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January 1996, p.1 & p.8.400 Captain António Luciano Fontes Ramos – see BOdT, No.13, 28 March 1975, p.211.

keep it.’ What had begun as basically a local domestic issue had become a clash between the two political parties, with some violence resulting.”401

Mário Viegas Carrascalão - a leader of the UDT political party (União Democrática Timorense - Timorese Democratic Union) and later Governor of East Timor (1982-1992), commented on party political loyalties in 1974-1975 as follows:

“if you looked at Uatolari, everyone was Fretilin, and in Uato-Carabau, everyone was Apodeti.”402

The tensions in Uatolari where acknowledged in June 1975 when the authorities in Dili appointed Second Sergeant Albino dos Santos Brandão as the “Military Commander of the Uatolari Zone” and administrator of the Uatolari Posto.403

On 11 August 1975, the União Democrática Timorense (UDT) - as the MAC (Movimento Anti-Comunista), mounted a successful coup in Dili – but was defeated by Fretilin’s “counter-coup” in the following week. Late on the evening of 26 August, the Portuguese Governor, his staff, and about 95 military personnel evacuated from Dili to Ataúro. The Apodeti leadership and its few supporters in Dili joined with Fretilin against the UDT404 – and by the end of August, the UDT forces had been driven westward from the city. However, following increased ABRI (Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia – Indonesian Armed Forces) attacks in the border area, on 4 October Mari Alkatiri ordered the arrest of the Apodeti leaders.405 The Apodeti President Arnaldo do Reis de Araújo and ex-1959 rebel Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa were held in the Comarca (prison) at Balide (Dili) – but escaped to the Indonesian Consulate on 7 December 1975 during the ABRI airborne and amphibious assault on Dili.406 Many other members of Apodeti who had been held in, or taken into, the countryside were subsequently killed by Fretilin - including Apodeti’s Secretary General José Fernando Osório Soares who was killed at Hat Nipah near Hola Rua (Same) on 27 January 1976407; and former 1959 rebels, António Metan and João Pereira da Silva (Chiquito) were reportedly killed by Fretilin in Aileu.

401 Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, op.cit., p.292. 402 Chega !, Final Report of the CAVR, op.cit., Part 3, para 81. Mário Carrascalão’s remarks were made during an interview on 15 December 2003.403 BOdT, No. 26, 28 June 1975, p.450.404 Apodeti had reportedly earlier provoked the UDT by holding a flag-raising ceremony in the grounds of the Indonesian Consulate on Indonesian National Day (17 August) and conducting reconnaissance of UDT locations in Dili – Carrascalão, M.V., Timor – Antes do Futuro, Mau Huran Printing, Timor-Leste, 2006, p.89. The Apodeti leadership in Dili was isolated from its “partisan” force being prepared by ABRI in West Timor - and reportedly sided with Fretilin reluctantly. See the discussions between Apodeti Secretary General José Osório Soares and ABRI Lieutenant Colonel Soebijakto (Commander of the Indonesian Prihatin relief mission to Dili that brokered a brief ceasefire in late August and evacuated refugees by sea) – “Versi Sejarah Soebijakto #2” and #3, Kompas Online, Jakarta, 9 March 1996. An Apodeti telegram to the President of Portugal – signed by Guilherme Maria Gonçalves (the luirai of Atsabe) as “President of Apodeti” at Atsabe on 17 September 1975, declared that Apodeti was fighting against Fretilin and complained of intimidation and violence against Apodeti leaders and members in Fretilin-held areas - including “six thousand people” isolated in Dili.405 Chega !, Final Report of the CAVR, op.cit., Chapter 7.4, para 125 and paras 183-184. Mari Alkatiri was the Fretilin Minister of State for Political Affairs. The ABRI Prihatin mission – see footnote 401 above, and the arrest of José Osório Soares are described in Subroto, H., Saksi Mata …, 1996, op.cit., pp.47-50.406 Ibid (Chega !), para 138 and p.53. For Frederico’s subsequent service in Apodeti, see Annex E.407 Ibid (Chega !), para 212.

During the Indonesian occupation many of the ex-rebels and supporters of the 1959 Rebellion collaborated with the Indonesian administration of the Province of Timur Timor – Indonesia’s 27th province. Several held senior positions including that of Bupati – ie District/Kabupaten Administrator, and Camat – ie Sub-District/ Kecamatan Administrator. Some became members of the Timur Timor Legislative Assembly – ie DPRD I and District Legislative Assemblies – ie DPRD II. Others became civil servants and successful businessmen.408 Areas of land in northeastern Viqueque District seized following the 1959 Rebellion (footnote 260) were returned to Naueti.409

In 1977, Abílio de Araújo, the Head of Fretilin’s External Delegation, declared:

“The revolt of 1959 was a landmark of great importance in the history of anti-colonial resistance by the Timorese people.”410

Abílio de Araújo contended that the uprising in 1959 forced “significant transformations” in the administration of the Province by the Portuguese authorities including improvements in education and an increase in public works activity. However, he noted that “while the 1959 revolt compelled the colonialists to make concessions, on the other hand, it forced them to refine their methods of repression” – citing an increase in military forces in the Province and the establishment of a PIDE delegation.

Rebel Exiles in Africa and Portugal

Following the Indonesian occupation of East Timor that began in early December 1975, Fretilin established embassies and delegations in Portugal, Mozambique and Angola. However, according to several former rebels, there was no contact in either Angola or Mozambique between the exiled rebels and Fretilin’s overseas officials.411 Similarly, in Portugal, the former rebels were viewed with suspicion by Fretilin, and there was little if any contact. In November 1978 in Lisbon, Australian journalist Jill Jolliffe interviewed José Manuel Duarte who, on the objectives of the 1959 Rebellion, reportedly stated: “We are [sic] not interested in the government of Indonesia, but in the integration of East and West Timor. We have [sic] ancient links – we never had a border before Portugal colonized Timor.”412

In December 1983, a number of the deportees still in Angola and Mozambique - including Evaristo da Costa, were permitted to travel to, and reside in, Portugal

408 Abel da Costa Belo was the Bupati of Baucau – ie appointed provisional chairman of the Baucau region on 7 January 1976: Antara, Jakarta, 8 January 1976. António Metan’s son, Eugenio Metan, was the first Camat (Sub-District Administrator) of Uatolari during the Indonesian period. Eugenio was reportedly killed by Falintil in the 1990s. DPRD members included: José Manuel Duarte, Nicodemus dos Reis Amaral and Germano das Dores da Silva. See the listing of vocations at footnote 417 and further detail at Annex E.409 Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah Dan Perumahan …”, East Timor Law Journal, Article 14, 2004; Yayasan HAK, Konflitu Rai No Natar Iha Uatolari – Akuza, Direito 27, Edition 27 June 2004.410 Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor Leste: Os Loricos…, 1977, op.cit., pp.182-183. Abílio de Araújo had been a member of the Fretilin Central Committee, the Fretilin Minister for Economic and Social Affairs in late 1975 and subsequently the Head of the External Delegation. His father had been detained briefly in 1959 in connection with the Rebellion – see footnote 164.411 Author’s discussions with Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran in Dili on 2 April 2007.412 Ms Jill Jolliffe’s interview of 11 November 1978 is cited in Taylor, J.G., East Timor: The Price of Freedom, Zed Books, London, 1999, p.21 & p.24.

where they were able to engage in menial employment and received a small government allowance.413 During their time in Portugal, the former rebels had no contact with Fretilin or other pro-independence groups as the former rebels were regarded as “supporters of Indonesia” – and they feared reprisals by Fretilin and others.414

More Exiles Return

In 1986, José Manuel Duarte, one of the deported Timorese principals involved in the June 1959 attacks in Viqueque and Baguia, returned to Timor. José Duarte – who was the uncle of a later East Timor Governor (Abílio Osório Soares – Timor Timur Governor 1992-1999), became a member of the East Timor Provincial Parliament in Dili (ie DPRD I – its “Fraksi Karya Pembangunan”) and established a trading and construction business in Dili ie C.V. Neusa. He also acted as spokesman for the veterans of the Viqueque Rebellion in East Timor in his appointment as Ketua Legiun Veteran RI Daerah Timtim (Chairman of the Veterans’ Legion – East Timor Region). In November 1992, José Duarte announced at a press conference in Dili that he was preparing a case against Portugal on “human rights abuses in East Timor” – and that this initiative was supported by his nephew, the Governor.415 This action appears to have been precipitated by a statement made by the Portuguese President - Mário Soares, over Radio Nederland on 30 October 1992 to the effect that no human rights violations had occurred in Timor during Portuguese rule. In early 1994, José Manuel Duarte drafted a two-page “Memorandum” that related the history of the Rebellion, cited the statement by Mário Soares and sought pensions and emoluments from the Indonesian Government for the 1959 veterans and their dependants.416

Following a letter to President Soeharto by several Timorese exiles in 1994, arrangements were made for further returns to Indonesia – eight were reportedly still in Portugal, two in Mozambique, and two in Australia.

In July 1995, the National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM) reported that the Indonesian Government was in the process of “now trying to rewrite history, attempting to force the surviving 1959 deported to state that their rebellion had been aimed at integration with Indonesia, so as to be able to claim that pro-Indonesian 413 “Pejuang Timtim: Saya Tidak Pernah Menduga …”, Kompas/Kompas Online, Jakarta, 7 January 1996, p.1 & p.8: Evaristo da Costa was accompanied by his children – but not his wife, Maumisse Amido, who remained in Mozambique. In Portugal, Evaristo was employed for a time as a truck driver. He and Armindo Amaral related other employment as security guards, goods carriers, guards at tennis courts - with monthly incomes equivalent to 700,000-1.3m Indonesian rupiah – insufficient to maintain a family in Portugal (high costs of accommodation, food, and transport were cited). A monthly allowance (“uang saku” – pocket money) paid by the Portuguese Government, equivalent to 165,000 Indonesian rupiah, was also inadequate – “Jati Diri: Pejuang Timtim; Jangan Beri Mimpi”, Jawa Pos, 10 January 1996, p.4. 414 Statements by Evaristo da Costa to the author, Dili, 2 April 2007. 415 Sampaio, A., op.cit., pp.1-2 and “Warga Timtim akan tuntut Portugal”, Surya, Jakarta, 14 November 1992. The issue was again raised in August 1995 by the chairman of the East Timor Provincial Parliament (DPRD I), António Freitas Parada; and in mid-November 1995 by José Manuel Duarte (see footnote 421). Subsequently, in April 1996, Parada indicated that a claim had been made to the International Court of Justice (Den Haag) on 28 June 1995 citing Portuguese colonial oppression – “Rakyat Timor Timur Gugat Pemerintah Portugal” (“The People of East Timor Accuse the Portuguese Government”), Jayakarta, 11 April 1996.416 Duarte, J.M., Memorandum, Dili, 4 February 1994 – in Bahasa Indonesia.

integration feelings have been present for a long time among many East Timorese.”417 The CNRM media release reported that, at a meeting organised by Governor Abílio Soares in Dili on 8 June 1995, returned exiles were told that they must assist in the writing of a history of the Rebellion that would state that the people of East Timor already wished integration as far back as 1959 418 – and any documentation held by the returned exiles was to be made available to the Indonesian authorities. Attendees were also reportedly told of the Indonesian Government’s intention to build a memorial to those killed in the Rebellion on the banks of the “Watu Lari” river (ie the Bebui River) – with plans to inaugurate the monument by 10 November 1995.419

Recognition, Reunions, Memorials – and claims against Portugal

On 10 November 1995 - on Indonesia’s “Hari Pahlawan” (Heroes’ Day), 13 former Timorese exiles of the Viqueque Rebellion were awarded veterans’ decorations (Tanda Penghargaan Veteran RI Pejuang Perintis Integrasi Timor-Timur) in Jakarta by the Indonesian Defence Minister, General Edi Sudrajat – “in recognition of their service in the struggle to integrate Timor Timur into Indonesia.”420

In discussion with the Defence Minister, José Manuel Duarte stated that his “one remaining wish was to see Portugal ((Photograph

not included)) prosecuted in the International Court – as he regarded them as war criminals for detaining him without trial.”421

A meeting was chaired in Dili by the Sekwilda (Regional Area Secretary) in early November 1995 to plan a monument to the Rebellion in Viqueque Town. A

417 Conselho Nacional de Resistência Maubere (National Council of Maubere Resistance - CNRM), “Indonesia’s desperate attempt to revise East Timor history”, Media Release, 3 July 1995, p.1. 418 This claim has been made in several books published in Indonesia, including by the Indonesian Consul in Dili in 1975 – Tomodok, E.M., Hari-Hari Akhir…, op.cit., 1994, p.95.419 CNRM Media Release op.cit. – see footnote 414 above. The media release was based on a signed report dated 15 June provided by an un-named attendee. José Manuel Duarte spoke at the meeting and offered documents. P.A. Rohi’s (“Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit.) subsequent meetings with Marcelino in 1996 – see footnotes 38, 43, 96, 144 and 225 - conducted “within the framework of reconstructing the 1959 Rebellion”, may have been an element of this Indonesian Government project.420 “13 Pejuang Integrasi Timtim Terima Penghargaan Veteran” (13 Timorese Integration Fighters Receive Veterans’ Awards), Kompas, Jakarta, 11 November 1995, p.15; and “Kepulangan Pejuang Integrasi Timtim” (“Return of East Timor Integration Fighters”), Republika Online, Jakarta, 11 November 1995. The recipients of the “Integration Pioneer” medal were listed as: José Manuel Duarte (aged 61, retired civil servant – ex Civil Servant “Korpri” Secretariat), Salem Musalam Sagran (67, businessman and manager of the East Timor Majelis Ulama Indonesia), Germano das Doras Alves da Silva (57, member DPRD II Manufahi), Dominggos da Conceição Pereira (68, retired civil servant), Nicodemus dos Reis Amaral (70, retired member of DPRD), Joaquim Ferreira (62, village chief, Uma Uain Leter), Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira (64, retired civil servant), Dominggos dos Reis Amaral (62, farmer), Alexandre de Jesus (67, unemployed), Usman bin Manduli Sangaji (60, former village chief, Alor – West Dili), Saleh bin Ahmad Bassawan (60, businessman), José Sarmento (53, farmer), and Vernando [sic] Pinto (who had died in exile) – this appears to be a reference to Fernando Pinto of Uato-Carabau. Other 1959 veterans had also reportedly been proposed, but a timely decision had not been reached on their inclusion.421 “Anak Saya di Cijantung, Jadi Kopassus” (“My Son is at Cijantung to become a Kopassus member”), Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 11 November 1995, p.13. José Duarte also related that two of the former rebels were then resident in Australia, and eight in Portugal – of whom three planned to return to Indonesia.

statue of a man standing “tegak” (“upright/boldy”) was proposed – with a similar statue in Uatolari.422

In Viqueque Town on 10 November 1995, East Timor Governor, Abílio José Osório Soares, laid the foundation stone for the “Viqueque Struggle” monument in the Town’s Freedom Square (Lapangan Merdeka).423 The ceremony was attended by “traditional units” from each of Viqueque’s five districts. Governor Abílio Soares asserted that “even while in exile, the deported rebels had declared their support for Apodeti in written statements.” The monument – see overpage, a tall column topped by a large metal Garuda (a mythical Hindu bird, Indonesia’s national symbol), was completed in early 1999, but panels and engraving were not finished before the withdrawal of the Indonesian administration later that year. Soon after the withdrawal of the Indonesian forces, the base of the monument was covered with grafitti.

((Map – Viqueque Town Square area – not included; Photograph - Rebellion monument - not included, but see front cover))

In Dili in mid-November 1995, José Manuel Duarte hosted a “bernostalgia” reunion for former rebels at his home in Motael – those attending included three of the Indonesians: “Gerson Tom Pello, Jezkial Folla and Jeremias To’an Pello” from Kupang; and Dili-resident Timorese: “Nicodemos Amaral, Dominggus Geronimoa [sic] Amaral, Joaquim Perreira [sic – probably Ferreira] and José Sarmento.”424

422 “1959, Rakayat Timtim Sudah Merah Putih” (“In 1959, East Timor was already Red and White”), Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 7 November 1995, p.13.423 Herman, J., “Integrasi 1976, Realisasi Perjuangan Viqueque 1959” (“The Integration of 1976, the Realisation of the 1959 Viqueque Struggle”), Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 11 November 1995, p.13.424 Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan Tuntut Portugal – Atas Pembantaian 2,000 Orang di Viqueque”, Jawa Pos, 16 November 1995, p.13. The reunion in Dili was the initiative of the then Surabaya-based journalist, Peter A. Rohi. For earlier consideration of taking Portugal to the International Court, see

During an interview, José Duarte claimed that “more than 2,000 citizens of Viqueque had been killed by the Portuguese at the Bebui River during the 1959 Resistance.” He also declared that the 1959 Rebellion was “the earlier uprising that wished to unite the people of East Timor with Indonesia.” Duarte also again spoke of prosecuting Portugal before the International Court - noting that he had raised the issue earlier in 1992 (see footnote 412). “While previously there had not been a response on assistance from the Indonesian Government”, Duarte believed that recent support from the Chairman of the East Timor Regional Parliament (DPRD I) - António Freitas Parada, improved prospects for progress.

On 5 December 1995, a “former exiles’ organisation” in Dili (Pejuang Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia – The Fighters for the Integration of East Timor into the Unitary Republic of Indonesia) sent a Pernyataan Sikap (Position Statement) to the visiting UN Human Rights Commissioner that expressed their disappointment that the UN had never paid attention to human rights violations by the Portuguese in quelling the 1959 Rebellion – and appealed to the UN Secretary General not to take notice of “opportunist traitors” outside East Timor who “pretend to speak for the people of East Timor.”425 The following day, the former exiles’ group held a meeting in Dili’s Mahkota Hotel (now Hotel Timor) and sent a letter (Annex G) to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva declaring that the objective of the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion had been to integrate Portuguese Timor with Indonesia – and that “the aspiration of the East Timorese People to unite with Indonesia had been in the soul of the East Timorese People from 1950 and was later brought into sharper focus by the outcomes of the Asia-Africa Conference held in Bandung in 1955.”426 As evidence of Portugal’s official acknowledgement of the Rebellion’s intent, the letter included a photocopy of a “Certidão” (“Certificate” – in Portuguese, see Annex H) from the Portuguese “Armed Forces Chief of Staff’s Office for the Coordination of the Disbandment of the PIDE/DGS & LP” that attested: “José Manuel Duarte participated in the seizure and occupation of the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters on 7 June 1959 with the objective of delivering up the Province to the Republic of Indonesia.”427

On 5 January 1996, accompanied by several of their children, three exiles returned to Jakarta from Portugal: Armindo Amaral (aged 57 years), Evaristo da Costa (61), and Domingos Hornay Soares (57) – and the three similarly received veterans’ titles from the Indonesian Defence Minister at a ceremony on 10 January. In Portugal, the group had been assisted in preparations for their return by the Portuguese-Indonesia Friendship Association (PIFA) chaired by Manuel Macedo.428

footnote 412.425 Pernyataan Sikap - Pejuang Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, Dili, 5 December 1995 – the letter was signed by: José Manuel Duarte, Joaquim Ferreira, José Sarmento, Germano das Dores Alves da Silva, Salem M. Sagran, Saleh Bassarewan, Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira, and Domingos da Conceição Pereira.426 Pejuang Perintis Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia, Dili, 8 December 1995 (in Bahasa Indonesia and Portuguese). Copies were also sent to the UN Secretary General in New York. Signatories were: José Manuel Duarte, Salem M. Sagran, and Germano das Dores Alves da Silva. See Annex G for a copy in Bahasa Indonesia and an English translation.427 Pinto, L. dos Santos, Certidão - Estado-Maior General das Forças Armadas Serviço de Coordenação de Extinção da PIDE/DGS e LP, Lisbon, 22 March 1983 – see Annex H. The indictment before the Territorial Military Tribunal in Angola in May 1960 also cited the rebels’ aim to “annex Timor to the Republic of Indonesia” – see Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, 2006, op.cit., p.44.428 Related to the author by Evaristo da Costa, Dili, 2 April 2007. PIFA was founded on 20 October 1993. Its counterpart organisation in Jakarta - the Indonesia-Portugal Friendship Association (founded

Venancio da Costa Soares had been intended to return with the group - but was “ill” and remained in Portugal.429 On the group’s subsequent arrival in Dili on 14 January 1996, Evaristo da Costa declared: “For me, integration ((with Indonesia)) began from 1959.”430 Soon after in a media interview, José Manuel Duarte and Salem Sagran spoke of the 1959 Rebellion as the “embrio” of the process leading to East Timor’s incorporation into Indonesia – and of plans for reunions, the writing of a book, and the establishment of a “1959 Viqueque Movement Yayasan” (in Bahasa, Yayasan = Foundation).431 Evaristo, Domingos and Armindo were provided with adjacent houses by the provincial authorities in the western Dili suburb of Aimutin. Also – during an interview in 1996, Marcelino António Fausto Guterres (who had been reported, apparently incorrectly, as attending the Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung in 1955) stated in reference to 1959: “We saw West Timor as a historical reason for integrating into Indonesia. Above all, it would have been impossible for us ((East Timor)) to stand alone.”432

In Dili on 30 March 1996, the Indonesian Defence Minister awarded Veteranus Perintis Integrasi (Integration Pioneer Veteran) medals to 27 of the participants in the 1959 Rebellion. Of the 23 Timorese recipients, 20 were deceased, and their posthumous awards were accepted by their close relatives. 433 Three Timorese veterans accepted their awards: “Juman bin Bachirum, Manuel Rodrigues Alin, and Manuel Alves”. Four Indonesians were also awarded the medal: Gerson Tom Pello, “known as Tinenti” (ie Lieutenant); Jeremias To’an Pello; Albert Ndun; and the late Lambert Klin Landauw [sic] – “Lambert, who had passed away in Bangkok (Thailand) in 1983 was represented by his fourth daughter, Luciana Ladow.” In an interview, Jeremias explained that, at 19, he was the youngest of those deported in 1959 – and as such was given the nickname of “the little one” by his comrades.

In a further ceremony in Jakarta on 11 November 1996, the Indonesian Social Affairs Minister, Inten Soeweno, awarded the Satyalancana Perintis Pergerakan Kemerdekaan (Independence Pioneer Medal) to 16 “patriots”

17 January 1994), was chaired by President Soeharto’s daughter, Siti Hardiyanti Rakmana – “Tutut”.429 “Jati Diri: Pejuang Timtim; Jangan Beri Mimpi”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 10 January 1996, p.4. Evaristo was accompanied by his children: Evaristo Gomes Costa (36), Romeu da Conceição Costa (16) and Eva Amido da Costa (13) – Ramos Quintão Costa (17) remained in Portugal to continue his education. Venancio da Costa Soares declined to return to Timor - reportedly fearful that he would be killed on arrival in Dili – email information to author from Evaristo da Costa, Dili, 8 February 2007. Evaristo had suggested returning to Timor – and this was proposed in a letter drafted by Evaristo and signed by Armindo Amaral to Armindo’s friend Germano das Dores da Silva in Same who was serving as a member of the local Parliament (ie DPRD II Manufahi).430 “Tangis Sambut Tiga Pejuang TimTim” (“Tears Greet Three East Timor Fighters”), Kompas, Jakarta, 15 January 1996, p.15. The three returnees were escorted by José Manuel Duarte and Germano das Dores da Silva – and met by Salem Sagran and local officials. 431 “Pejuang 1959 TimTim Akan Reuni dan Menulis Buku Sejarah” (“1959 East Timor Fighters Will Re-Unite and Write a History Book”), Antara, Jakarta, 15 January 1996. As noted above, the “Garuda-topped” monument to the 1959 Rebellion stands in the main square (actually a “triangle”) of “old” Viqueque Town. A far smaller monument (height about two metres) is located at the northern apex of the “triangle” – erected by ABRI Yonif (infantry battalion) 408 on 10 December 1990, dedicated to that battalion’s operations during its tour-of-duty in Viqueque.432 Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno …”, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 – for information on Marcelino, connect with footnotes 38, 40, 43, 96, 97, 144 and 225. 433 “27 Pejuang Viqueque Peroleh Gelar Veteran”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 1 April 1996, p.5. The deceased former Timorese rebels were: “António da Costa Soares, António Soriano, Alberto Rodrigues Perreira, Duarte Soares, Francisco Maria Xavier de Araújo, Crispin [sic] Borges de Araújo, Gervasao [sic] Soriano Alexio, Joaquim Agustodos Santos, João Pereira da Silva, José Soares, João Lisboa, José Gama, José Maria Esposito Maia, Mário José Hendriques Martins, Manuel da Silva, Miguel Pinto, Mateus Jordão de Araújo, Paulo da Silva, Paulo da Conceição Castro, Vital Ximenes.

of the Viqueque Rebellion – including three of the four Indonesians (names underlined below): José Manuel Duarte,Domingos Soares, Evaristo da Costa, Armindo Amaral, Joaquim Pereira [sic - probably Ferreira], Germano Alves da Silva, Nicodemos dos Reis Amaral, José Sarmento, Usman bin Mandully Lolly Sangaji, Gerson Tom Pello, Jeremias Toan Pello, Alberto L. Ndun, Mateus Sarmento Jordão de Araújo (deceased), António da Costa Soares (deceased), Miguel Pinto (deceased) and Vital Ximenes (deceased).434

Subsequently, the Independence Pioneer Medal was also awarded to: Alexandre de Jesus, Alexandrinou Boromeu, Domingos da Conceição Pereira, Domingos Jeronimo Amaral, Fernando Pinto (deceased), Juman bin Bachirun, Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira, Saleh bin Ahmad Bassarewan, and Salem Sagran.435 Minister Soeweno noted that 69 rebels had been captured in 1959 – of whom one had been killed; and 24 survivors were then currently resident in Indonesia and a further ten lived overseas. The Social Welfare Department in Dili announced in early November that each veteran would receive a monthly living allowance from the Indonesian Government of 300,000 rupiah - while widows would receive 150,000 rupiah. Each of the veterans was also to receive a sum of 1.5m rupiah each year for home renovations. In May 1999, when interviewed at his home near Kupang, Jeremias Pello related that he was receiving his monthly pension of 360,000 rupiah “as an Independence Pioneer” – but he had not been paid his “veteran’s pension” since 1977. Further, he had yet to receive any housing allowance as promised by the Minister for Social Affairs in November 1996.436

434 “13 Perintis Integrasi Terima Penghargaan”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 6 November 1996, p.5 – published before the ceremony ; “Satyalancana untuk 16 Tokoh Timtim” (“Independence Pioneer Medals for 16 Prominent East Timorese”), Kompas Online, Jakarta, 12 November 1996 – “69 of the rebels were captured, one sentenced to death, and the remaining 68 were exiled … at present, 34 are still living (24 in Indonesia and 10 in other countries) while 35 have died (27 in Indonesia and eight overseas).”; Setyalencan [sic] dan Rp 1,5 Juta untuk Pejuang Timtim, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 12 November 1996, p.5 – under Presidental Decree 111/TK/1996 – the “omitted” Indonesian was Lambertus Ladow (deceased, Bangkok, 1983). Minister Soeweno noted that surviving Perintis Kemerdekaan (Independence Pioneers) numbered 338 – together with about 2,000 widows. The awards were also later reported by the UN in “Sixteen East Timorese patriots received medal of independence movement”, UNSG Report on Situation in Timor, E/CN. 4/1997/51, UN Economic and Security Council, 21 February 1997. In reference to the 1959 exiles, the United Nations report also cited an Indonesian statement: “Following the fall of the dictatorship in Portugal, they had repeatedly appealed to the Portuguese Government to be returned to Indonesia, but to no avail. Their eventual return was facilitated by the ICRC. No news coverage or announcements about their return to Indonesia and their current well-being were ever made by Portugal … 34 are still alive, living both inside and outside Indonesia.” 435 Sekretariat Militer Presiden, Daftar warga negara Republik Indonesia Yang Menerima Anugerah Tanda Kehormatan Satyalancana Perintis Pergerakan Kemerdekaan Satyalancana Kebudayaan Dan Satyalancana Pendidikan, Biro Tanda-Tanda Jasa/Kehormatan, Jakarta, 2005 – lists a total of 25 East Timorese recipients of the Independence Pioneer Medal in a total of 988 recipients (ie 2.5 percent). All except “Alexandrinou Boromeu” (a member of the Apodeti Party Presidium in 1974, an Apodeti signatory to the 30 November 1975 “Balibo Declaration”, and the Bupati in Manufahi 1976-1984) were involved in the 1959 Rebellion. An “Alexandrino Borromeu” served in the civil service in Dili in the early-mid 1970s as a laboratory assistant 2nd-class – vide BOdT, No.32, 7 August 1971, p.717; and No.13, 28 March 1975, p.214436 Sarong, F., “Pejuang Timtim yang Kesepian”, op.cit. – Jeremias lived in Pariti village, about 63km from Kupang. In 1997, he had been offered a very small house in Kupang – but had declined. Officials had visited him in Pariti to plan improvements to his home, but no work had commenced by May 1999.

The Popular Consultation of 1999 – and Militia Group “59/75”

In late January 1999, the Indonesian Government offered the people of East Timor the choice of “wider autonomy” (“otonomi yang diperluas”) within the Republic – ie continued integration; or “separation from Indonesia” (“berpisah dengan Negara Kesatuan RI”) – ie independence, through a “Popular Consulation” to be conducted on 30 August 1999.437

In May 1999, a pro-integration militia group: “59 Senior/75 Junior” (sometimes referred to also as Naga Merah – Red Dragon) was formed in Viqueque Town by the Viqueque District Bupati, Martinho Fernandes.438 Chega !, the Final Report of the CAVR, notes that “59/75 Junior/Naga … led by Alvaro de Jesus” had its “roots in the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion”.439 “The militia group 59/75 Junior – … took its name from the year of an abortive anti-Portuguese uprising in the district (1959), and the year of Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor (1975).”440

The militia groups in Viqueque ie Makikit (based in Lacluta) and 59/75 (based in Beobe/Rai Um sub-village of Uma Kiik, three kilometres west of old Viqueque Town) were - when “compared to militia groups in the western Districts, neither was especially strong. In three of the five sub-districts (ie kecamatan) of Viqueque – Ossu, Uatolari and Uato-Carabau, they were virtually absent. By one estimate, there were fewer than 100 militiamen in the entire District in mid-1999.”441

According to local elders, the nominal leader of 59/75 was Joaquim Ferreira (aged 66 years) who had been a participant in the 1959 rebellion and later exiled to Angola – while the active leaders of the 59/75 militia included “Comandante” Antero, who had been earlier wounded by Falintil, and Filomeno Amaral.442 Killings and other violence committed by the 59/75 militia group included attacks on 10 and 11 August 1999 on the offices of a student organisation and on the office of the Conselho Nacional Resistência da Timorense (CNRT) in Viqueque Town.443

Eurico Guterres was one of the most prominent pro-integration militia leaders in 1999 and the commander of the Dili-based Aitarak militia group. He has contended that his grandfather was killed by the Portuguese in Viqueque during the 1959 Rebellion.444

437 For a contemporary article on Indonesian President Habibie’s decision, see Anwar, D.F., “Habibie dan Timor Timur”, Tempo, Jakarta, 8 February 1999, pp.30-31.438 Martinho Fernandes had been appointed Bupati in March 1999 and had previously served as the Camat of Ossu Sub-District. Martinho also reportedly founded the large militia group in Viqueque - Makikit (Eagle), led by Lafaek Saburai (Afonso Henriques Pinto). Raimundo Soares and Francelino Soares are also listed as “59/75” leaders in McDonald, H. (et al), Masters of Terror – Indonesia’s Military and Violence in East Timor in 1999, Canberra Papers on Strategy & Defence No. 145, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University, Canberra, 2002. 439 Chega !, Final Report of the CAVR, op.cit., Part 4, p.29. An article by Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.37 states that Eurico Guterres “created the Viqueque militia” in April 1999 and “unambiguously linked the pro-Indonesia side to the rebellion forty years before by naming the group ‘59/75’.”440 Robinson, G., East Timor 1999: Crimes Against Humanity, University of South Los Angeles, July 2003. Part IV, District Summary 9.13, Viqueque (Kodim 1630).441 Ibid.442 Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto and Rogério Pinto in Viqueque Town – 29 June 2007.443 Robinson, G., East Timor 1999: Crimes …, 2003, op.cit., and Judicial System Monitoring Program, SPSC Case Information, Case 3/2004. The Council for Timorese Resistance (Conselho Nacional Resistência da Timorense – CNRT) was formed on 23 April 1998.444 “Anak Muda Bangkit Dari Wacana Berbahaya”, Gamma, No. 34.2, 17 October 2000 – “kakeku dibunuh Portugues pada 1959” and similar claims on 28 March 2007. Guterres was reportedly born in

Following the violence after the 30 August 1999 Popular Consultation, several of the former 1959 rebels left Timor-Leste – many initially to West Timor. These included José Manuel Duarte and Joaquim Ferreira. Domingos Hornay Soares reportedly returned to Portugal in 2000.

Compensation Claims – “Caso Grupo 59”

As noted earlier, in 1992 returned exiles and Indonesian officials in Dili had proposed legal action against Portugal (see footnote 412). In Lisbon, beginning in mid-1992, the 1959 exiles resident in Portugal had begun seeking compensation from the Portuguese Government for lack of due process and other “injustices” associated with the 1959 Rebellion and their exile - initially corresponding with the Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and subsequently with the Provedoria de Justiça. In December 2000, the group sought the assistance of the National Council for Timorese Resistance (Conselho Nacional Resistência da Timorense – CNRT).

Beginning in January 2004, they – the “Grupo 59”, requested support for their claims from the Timor-Leste authorities through the President of the National Parliament and met with the President of the Timor-Leste Parliament’s Committee A (Committee for Constitutional Affairs, Human Rights and Civil Freedom) on 28 September 2005.445 Their last formal correspondence to the President of the National Parliament – with copies to the Timor-Leste President and Prime Minister, (ie Assunto: Pedido de indemnização por danos sofridos em 1959 – Subject: Order for the Indemnification of Damages Suffered in 1959) was signed by “Os Representantes das Vítimas de 1959” (Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa, Salem Musalam Sagran, Juman Bin Basirun and Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira).

On 12 June 2008, three of the former rebels (Evaristo da Costa, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Salem Sagran) met in Dili with the Timor-Leste Minister for Foreign Affairs (Zacarias Albano da Costa), the Portuguese Ambassador (João Ramos Pinto), the Vice Prime Minister (José Luís Guterres) and two departmental officials to discuss the former rebels’ case for “indemnification” ie the Caso Grupo 59. The Portuguese Ambassador stated that their case could not be considered as the “National Committee of Inquiry” - established in August 1974 to inquire into events in the period 28 March 1926 to 25 April 1974, had concluded its

Uatolari on 17 July 1974 (or 1971). Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque …”, 2007, op.cit., p.37 relates that Guterres is “António Metan’s nephew” and named “59/75” – but both these claims have been disputed by local sources. Remarkably, in early 2009, while campaigning in West Timor for the April 2009 Indonesian parliamentary election, Eurico Guterres wore two medals - claiming that family members were entitled to RDTL Resistance-era medals ie Ordem Nicolau Lobato and Ordem Dom Boaventura – TIME Timor, No 23, Tahun IV, January 2009. It was later clarified that these medals were apparently those of his uncles ie Manuel Soares do Rosário (Ordem Funu Nain – killed in 1976) and Mateus do Rosário (Ordem Falintil – killed in 1984). Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao further clarified that: “There is no Eurico Guterres in the list of former liberation combatants in the Uatolari district of Viqueque.” – Notícias Lusófonas, 7 April 2009. 445 The correspondence has been collated in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005. That portfolio-type document also contains discrete declarations (Declaração) by Luís da Costa Rego (22 June 1993), Evaristo da Costa (17 June 2001), Juman bin Bachirum (20 October 2005), Salem Musalam Sagran (November 2005) and Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa (November 2005).

deliberations in 1977.446 The Group however asserted its determination to continue to pursue the case until it was resolved.447

Counting the Exiles

Indonesian reporting during the 1990s - and statements by José Manuel Duarte, have declared that 68 (or sometimes “66”) persons involved in the Rebellion had been exiled from Timor.448 With variations in some listings and the spelling of names, it is sometimes difficult to reconcile these with complete accuracy. However, those exiled appear to have comprised the 68 listed at Annexes E and F – in summary:

11 Timorese, including the “ringleaders” – principally those arrested in Dili and Baucau in early June, who departed Dili on the N/M India on 8 June 1959 for Portugal and were later exiled to Angola in late May 1960 (several were subsequently transferred to Mozambique).

52 Timorese who were embarked on the N/M India on 4 October 1959 - together with the four Indonesians and the “special status” prisoner, Francisco M. X. J. Araújo. The 52 were disembarked in Angola on 24 November 1959 – while the four Indonesians and Francisco de Araújo were imprisoned in Lisbon (arriving 11 November 1959) before being transferred to Angola in late May 1960.

Recent Indonesian Interpretations of the Rebellion

In the early 1990s, official Indonesian history texts for primary and secondary schools included sections on the “Viqueque Rebellion of 1959” – see Annex B.449

On 10 November 2002 (Indonesian National Heroes’ Day), President Megawati Sukarnoputri inaugurated a monument in the grounds of the TNI headquarters at Cilangkap (Jakarta) to memorialise Indonesian losses during the occupation of East Timor. The Monumen Seroja lists the names of 3,804 ABRI/TNI personnel who died in combat in East Timor in the period 1975-1999450 and includes a series of ten relief panels - principally illustrating aspects of ABRI/TNI service in East Timor. One panel however depicts the “Suffering of the People of East Timor During the Portuguese Colonization” (“Penderitaan Rakyat Timor Timur Pada Masa Penjajahan Portugis”) – see below:

446 The Group had received a similar written response to their claims from the Portuguese Provedoria de Justica (R-0002/93 (A6) – 017838, 3 October 2000). Correspondence up to November 2005 was included in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005.447 Email advice to the author - 3 November 2008. The Grupo 59 have termed their campaign: “Revolução e Reclamação de Direitos Humanos de 1959” – advice from Evaristo da Costa and Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa (email 3 March 2009).448 For example: “Kepulangan Pejuang Integrasi Timtim” (“Return of East Timor Integration Fighters”), op.cit., Republika Online, Jakarta, 11 November 1995.449 According to a 2004 study, although 1996 editions of Indonesian school history texts referred to the 1959 Rebellion, from 2000 only the 1910 rebellion by Dom Boaventura was mentioned – Gratton, A., Perkembangan dalam Pendidikan Sejarah di Malang sejak Zaman Reformasi, Universitas Muhammadiyah, Malang (Indonesia), 2004.450 Comprising 2,277 soldiers and police – and 1,527 East Timor irregulars/auxiliaries.

((Photograph of Monument panel not included))

In an oblique reference to the 1959 Rebellion, text on the TNI’s Monumen Seroja webpages451 associated with that panel relates that “people resisting were exiled to Mozambique and Angola”.

The Memorial at the Bebui River

In the Independence period, a very simple sepultura (sepulchre/grave site) was established on the left bank of the Bebui River as a memorial to the rebels killed at that site. The memorial is a square of smooth river stones about about two metres by two metres – with no formal “marker” or lettering .452

Continuing Ethnic Violence in Viqueque

Following the Popular Consultation in 1999 and the withdrawal of the Indonesian administration, inter-ethnic disputes became more tense in northeastern Viqueque as pro-independence villagers - principally Makassae from the villages of Makadiki and Matahoi, sought to recover land and property from Naueti who had been advantaged during the Indonesian occupation period (see footnote 260)453. UNTAET established a “Mediation Council” in June 2000, but little progress was made on the over 130 registered disputes.454

On 28 October 2002, inter-group violence and theft of livestock broke out in Uatolari. Prime Minister Alkatiri stated that “these cases are, in truth, a continuation of such incidents that have occurred over tens of years in the past.” Clementino dos Reis Amaral, a KOTA party parliamentarian from Viqueque stated:

“The events in Uatolari are an inheritance from our forefathers that is difficult to eradicate. The culture of violence in the area where the majority are Makasae and Nau-Oti [sic] speakers, has occurred over three periods (Portuguese, Indonesian and Independence). … Studies by Portuguese

451 The TNI Center for Military History website is: http://www.sejarahtni.mil.id/index.php?cid=1756452 A photograph of the memorial is at Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da Independência, Tipografia União Folha do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004, p.158.453 Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah Dan Perumahan …”, East Timor Law Journal, Article 14, 2004, op.cit.. This article relates the different versions - ie by the Makassae and Naueti groups, on the ownership, development and seizure/re-seizure of land in Uatolari Sub-District.454 Oliveira, J.L. de, “Sengketa Tanah Uatolari” (Land Conflict in Uatolari), Cidadaun, No.26, July 2002, p.6.

academics evidence that in the past hundreds of years that Portugal occupied the region, they identified the characteristics of the people in three categories: hot-blooded, normal and minus. The hot-blooded were the Makasae and the Bunaq – while the minus were the people of Oecusse and Manatuto, and the other districts were regarded as normal. The culture of violence in Viqueque occurs in the areas of Ossu, Uatolari and Viqueque – while the Sub-Districts of Uato-Kerbau and Lacluta are invariably secure and peaceful. … The incidents at Uatolari are an expression of the hatred, enmity and revenge related to the events of 1959-1974 (the Portuguese period) and 1975-1999 (the Indonesian occupation).”455

In following years, attempts were made by the Timor-Leste Government,

UNTAET (and subsequent UN missions) and parliamentarians to resolve these long-standing disputes – but with limited success, and there were occasional outbreaks of violence.456

In late March 2007, in the lead-up to the first round of the 9 April 2007 Presidential Election, tensions between pro-Fretilin elements (principally Makassae speakers) and Ramos-Horta/Xanana Gusmão supporters resulted in clashes in Viqueque. Violence escalated in mid-April, and several hundred villagers fled into the hills from the Naueti villages of “Besoro, Babulo, Afaloikai and Kadilale” in Uatolari Sub-District. Several Fretilin militants were subsequently arrested for “spreading ethnic conflict between the Makassae and Naueti”.457 In the second week of August, 110 homes in Uatolari were set on fire – and former Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri, in a television interview, explained that “the violence was a result of ethnic conflict between Uatolari Naueti and Makassae”.458 Hundreds of Naueti villagers from eastern Uatolari Sub-District reportedly fled eastward into the adjacent Naueti “heartland” of Uato-Carabau Sub-District. Inquiries into the violence were subsequently undertaken by the National Parliament’s Committee B and the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT). In late June 2008, an element of the Timor-Leste Police Reserve Unit (PRU) – ie “field police”, was established at “Webui” in Uatolari.459

Following violence in January 2009, a traditional “nahe biti bo’ot” (“spreading the large mat”) meeting was held in Viqueque Town on 28 February to reduce tension and facilitate the re-integration of displaced people. A UN report commented: “Conflict in Viqueque dates back to 1959 when there was an uprising against Portuguese colonialists. Rivalries between pro- and anti-independence groups during periods of Portuguese and Indonesian occupation have never been quelled.”460

455 “Kasus Uatu-Lari warisan nenek moyang” (“The Uatolari case is a legacy from our forefathers”), Suara Timor Lorosae, Dili, 7 November 2002, p.1.456 Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah …”, 2004 op.cit.; and Yayasan HAK, Konflitu Rai No Natar Iha Uatolari – Akuza, Direito 27, Edition 27 June 2004.457 “Sebarkan Isu Perang Antar Suku 10 Warga Uato Lari Ditangkap” (“Spreading Inter-Ethnic War – 10 from Uatolari Arrested”), Suara Timor Lorosae, Dili, 25 April 2007. 458 Timor Post, Dili, 14 August 2007 – citing a TV Timor-Leste interview on 13 August 2007. The violence was probably precipitated by the swearing-in on 8 August 2007 of the IV Constitutional Government led by Xanana Gusmão. In the Baucau District Court on 8 June 2009, three defendants in the “Uatolari case” were each sentenced to three years imprisonment and two were acquitted – Summary of Cases Tried in the Baucau District Court 08-11 June 2009, JSMP, Dili, 26 June 2009.459 “Polisiz Viqueque Latolera Joven Abut”, Suara Timor Lorosae, Dili, 26 June 2008. The PRU post was established to guard against inter-ethnic violence and clashes between youth martial arts groups. The author met briefly with PRU officers in Uatolari in late October 2008. 460 UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, “Timor-Leste: Villagers seek peace through traditional rituals”, Dili, 4 March 2009.

DISCUSSION

This concluding section summarises the several inconsistencies, ambiguities, anomalies and apparent hyperbole in several of the records and reports of the Rebellion referenced earlier in this monograph – and some comments are offered.

The major outbreak of indigenous unrest in the post-World War II period in East Timor – ie up to the events of 1974-1975, was the failed 1959 “Viqueque Rebellion”. Its origins appear to have been in the discontent felt by Timorese with the Portuguese administration – including by Timorese lower-grade civil servants in Dili. The independence of the neighbouring Republic of Indonesia was an important inspiration. For educated Timorese, the Asia-Africa Conference held in Bandung in 1955 also provided encouragement.

An Indonesian source (ie a school text-book, see Annex B) has cited the activities of Inácio André Francisco “Sitko/Ciko” Lopes as catalysing independence aspirations among Timorese youth in Dili in the mid-1950s (see footnotes 13-18). Although imprisoned by the Portuguese from 1948 until at least the mid-1960s, Francisco Lopes may have been on some form of “conditional release” in Dili in the mid-1950s to some time in 1958 – during which, according to Salem Sagran, Lopes had regular contact with the Indonesian Consulate. However, Lopes has not been noted in any Portuguese writings on the Rebellion – eg not mentioned by Governor Barata or Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes, or by exiled rebels in Africa. This suggests that Lopes was probably in prison during the 1958-1959 period - and may not have been directly or actively involved in the 1959 Rebellion itself.

The Rebellion did not succeed for a range of reasons – principally because the plan was revealed to the Portuguese authorities who pre-empted any uprising in Dili. The arrests in Dili soon precipitated premature and ill-conceived attacks by the group of rebels in Viqueque. However, it is also highly unlikely that any later armed rebellion – ie in December 1959, would have been successful against the forces that the Portuguese administration would have been able to mobilise against the rebels. Moreover, with Consul Nazwar Jacub scheduled to complete his tour of duty in early June 1959, it is very doubtful that his replacement, Tengku Usman Hussin, would have encouraged an uprising at the end of that year. This however does not preclude the possibility that the rebel leaders in Dili might have acted in December – as planned. Regardless, their prospects for success at that later date would also have been poor.

In the countryside, the uprising in the Viqueque Circunscrição was launched precipitously, and was poorly planned and executed - without any real hope of success. The areas of the Rebellion in the Circunscrições of Baucau and Viqueque were relatively remote and were not ethno-linguistically homogenous. The attacks by the rebels against the Portuguese administration offices in Viqueque Town and in the Postos of Uatolari, Uato-Carabau and Baguia appear to have had only limited popular support – ie from a core group in the Viqueque Town vicinity and in a few villages to the northeast, principally villagers of the Naueti ethno-linguistic group. Importantly, there were traditional antipathies and enmities between tribes, clans and groups in the Viqueque Circunscrição – including residual enmities from the tribal fighting in the areas during World War II.461 Further, in 1959, some tribes remained loyal to the

461 During World War II, both the Australian and the Japanese military forces mobilised tribesmen as paramilitaries in eastern Portuguese Timor - see Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle …, op.cit., 2008, pp.30-36. For detail on Australian forces in Portuguese Timor see Wray, C.C.H., Timor 1942, 1987; Doig, C.D., A History …, 1986; and Powell, A., War by Stealth – Australians and the Allied

Portuguese - eg in the Ossu area, and were successfully employed by the Portuguese authorities against the Rebellion. Consequently, the rebels were unable to mobilise either the necessary large forces or widespread support throughout the two Circunscrições. In 1975, Fretilin’s Vice President, Nicolau Lobato remarked that the “Uatelari” [sic] revolt was “ineffective in 1959 due … divisiveness prevailing among our ancestors.”462 Regardless, the Rebellion had little real chance of success against the forces that the Portuguese would have been able to assemble to quell the unrest.

No Portuguese are known to have been killed in the Rebellion. Timorese casualties suffered in the Viqueque and Baucau Circunscrições are difficult to determine accurately (see estimates and claims at pp.54-55) – but up to several hundreds of deaths is probably a reasonably accurate estimate. Portuguese authorities appear to have never published information on casualties. The total number of Timorese imprisoned in Timor following the uprising is unknown, and also merits further research. While ex-Governor Barata’s 1998 book is an important contribution and provides considerable useful information on the 1959 Rebellion, his avoidance of recounting the detail of the killings and summary executions at the Bebui River - involving the Viqueque Administrator Artur Marques Ramos and Captain Barreiros, is a significant and disappointing omission (see footnotes 240 and 242).

Several other aspects of the uprising are also worthy of further examination – including the objectives of the Rebellion, and the aims of the Indonesian “Permesta 14”. However, it is certain that the “14” were Permesta members and came directly from the Kupang area of Indonesian Timor – driven out by TNI troops suppressing Permesta separatist elements in West Timor. Here, it should be noted that: as early as 1958, the official Indonesian newsagency declared them to be “Permesta”; the Indonesian authorities soon sought their extradition from Portuguese Timor; and only in late 1960 did Indonesia “clarify” that the “14” were deserters from the Indonesian Army in Kupang who had committed robberies before fleeing to Portuguese Timor.

The composition of the group of “14” is detailed in their request for asylum (see Annex C) - and also in the 1995 article by Peter A. Rohi (footnote 80) in which all 14 were specifically named. According to the Indonesian authorities, two of the 14 had been Indonesian security force (ie TNI) personnel ie Lambertus Ladow – corporal and “Udy” Welong – private.463 However, in their asylum request, all but Jermias/ Jeremias Pello declared themselves to have military ranks in the Permesta/PRRI ie from lieutenant down to private soldier. In his book, Governor Barata makes several references to “Lieutenant Gerson” ie Gerson Pello. However, once in Baucau, it appears that almost all members of the party “assumed” higher military ranks – as

Intelligence Bureau 1942-1945, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1996. Australian special forces (“Z Special Unit”) also recruited local support in the Circunscrição of São Domingos (covering the Baucau and Viqueque areas) and in the Lautém Circunscrição – ie during Operations Lizard, Cobra, Suncob, and Lagarto. Lagarto was led by a Portuguese official – Lieutenant (Retired) Manuel de Jesus Pires, the former Administrator of the Circunscrição of São Domingos. A memorial to Lieutenant Pires stands in a small park in front of the main gate to the Dili port. 462 Lobato, N., Letter to the United Nations Secretary General, Lourenço Marques, 24 April 1975 (NAA: A10463, 801/13/11/1 Part 11). Nicolau dos Reis Lobato (b. 24/5/1946) served as an aspirante in the Finance Service in Dili from 13 November 1969 to 1974 – BOdT, No.7, 16 February 1974, p.123; No.29, 20 July 1974, p.561 - and was also noted as a secondary school teacher in Dili in 1974. Nicolau Lobato became Timor-Leste’s first Prime Minister on 28 November 1975 – and its second President in October 1977. Note also Fretilin’s reported positive view of the 1959 Rebellion as a “formative influence” – as cited at footnote 370.463 As declared by the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1958 - see footnote 83. Note also the email advice by P.A. Rohi that Lambertus Ladow and Jobert Moniaga had been members of Yonif 712 in West Timor. For discussion see footnote 90.

indicated in the Australian Consul’s meeting with members of the group in Baucau in late 1958 (footnote 90). Only three of the 14 Indonesians appear to have been actively involved in proselytising for Timorese independence and participating in the Rebellion itself – ie Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello, and Jobert Moniaga in Viqueque. However, four were detained and imprisoned in Portugal (and later in Angola) ie Lambertus Ladow, Gerson Pello, Jeremias Pello and Albert Ndoen/Ndun. The remainder - ie nine, were returned by the Portuguese authorities to Indonesian Timor, through Oecusse, in October 1960 – and were reportedly imprisoned for a time by the Indonesian authorities in Denpasar (Bali).

It is still not clear why the Portuguese authorities granted asylum in Portuguese Timor to the “Permesta 14” – an act sure to offend the Indonesian Government.464 While this was done during the Governorship of Captain César Serpa Rosa, there is no explanation of this aspect in the book by his successor, Governor Themudo Barata. There have been suggestions (see footnote 95) that either the United States - that actively supported the PRRI/Permesta movement, or perhaps Australia, may have pressured the Portuguese to accept the 14, but evidence for such is lacking. Indeed, examination of the classified “record of conversation” between the Australian Minister of External Affairs and the Australian Consul – Dili that related their meeting in Canberra on 29 April 1958 suggests little Australian knowledge of the Permesta 14 and confusion on their origins (see footnote 71). However, in November 1959, a “fulltime” Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS) officer was reportedly appointed as the Australian Consul in Dili. This may have been a belated initiative – ie perhaps precipitated by the arrival of the Permesta 14, to improve Australia’s intelligence collection on developments in Eastern Indonesia.465 However - with Portugal a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), pressure from the US on Portugal to accept the 14 is possibly more plausible than speculation of any Australian influence on the Portuguese in 1958.466 The suggestion by the rebels that the Indonesians had intended to continue onward to “Irian” ie Netherlands New Guinea (see footnote 461) is intriguing and commends further research. While it is possible that the Portuguese authorities accepted the Permesta 14 on the condition that they continue to “Irian”, no such requirement appears in their “Declaration” signed in Dili on 27 March 1958 (see footnote 78 and Annex C).

464 The document prepared by the exiles in Angola in 1960 notes that the Indonesians “pediram auxilio politico ao Governo Portugues para continuar para Irian, como em Baucau e mais torristica foram mandados para este concelho a espera do transporte” (“had requested political asylum from the Portuguese Government and to continue to Irian ((Netherlands New Guinea)), and had been ordered to Baucau, like tourists, to await transport from that Concelho.”) - Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses Para Angola Do Ano De 1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees Sent to Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960, p.2 – Annex F.465 See also footnote 95. It has been contended that the Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS) established a presence in the Dili Consulate in late 1959 ie that the Consul was an ASIS officer - see: Toohey, B. & Pinwill, W., Oyster: the story of the Australian Secret Intelligence Service, Heinemann, Melbourne, 1989, p.169; Gunn, G., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, 1999 - p.261 (p.146 in the Internet edition); and Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.99. Apart from Dili, there were reportedly only two other ASIS-controlled posts outside Australia – Jakarta and Tokyo: see Toohey, B. & Pinwill, W., Oyster …, 1989, op.cit., pp.78-79. The last military company of the Republic Maluku Selatan (RMS) had surrendered in May 1952, and the Permesta Movement (see footnote 59) had been defeated by September 1961. Ibid, p.69 suggests that the ((alleged)) ASIS officer “would later joke to friends. ‘There was bugger all to do’ …” – ((Note: “bugger all” is an Australian slang expression meaning “nothing whatsoever”)).466 An email to the author from Peter A. Rohi, Jakarta-based journalist, 27 October 2006, also suggested such NATO considerations.

Interestingly, when the four Indonesians being transported to Lisbon escaped briefly in Singapore from the N/M India, they declared themselves to be “Sukarno’s men” and attempted to seek assistance from the Indonesian legation in Singapore – but were rejected. Further, in 1960, President Sukarno appealed for their release and - on their return to Indonesia from Portugal in 1962, three of the four entered service in the Indonesian Armed Forces. So, while there is perhaps some possibility that they were part of an Indonesian plan begun in 1958 to foment an uprising in Portuguese Timor, it is far more probable that their eventual “Struggle Veteran” status was awarded to them “post-facto” by Indonesia – ie in support of later Indonesian attempts to justify Indonesian involvement in East Timor by implying a long-standing desire by Timorese for integration into the Republic of Indonesia. Indeed, from the mid-1990s, the Indonesian Government increasingly cited the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion as the earliest of modern-day attempts by the people of Portuguese Timor for integration into Indonesia. This claim was highlighted during the official receptions of the Indonesian-assisted return of Timorese exiles from Portugal and also in “awards” ceremonies in Jakarta and Dili.

Central to the Indonesian-preferred interpretation of the 1959 Rebellion is the claim that the Viqueque rebels carried Indonesian flags and wore red-and-white ribbons and insignia – ie as physical evidence of their desire to integrate into Indonesia. This element has also been emphasised by former rebels who returned from exile in the 1980s and 1990s – but their objectivity could be seen as suspect as they were then under Indonesian “sponsorship”, and some served in the local Indonesian legislative structures and the civil service in East Timor. While the “flags” issue could therefore be possibly dismissed as a tendentious Indonesian propaganda construct, it is interesting to note that a contemporary and arguably objective source - the Australian Consul in Dili, reported in July 1959: “it is known to me, however, that there were many natives in that area who were in possession of small Indonesian flags.”467 Governor Barata also described the rebels at Uatolari “wearing … the colours of the Indonesian flag” (footnote 207). Subsequently, in the 1990s, the “Indonesian version” of the Rebellion played down the involvement of the “Indonesian 14” as a catalyst – and, rather, emphasised the indigenous roots of the uprising and highlighted Timorese leadership and participation. For example, an “official” Indonesian version published in 1992 – the high school text-book, declares that the “14” were only “youth from Kupang” who “inspired” the local Timorese to plan and undertake the uprising.

Despite a reluctance by the contemporary authorities in Portuguese Timor and Lisbon to admit publicly that the Rebellion’s participants sought unification with Indonesia, subsequent Portuguese investigations more clearly acknowledged this aspect eg the Tribunals in Angola in 1960 (see footnote 354), and in the 1983 Certidão document at Annex H (see also footnote 424). Former Governor Barata’s 1998 book also indicated his belief that the rebels had planned to integrate eastern Timor into Indonesia. Moreover, his view of official Indonesian involvement is also expressed in the title of his 1998 book that has been extensively cited in this monograph ie: Timor contemporâneo: Da primeira ameaça da Indonésia ao nascer de uma nação (Contemporary Timor: From the first threat by Indonesia to the birth of a nation). In his book, Barata referred to “the movement instigated by Indonesia” and concluded that, “in truth”, the Rebellion represented “the active intervention of Indonesia, through its Consul in Dili and the pseudo-refugees ...”.468 In an earlier 1963 publication, ex-Governor Barata had indicated also that the uprising was “uma

467 Australian Consulate – Dili, Memo 143/59, 14 July 1959, p.2 (NAA: A1838, 3038/2/1 Part 1).

agitação que do exterior foi provocada na província em 1959.”469 However, this implication by Barata of official Indonesian involvement is markedly different to then Governor Barata’s views expressed in his letter to Lisbon in July 1959: “Nothing was found that allowed us to confirm or deny that the Indonesian Government had instigated or was aware of the event.”470 ; and Governor Barata’s view - as reported by the Australian Consul in 1960, that there was “no acceptable evidence” for such.471 It would therefore appear that Barata’s views that Indonesia had been involved in “1959” - as expressed in Timor - esse desconhecido in 1963, may have been influenced by events in the early 1960s such as criticism in the United Nations and other forums of Portugal’s overseas possessions, the emergence of the Jakarta-based Uni Republik Timor-Dilly, and post-1959 Indonesian subversive activities against Portuguese Timor.472 Later, in writing his 1998 book, Barata more explicitly cites official Indonesian involvement – and this review of his assessments made in 1959 and 1960 is no doubt related to his very negative views of the Indonesian invasion of 1975 and the subsequent excesses of the Indonesian occupation. It is also interesting to consider whether interference in Portuguese Timor would have been a priority for Indonesia in 1958-59 – a period when the Indonesian state was facing the major challenges of armed dissident movements in Sumatra and Sulawesi (PRRI/Permesta), the Darul Islam in West Java, was “mopping up” RMS remnants, and was beginning its struggle to incorporate Irian Barat (West Irian – ie modern-day Papua). Also, if Jakarta was directing the Rebellion, why would they have scheduled the replacement of their Consul Nazwar Jacub in June 1959 - ie leaving the incoming Tengku Usman Hussin to develop a relationship with the dissident Timorese and the Permesta 14 ?

It is also perhaps relevant that in April 1958 – when the 14 Indonesians had just arrived and sought asylum, Indonesian Consul Nazwar Jacub hurriedly travelled to Australia for “medical treatment”. This suggests that Jacub, a Sumatran, wished to distance himself from events - lest his superiors in Jakarta suspect that he was sympathetic or supportive of the Permesta 14’s asylum bid.

Accepting that the “14” were Permesta separatist rebels from Kupang fleeing the Indonesian authorities, why would the three Indonesians directly involved at Viqueque (ie Gerson, Jeremias and Jobert) encourage the Timorese to carry Indonesian flags and seek integration into the Republic - whose government they (ie as Permesta members) had opposed ? As noted earlier, it appears that only a few of the “14” were actively involved in the Rebellion – and these may have been “pro-Republic” or, most likely, “anti-colonial” and supportive of the embryonic plans of the small number of Timorese hoping to oust the Portuguese. Further - and importantly, accounts by Timorese rebels indicate that their plans for revolt – or at least opposition to the authorities, pre-dated by several years the arrival in Portuguese Timor in March 1958 of the Permesta 14. Moreover, the Permesta 14 in Baucau and Viqueque had little contact with the Rebellion principals in Dili – rather, the mentor

468 Barata, F. T., Timor contemporâneo …, 1998, op.cit., p.27 – “instigado pela Indonésia”, and p.50. Barata also refers to the “Permesta 14” as “pseudo-refugiados políticos” at p.53 and p.54. 469 Barata, F. J. F. T., Timor - esse desconhecido, op.cit., p.12.470 “Nada se averiguou, todavia, que permita afirmar ou negar que o assunto era do conhecimento ou instigado pelo Governo da Indonésia”, Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, Letter No.15 to the Minister of the Interior (Lisbon), Dili, 27 July 1959, paragraph 2 – as noted earlier, see footnote 129.471 See footnote 135 – ie: “There has been no acceptable evidence produced that Indonesia had anything to do with last year’s unrest … Nor was there any evidence to suggest that these refugees were other than genuine rebels.” 472 See Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in East Timor – 1940s to the early 1970s, Point Lonsdale, 2008, pp. 86-103.

of the Timorese leadership in Dili appears to have been the quixotic Indonesian Consul, Nazwar Jacub. As noted earlier, Nazwar Jacub was scheduled to end his appointment in early June 1959 and return to Indonesia. Perhaps rethinking the personal implications of his involvement with the incipient rebel movement, he convinced its leadership to defer the uprising from late May to late December 1959 ? Perhaps Nazwar Jacub “got cold feet” – ie wishing to depart Portuguese Timor before any uprising ?

How serious a threat were the 1959 rebels to Portuguese rule in Timor ? The investigation and treatment of the Timorese deportees in Lisbon and in Angola indicates that the concerns of the administration in Dili were not shared by the authorities in the Metrópole or Angola. Following their investigations, in February 1961, the Portuguese authorities conditionally released half of the deportees in Angola – those “não considerado culpado” (see footnotes 356-358 and Annex F); and the remainder were similarly released three months later. Only a small handful of the 54 Timorese deportees in Angola were considered active “separatists” warranting close surveillance.

Interestingly, a Roman Catholic vice-parish priest, who served in Uatolari for several years up until 1992, has characterised the Rebellion as “a movement to formalise the relationship with West Timor.”473 This theme of integration with West Timor – and separating from the Republic of Indonesia, is also evident in the interpretation of the Rebellion by the relatively recent Negara Raya Timor (Greater Timor) movement474 and the “new” Uni Republik Timor-Dilly (URT-D).475

The earliest suggestion of Indonesian activity related in this monograph – ie the allegedly sponsored, but covert, attendance of representatives from Portuguese Timor at the 1955 Bandung Conference, relies on two sources: the Indonesian journalist Peter Rohi who has claimed that three Timorese youth did attend the Conference476; and Marcelino António Fausto Guterres, one of the three youths – but who has declared that, although completing the travel modalities with the Indonesian Consul, the three did not travel to Bandung in 1955477. These two versions of events

473 Neonbasu, G. SVD, “Building Peace in East Timor: The Role of the Catholic Church”, November 2002. See also José Manuel Duarte’s comments on uniting East and West Timor at p.79, footnote 409. There were reportedly “factions” within the rebel movement in Dili in early 1959 – as related by Matias Guterres de Sousa to Carlos da Silva in Lisbon in 2002 (email to author – 12 June 2009), and the claim that some rebels supported the concept of an independent “Timor island” merits further investigation. Such a concept might have been attractive to the “Permesta 14” – but its attainment would have faced insurmountable opposition from the Republic of Indonesia. 474 The concept of a “Greater Timor” (Negara Timor Raya) arose from a seminar in early 1997 at the Political and Social Science Faculty of the Widya Mandira Catholic University in Kupang, West Timor. A Dewan Rakyat Timor (DRT -Timor People’s Council) was subsequently formed in Kupang in mid-August 2001 – to campaign against the “enforcement” of Javanese culture. The declaration of the Negara Timor Raya emerged from the DRT in late 2001. For background see“Gerakan Separatis Negara Timor Raya Muncul di NTT” (“Negara Timor Raya Separatist Movement Arising in NTT”), Republika, Kupang, 21 December 2001. – see Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps …, op.cit., 2008, pp. 157-158. 475 Mau Brani (Juru Bicara – Spokesperson), Pesan Natal dari Uni Republik Timor (New Year’s Message from the Union of the Republic of Timor), 26 December 2000. This email claimed that the Uni Republik Timor-Dilly continued the struggle of the “1959 Rebellion whose aim had been to unite and free the island of Timor, including Rote, Jako [sic] and Ataúro”.476 Rohi, P.A., “Soekarno, KAA, dan Timor-Leste”, marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005, op.cit., p.2 – an interview with Marcelino (a purported “observer” in Bandung), Venilale (East Timor), 1996 – see footnotes 38, 40 and 42.477 As clarified in the author’s interviews with Marcelino Guterres in Dili in April and June 2007 – see footnote 40.

have yet to be satisfactorily resolved. However, it is likely that the Rohi-published version of “attendance in Bandung” was either:

knowingly “embroidered” in 1996 by Peter Rohi as an element of an Indonesian campaign to fabricate an earlier history of association between Indonesia and young “independentists” in Portuguese Timor (see footnotes 38 and 273); or

Rohi was misled by Marcelino who, in 1996, claimed falsely to Rohi that the three Timorese had attended the Bandung Conference – and that Marcelino, on his return, had been involved in clandestine activity associated with the 1959 Rebellion.

On the balance of probabilities, the former of the scenarios ie “fabrication” is considered the most likely – but further clarifying information may yet emerge.

However, subsequent criticism by groups in Jakarta of the Portuguese colonial regime in Timor were probably catalysed by the “Spirit of Bandung” - and did not necessarily require any significant direction or control by the Indonesian Government. The role, if any, of the Indonesian Government in the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion has been discussed at some length above. It is highly unlikely that Jakarta directed the “independence activities” of its Consul in Dili - or managed or sponsored the “Permesta 14” – for, as yet, there is no firm - let alone definitive, evidence of any such official Indonesian involvement. Several reports however, indicate that the Indonesian Government was involved in a range of subversive activities against Portuguese Timor beginning at least in late 1962.478

A Future History

This monograph began by noting that Fretilin’s 28 November 1975 Declaration of Independence was preceded by other 20th century attempts at independence and freedom for the people of Timor-Leste. How will Timor-Leste governments, academics, historians, political parties479, teachers – and future school text-books, treat these early independence movements480 – particularly the 1959 Rebellion discussed in this monograph ? A concern is that history and politics are perhaps inseparable – for “History furnishes to politics all the arguments that it needs, for the chosen cause.” 481

In some eyes, the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion has been “tainted” by the appropriation of that movement by Indonesian authorities– ie by the Indonesian insistence that the 1959 uprising represented the earliest attempt by the people of Portuguese Timor to integrate into the Republic of Indonesia. As noted earlier, this interpretation of the uprising was indeed actively promoted by the Indonesian Government during their reception of returning Viqueque Rebellion exiles in the mid-1990s. However, any objective assessment of the 1959 Rebellion would acknowledge that the rebels were, not surprisingly, inspired by the independence of Indonesia – and that their movement did appear to seek an association with Indonesia. Moreover, the involvement of several of the 1959 veterans with the pro-Indonesian Apodeti party in

478 See Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps …, op.cit., 2008, pp. 86-103.479 For reported Fretilin and UDT (União Democrática Timorense – Timorese Democratic Union) positive attitudes towards the 1959 Rebellion as a “formative influence” – see footnote 370.480 For discussion of the Jakarta-based Uni Republik Timor-Dilly (URT-D) led by Mao Klao - and the activities of the West Timor-based Silvester Martins Nai Buti (Seço) in the Indonesia/Portuguese Timor border area in the early 1960s, see Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps …, op.cit., 2008.481 Romain Rolland, 1866-1944 - Nobel Prize for Literature 1915.

the mid-1970s – and the subsequent “collaboration” of several during the Indonesian occupation, has also tarnished somewhat the “independence” credentials of the 1959 movement. There have however been occasional positive references to the 1959 Rebellion by Fretilin/Falintil-associated figures – albeit most dated before the increased Indonesian propagandistic exploitation in the 1990s of the uprising.482

Importantly however – as noted earlier in this monograph, Dom Ximenes Belo recently published an article on the Rebellion that concluded:

“To all those who lost their lives because of the so-called ‘Revolt of 1959’, I – as a Timorese who witnessed with my own eyes and ears the physical and mental violence in my hometown of Baucau, bow my head as a sign of respect and solidarity. To some extent, I take the liberty to affirm ‘they also have contributed to the Independence of our Motherland – to them I offer my prayers and respect.’ ”483

Perhaps future reviews and studies of the 1959 Rebellion movement by Timorese scholars may yet more adequately recognise the sacrifices of the rebels and the suffering inflicted on the villagers of Viqueque and Baucau ? The Rebellion might still find broader recognition and acceptance as a “legitimate” contribution to the independence struggle of the Timorese people.

This monograph has offered a brief, and admittedly incomplete, recounting of some aspects of recent Timorese history. Here, I am mindful of the view that, “compounded by the complexity of internal division following twenty-five years of resistance”, some Timorese consider their history still “too hot to handle” – “maybe leave it for another twenty years.”484 Regardless, the writing of a definitive and authoritative history of the period is more appropriately left to Timorese.485 The 50th anniversary of the 1959 Rebellion could be the catalyst for a re-examination of the events by Timorese scholars - and promote the publishing of a comprehensive and objective account of that uprising and other pre-1974 movements that struggled against Portuguese rule.

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Annexes:

A. Map - Circunscrição de Viqueque ((not included))

482 Examples include: Abílio de Araújo (footnote 407 – written in 1977); Francisco de Xavier Amaral (footnotes 274 and 275); and Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão (footnote 370). See also Nicolau Lobato’s comment in May 1975 at footnote 459).483 Belo, C.F.X. Dom, “A Revolta de 1959 em Viqueque, Watolari e Watocarbau”, Porto, 5 Junho de 2009, p.6 – quoted earlier at p.3 and f.10.484 Leach, M., “East Timor – History on the Line …”, History Workshop Journal, Spring 2006, Oxford University Press, Oxford, p.235.485 The 1959 Rebellion was selected as a topic for the Timor-Leste Studies Association research conference “Understanding Timor Leste” at the University of Timor-Lorosae (2-3 July 2009) and a related History Workshop at the CAVR offices at Balide (4 July 2009).

B. Sejarah Perjuangan Timor-Timur Untuk Sekolah Menengah Atas (History of the East Timor Struggle for Senior High School), Anhar Gonggong & Susanto Zuhdi, Direktorat Pendidikan Menengah Umum, Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Jakarta, 1992 – a translated extract in English by author of this monograph. ((not included))

C. Declaration/Request for Political Asylum by the “Permesta 14” – 27 March 1958; 20 June 1958 (Dili) – see footnote 78. ((not included))

D. Araújo, A.(Amaro) L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Jakarta/Kupang, 1974 – including: Araújo, A. de (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe [sic] de 1959, na Cirrcunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor (Memorandum – Report: On the event that occurred on 7 June 1959 in the Circumscription of Viqueque - Timor), six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié (Angola), 21 April 1960 – in Portuguese. “Memorandum – Assunto …” was also included in the 2005 “expanded/A-4” version of the O Célebre …booklet – see footnote 47, which was initialled/authenticated by Evaristo da Costa, Salem Musalam Sagran, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Juman bin Basirun. ((not included))

E. Deportees – 1959 Rebellion.

F. Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959 (The Names of the Timorese Detainees in Angola in 1959), Silva Porto (Bié, Angola), 6 June 1960 – in Portuguese (initialled/authenticated by Evaristo da Costa, Salem Musalam Sagran, Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa and Juman bin Basirun); see footnote 356. This document appears as pp.15-17 in Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005. ((not included))

G. TERJEMAHAN: Pejuang Perintis Integrasi Timor Timur Ke Dalam Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (TRANSLATION: Pioneer Fighters for the Integration of East Timor into the Unitary Republic of Indonesia), Dili, 8 December 1995 - in Bahasa Indonesia (see footnote 423). English translation by author overpage. ((not included))

H. Pinto, L. dos Santos, Certidão - Estado-Maior General das Forças Armadas Serviço de Coordenação de Extinção da PIDE/DGS e LP (Armed Forces Chief of Staff’s Office for the Coordination of the Disbandment of the PIDE/DGS & LP) Lisbon, 22 March 1983 – in Portuguese (see footnote 424).

((not included))

Annex EDEPORTEES - 1959 REBELLION 486

(listed alphabetically by first name)

Notes : - the deportees’ PIDE serial numbers - where known, are shown in brackets.- ages, in 1959, are added where known ; marital status is at time of arrest.- their status in 1961 ie : not considered guilty (32), considered guilty (16) or considered guilty - Viqueque (16), is also indicated. - * indicates one of the 36 Apodeti party “fundadores”– see footnote 385.- a listing noting those deceased as at April 1996 is included at footnote 430.487

- the dismissals of several of the civil servants were recorded in the Boletim Oficial de Timor (BOdT). - much of the personal data has been extracted from a Guia dated 3 October 1959 by the Chefe de Gabinete in Dili - Lieutenant D.R.C. Braga, reporting on the "56’ deportees who departed Dili on the N/M India on 8 October 1959.

Abel da Costa Belo* (not considered guilty) - 43 years, married. Born 30/4/1916 in Baucau, son of Francisco da Costa Belo and Esperanca da Costa Belo (see Soares, A.V.M., Pulau Timor …, 2003, op.cit, pp.100-101 for photograph and biodata – including ancestry and extended family). Civil servant in Baucau from 35 June 1938 in the Postal, Telegraph and Telephone Service in Baucau (BOdT, No. 29, 16 July 1949, p.246); Encarregado de Estação from 4 October 1946; dismissed 6 June 1959 vide BOdT, No. 30, 25 July 1959, p.498. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to João Belo District, Cha-Chai, Mozambique in late August 1961. To Portugal in 1962. Returned to Dili on 22 January 1968. Bupati (Administrator) of Baucau Regency during the Indonesian period January 1976-1984. Appointed a member of the National Political Committee of the CNRT – announced on 9 September 98. Resident in Baucau in 2009. Abel da Costa Belo is cited as Chefe de Suco of Uavala village, Baguia in 1952 – Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.17.

Agostinho dos Santos (considered guilty) – 21 years, single. Born in Bobonaro, son of Simão dos Santos and Vitoria dos Reis. Resident in Dili. Driver’s/mechanic’s assistant/unemployed. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor in the early 1960s (?).

486 Total listed is 68, including four of the Indonesian “Permesta 14”. Rusdie (et al), Perjuangan …, 1997, op.cit., p.20 lists “Joaquim Osório” as one of the Timorese rebels – see footnote 388. 487 Araújo, A. (Arnaldo) de (Governo Provisorio Timor Loro Sae), Matanza em timor oriental, March 1976, Dili – cites the deaths in 1976 of Apodeti, UDT and Trabalhista members killed by Fretilin including : Osório Soares on 28 Encero 1976 - and Chiquito, Gervásio Aleixo, Antonio Soares (Metan), and Vital Ximenes.

Albert/Albertus Ndoen/Ndun/Ndung (Indonesian) – 37 years, married to Eg Lomina Ndoen. Born in Kupang, son of Lazarus Ndoen and Maria Leba. Former second sergeant in the PRRI/Permesta. In March 1958, fled and was accepted as political refugee in Portuguese Timor. Moved from Baucau to Viqueque in December 1958. Did not participate in the attack on the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters on 7/8 June 1959. Captured by Portuguese troops in the Ossu area in mid-June 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; escaped briefly in Singapore (20-23 October); arrived Lisbon on 11 December 1959; transferred to Angola in late May 1960 - arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Returned to Lisbon from Luanda - 12 July 1961. Repatriated: to Zurich (Switzerland) and then to Jakarta - arriving 7 April 1962. Enlisted in the TNI. In Jakarta.

Alberto Rodrigues Pereira (not considered guilty) – 47 years, single. Born 12 August 1912 in Liquiça, son of Mau Laco and Isabel Rodrigues Pereira. Joined the public service on 14 December 1936 (BOdT, No. 7, 16 February 1957) - compositor (1st class) in Government printing works (ie Imprensa Nacional) - BOdT, No. 3, 17 January 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961, transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Deceased.

Alexandre Viana de Jesus Maia (not considered guilty) – 42 years, married. Son of Daci Boi and Dau More. Chefe de suco Mirtuto, Letefoho (Ermera). Resident in Dili. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in February 1961.

Amaro Loyola Jordão de Araújo488 (considered guilty) – (25406R), 59 years (the oldest of those exiled), married. Born 2/5/1919 in Dili - son of José Francisco de Araújo and Carlota da Costa Faria Pinto de Araújo. Resident of Viqueque. Former civil servant (from 2 May 1919) of the Treasury Department – appointed a Level 3 official (BOdT, No. 51, 19 December 1936, p.404 & p.406) and acting Secretary of the Treasury for the Council of Dili (BOdT, No. 2, 9 January 1937, p.6; BOdT, No. 10, 6 March 1948; BOdT, No. 25, 19 June 1948, p.217). Dismissed for corruption – BOdT, No. 32, 7 August 1948, p.292. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as “reserved”, but still maintaining his “pro-Indonesian tendencies”. Died April 1969 in Angola.

Amilcar Ribeiro Seixas (not considered guilty) – 27 years, widower. Born in Dili - son of Manuel Bernardo Seixas and Carolina dos Santos Pereira Seixas. Mechanic’s assistant (civil servant) - Town Council (ie Camara Municipal). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

António da Costa Soares (known as António Metan) – (considered guilty – Viqueque), (25409R), 48 years, married. Born Afaloicai (Uatolari) - son of Filipe and

488 Believed to have Goan ie Indian forebears - Author’s discussions with Hermenegildo da Cruz, Constantino de Oliveira Simões, António Pinto and Rogerio Pinto in Viqueque – 29 June 2007.

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Joséfa/Nae Lequi. Régulo of the Uatolari Posto – and Chefe de Povoação. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as an activist and maintaining “political ideals”. Returned to Timor in March 1970 with his daughter, Joséfa. Died in Uatolari in 1972 (or 1979). Note: also reported as “killed by Fretilin” in 1976 (see footnotes 386 and 430).

António Soriano – (not considered guilty) also known as António Sequeira, aged 48, married. Born in Fairia (Aileu) - son of Mau Hui and Dau Bair. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Deceased.

Armindo Soares Amaral – (considered guilty), 25 years, single. Born in Vessa (Viqueque Town) - son of Rubilela and Terezinha. Driver’s assistant. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor on 14 January 1996. A son – Flavio (born in Portugal), reportedly returned to Timor-Leste after Independence.489

Belarmino de Araújo – (not considered guilty), 31 years, single. Born in Fatu Bessi - son of Pedro Casimiro and Alda Goncalves Casimiro. Resident in Dili. Driver for Francisco M. X. de Araújo. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Carlos Salvador de Sousa Gama (known as “Carlito”) – (considered guilty), 22 years, single. Born 20/12/1936 in Balibo - son of Paulo de Sousa Gama and Madalena Ribeiro de Sousa Gama. Driver’s assistant (morador)/football player – Academica. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961.

Celestino Peter Guterres (also known as Mu Then Siong) - (not considered guilty) – 27 years, married. Born in Venilale (Baucau) - son of Mu Ping Tjin and Joaquina Guterres. Driver (motorista) for the Indonesian Consulate. Arrested 10 August 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Crispim Borges de Araújo – (not considered guilty), 37 years, married. Born Maubara - son of Laha Ana and Mina. Driver for Francisco M. X. de Araújo and the Companhia Agricola de Timor. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Returned to Timor in 1961 (?). Deceased.

David Verdial (known as “Daud Bere” and “Garuda”) – (considered guilty), 39 years, single. Born 1/1/1920 in Java - son of Laetus Tato Bere and Rosa Kamissah. Also reported as being born in Bobonaro or Atambua. Employee (amanuense –

489 Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da Independência, Tipografia União Folha do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004, p.74.

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clerk/stenographer) of the Indonesian Consulate in Dili. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961.

Domingos da Conceição Guterres – (not considered guilty), 29 years, married. Born in Dili - son of António and Maria Madalena de Fatima. Mechanic’s assistant at (“O P”- ie Public Works Department). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Domingos da Conceição Pereira – (not considered guilty), 32 years, married. Born 22/5/27 in Dili - son of Lourenço Pereira and Pascoela da Silva Pereira. Married to Rosa Fernandes da Silva – December 1949 (BOdT, No. 52, 24 December 1949, p.494). Civil servant – from January 1948; aspirante interino in Dili in 1949 vide BOdT, No. 7, 7 February 1949, p.61; Head (Encarregado) of Posto (2nd Class), Laleia (Manatuto) – acting as aspirante wef 5 June 1959 vide BOdT, No. 24, 13 June 1959, p.410; dismissed 23 July 1959 vide BOdT, No. 30, 25 July 1959, p.498. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in February 1961.

Domingos Geronimo dos Reis Amaral – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 24 years, married. Born in Luca (Viqueque) - son of Geronimo dos Reis Amaral and Maria. Farmer (agricultura) – former Tropas (Portuguese military). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor in March 1970 (Viqueque). Died in Luca in 1999.

Domingos (Hornay) Soares – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 24 years, single. Born in Vessa (Viqueque Town) - son of Estevão Araújo and Luzia Soares. Driver’s assistant/labourer. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor on 14 January 1996 – moved to Kupang in 1999.

Duarte Soares – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 24 years, single. Born in Vessa (Viqueque Town) - son of Cai Loi and Noco Cai. Labourer. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor in March 1970 with wife - Madalena Cilonbo, and children (Delfin Soares, Virgínia Soares, Francisco Soares, Celestino Soares). Deceased.

Eduardo de Araújo – (not considered guilty), 44 years, married. Born in Catrai Letem, Lete Foho (Ermera) - son of Mau Bere and Maria. Farmer (agricultor) in Lete Foho. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Died in Mozambique.

Eduardo Francisco da Costa (known as “Sapeca”) – (not considered guilty), 39 years, married. Born in Dili - son of Manuel da Costa and Joséfa de Jesus Fernandes. Employed as “pintor” (painter). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959;

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arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Evaristo da Costa – (considered guilty), 25 years, married. Born 12/8/1933 in Alas - son of José Maria and Amélia da Costa. Civil servant from 15 October 1949 - mechanic’s assistant/operator at the Public Works (ie “O P”) Department. Arrested in Dili on 2 June 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960; released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. In October 1961, assigned “fixed residence” in Mozambique for five years while his case was reviewed in Lisbon. To Portugal on 28 December 1983. Returned to Timor on 14 January 1996 (see footnote 427). Resident in Dili – passed away 11 March 2009.

Fernando Pinto – (25414R) – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 33 years, married. Born Colo Cai Bai - son of Gaspar Pereira and Abu Mau. Assistant (ajudante) at the village of Afaloicai (Uato-Carabau Posto) and régulo/raja. Participated in attacks at Uato-Carabau and Baguia. Arrested at Ossu on 1 July 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as “reserved”, but maintaining “political ideals”. Reported as “died in Angola” and also as “living in Portugal in 1989”.

Francisco Dias da Costa – (not considered guilty), 27 years, married. Born in Alas - son of José Maria and Amelia da Costa. “Professor catechist” at the Catholic mission in Aileu, (brother of Evaristo da Costa). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Executed in Dili by ABRI during the Indonesian occupation period – in 1980.

Francisco Maria Xavier Jesus de Araújo – (not considered guilty), 66 years, married. Born 12/1/1893 in Luca. From 26 March 1946 to 21 September 1946, served as the Secretary for the Administrative Council for Social and Public Assistance (BOdT, No. 9, 21 December 1946, p.57; BOdT, No. 44, 30 October 1948, p.394). Coffee plantation owner, businessman, member of the Conselho do Governo. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Lisbon on 11 December 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Released in 1961 (?) and moved to Macau. Deceased.

Francisco Orlando Fátima Soares* - (not considered guilty), 22 years, single. Born 2/4/1937 in Quelicai - son of Mau Sabe and Hare Cai. Resident in Dili. Farmer (agricultor)/Tropas (Portuguese Army) corporal. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Returned to Portuguese Timor. Moved to Lisbon Note however that Tomodok, E.M., Hari Hari Terakhir, 1994, p.97 states “killed by Fretilin”.

Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa* (known as “Alico”) – (considered guilty), 23 years, single. Born in Dili in April 1936 - son of Rafael Carvalho da Costa and Maria Almeida da Costa. Related to Luis da Costa Rego – lived in the same extended family

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compound in Audian, Dili. Joined the public service as a seaman (grumete) – Maritime Services, Port of Dili on 1 April 1957 – vide BOdT, No. 13, 30 March 1957, p.201. Arrested in Dili on 4 June 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Dismissed wef 1 November 1959 vide BOdT, No. 45, 31 October 1959, p.731. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor in 1963. Functioned as President of Apodeti (1974-75), Executive President of Apodeti – 1998, President of the political party Apodeti Pro-Referendo – from August 2000 and a CNRT Permanent Committee representative. Apodeti Pro Referendo contested the 2001 Constituent Assembly Election – receiving 0.6 percent of the vote. A son – Fredi Martins da Costa (17 years), “disappeared” during the Santa Cruz massacre in November 1991. His eldest son – Anatolino Beltrão da Costa (27), a Falintil member, was killed by the ABRI-controlled Saka group near Dilor on 26 January 1996. Frederico established an educational institution – the “Kristal Foundation”.490 Resident in Kuluhan Road, Audian/Bemori (Dili) in 2009.

Germano das Dores Alves Santana da Silva* - (considered guilty), 21 years, single. Born in Dili - son of Francisco da Silva and Alda da Costa Soares da Silva. Resident of Manatuto. Joined the public service as a seaman (grumete) – Maritime Services, Port of Dili on 1 April 1957 – vide BOdT, No. 13, 30 March 1957, p.201. Resigned 16 April 1959 vide BOdT, No. 18, 2 May 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor in March 1970 with wife - Maria Hermínia Neves da Costa Alves, and children (João Nestor Pereira da Silva, Francisco Neves da Silva). Tomodok, E.M., Hari Hari Terakhir, 1994, p.97 states “killed by Fretilin”.

Gerson Tom Pello (Indonesian) – 27 years, single. Born in Tjamplong (Camplong, Indonesian Timor) - son of Jusak Pello and Jacoba Tasi. Former aspirant officer, PRRI/Permesta in Kupang. In March 1958, fled and was accepted as political refugee in Portuguese Timor. Moved from Baucau to Viqueque in December 1958. Led attack against the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters on 7/8 June 1959. Captured by Portuguese troops in the Venilale area on 20 June 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; escaped briefly in Singapore (20-23 October); arrived Lisbon on 11 December 1959; transferred to Angola in late May 1960 - arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Returned to Lisbon from Luanda 12 July 1961. Repatriated : to Zurich (Switzerland) and then to Jakarta - arriving 7 April 1962. Enlisted in the TNI – and reportedly served in Irian Barat (Dutch New Guinea). May have been briefly involved with the Uni Republik Timor-Dilly (URT-D) in Jakarta in mid-1975 – see Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps, op.cit., 2008, f. 806. Died in Camplong (West Timor) on 25 April 1998.

Gervásio Soriano Aleixo* - (considered guilty), 26 years, single. Born 19/1/1933 in Dili - son of Horacio Aleixo and Maria da Conceição Soriano Aleixo. Assistant carpenter in the Public Works Department (ie “O P”). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May

490 Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da Independência, Tipografia União Folha do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004, pp.82-84 – includes a photograph of Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa.

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1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Employed in Chicava Colony, Bie (Angola) in 1965. Returned to Timor in March 1970 with wife - Elvira da Conceição Pereira Aleixo, and two young children (Maria and João). As an Apodeti leader, arrested by Fretilin in late 1975, killed in late 1975/early 1976 (see footnote 430). Tomodok, E.M., Hari Hari Terakhir, 1994, p.97 states “killed by Fretilin”.

Jeremias/Jermias Toan/To’an Pello (Indonesian) – 19 years, single. Born in Rote (Indonesia) 26/6/1940 - son of Martinus Pello and Catarina Daik. Civilian supporter of the PRRI/Permesta in Kupang. In March 1958, fled and was granted political asylum in Portuguese Timor. Moved from Baucau to Viqueque in December 1958 and participated in the attack against the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters on 7/8 June 1959. Captured by Portuguese troops in the Venilale area on 20 June 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; escaped briefly in Singapore (20-23 October); arrived Lisbon on 11 December 1959; transferred to Angola in late May 1960 - arrived Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Returned to Lisbon from Luanda 12 July 1961. Repatriated : to Zurich (Switzerland) and then to Jakarta - arriving 7 April 1962. Refused offer to enlist in ABRI, moved to Kupang (West Timor) to care for parents.

João Lisboa – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 28 years, married. Born in Viqueque - son of António Lisboa and Nai Lou/Lou Naic. Resident in Viqueque. Driver’s assistant/Farmer (agricultura). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor in March 1970 (Viqueque) with young son, Francisco António Lisboa. Died in Aitara (Luca) on 30 August 1975 – shot and killed. Son – Chico Lisboa, was a prominent boxer in Jakarta.

João Pereira da Silva* (known as “Chiquito”) – (2917R) – (considered guilty), 28 years. Born 2/6/1927 or 3/12/1926 in Dili - son of Francisco da Silva and Alda da Costa Soares. Male nurse (ajudante enfermeiro auxiliar) - joined civil service on 12 July 1947; transferred from Baucau to Dili on 4 July 1958 (Dr Carvalho Hospital) – BoDT, No. 28, 10 July 1948, p.236) . Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960; Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as one of the three leading activists – a Timor “separatist”, maintaining his “political ideals”. Returned to Timor in March 1970. Deceased – killed by Fretilin, see footnotes 42, 55, 138 and 364. Tomodok, E.M., Hari Hari Terakhir, 1994, p.97 states “killed by Fretilin”.

Joaquim Augusto/Agostinho/Agustodos dos Santos/Silva – (not considered guilty), 40 years, married. Born in Liquica - son of Francisco Xavier dos Santos and Guiomar de Jesus dos Santos. Resident in Dili. Typist/telephonist in the Postal, Telegraph and Telephone Service. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959, released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Returned to Timor in 1961 (?). Deceased.

Joaquim Ferreira/Fereira (sometimes incorrectly spelt as “Perreira” – known as “Atak”) – (25419R) – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 26 years, single. Born 30/8/1933 in Rai Um (Viqueque) - son of Francisco da Costa Pereira (luirai of Uma Kiik village, Viqueque) and Maria da Costa Pereira. Supervisor of road maintenance

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in Viqueque, close friend of José Sarmento. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as one of the three leading activists – a Timor “separatist”, and maintaining his “political ideals”. Returned to Timor in March 1970. Member of DPRD II (Viqueque) 1981-1987. Nominal “Panglima” (supreme commander) of 59/75 militia group in 1999, moved to Kupang in 1999.

Jorge Anselmo da Lima Maher/Mayher – (not considered guilty), 32 years, married. Born in Baucau - son of Rui Estavão Maher and Rosa Montalvao da Silva Maher. Bank employee (escriturário) of Banco Nasional Ultramarino. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in February 1961.

José Benny/Beni Joaquim – (considered guilty), 24 years, married. Born 5/1/1935 in Dili - son of José dos Santos Joaquim and Maria Angela Joaquim. Driver for Francisco M. X. de Araújo. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961.

José Manuel Duarte – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 25 years, married . Born 14/3/1934 in Dili - son of Manuel Duarte and Maria Madelena. Married to Alice. Civil servant from 5 March 1955 - employed as observer’s assistant (ajudante de observador) in the Meteorological Service – one of four ajudantes. Transferred to Viqueque in July 1956 vide BOdT, No. 31, 4 August 1956, p.506 – dismissed on 20 July 59 vide BOdT, No. 30, 25 July 1959, p.498. Participated in the attack in Viqueque Town on 7/8 June and subsequent attack at Baguia. Arrested on 1 July 1959 at Ossu (with Fernando Pinto). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Joined by wife and children in Angola in 1969. To Portugal on 23 September 1975. Returned to Timor in 1986 with wife and two of five children, businessman – member DPRD I. Moved to Kupang in 1999, died in Jakarta in April 2003.

José Maria Esposito Maia – (not considered guilty), 47 years, married. Born in Raimere Hai, Lete Foho (Ermera) - son of Napoleão Maia and Joana Maia. Former chefe de suco of Rimere Hai, Letefoho. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Probably transferred to Mozambique in August 1961. Deceased.

José (dos) Ramos de Sousa Gama (known as “Zeca Gama”) – (2908R) – (considered guilty), 28 years, married. Born 22/12/1930 in Ainaro - son of Paulo de Sousa Gama and Madalena Ribeiro de Sousa Gama. Resident in Laga. Farmer (agricultor). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960.

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Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Married the daughter of a “European”. Deceased.

José Sarmento – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 24 years, married. Born in Rai Um (Viqueque) - son of Fona Bui and Cassa Loic. Farmer (agricultor) - Rai Um sub-village , Uma Kiik (Viqueque), close friend of Joaquim Ferreira.. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as one of the three leading activists – a Timor “separatist”, and maintaining his “political ideals”. Returned to Timor in March 1970 with wife - Joana Paula, and young son - José Mateus Sarmento.

José Soares – (considered guilty -Viqueque), 35 years, married. Born in Ermera - son of Nai More and Bui Lou. Painter (pintor)/farmer – resident in Viqueque. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in February 1961 with the “not considered guilty” group.

Juman/Juma’an bin Bachirum/Basirun/Basyirun – (not considered guilty), 19 years, single. Born in Dili - son of Bassirum and Elisa. Civil servant in the Instructional Service from 6 February 1959 - as Servente (labourer) at Dr Machado School (primary school) – dismissed 11 June 1959 vide BOdT, No. 25, 20 June 1959, p.432-433. Arrested in Dili on 10 June 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Returned to Timor – arriving in Dili on 10 August 1963. Resident in Dili in 2009.

Lambertus Ladow/Ladouw (Indonesian) – 28 years, married to Juliana Ladow. Born in Wonokromo (Surabaya, Indonesia) - son of Joel Ladow and Willelmina Haton. Lieutenant in the PRRI/Permesta (earlier served in the TNI – as a corporal) . The acknowledged leader of the “Permesta 14” group that fled from Kupang to Portuguese Timor in March 1958. Accepted as political refugee. With group, moved from Dili to Baucau. Did not participate in the attack against the Viqueque Circunscrição headquarters on 7/8 June 1959. Arrested in Baucau by Portuguese troops on 8 June 1959 – together with the other eight Baucau-based Permesta 14. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; escaped briefly in Singapore (20-23 October); arrived Lisbon on 11 December 1959; transferred to Angola in late May 1960 - arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Returned to Lisbon from Luanda 12 July 1961. Repatriated: to Zurich (Switzerland) and then to Jakarta - arriving 7 April 1962. Enlisted in the TNI. Died in Thailand in 1983.

Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira – (not considered guilty), 28 years, married. Born in Dili - son of António Rodrigues Pereira and Joana Pereira. Clerk in the SAPT ie merchant’s office/farmer (agricultor). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Resident in Dili in 2009.

Luís da Costa Rego (known as “Luís Cina/China”) – (2916R) – (considered guilty), 24 years, married to Lay Nhia Yung (?). Born 15/5/1934 in Dili - son of Francisco Ribeiro and Rita Francisca de Sousa Jesus Ribeiro. Driver (motorista) in the Agricultural and Veterinary Service – dismissed 24 June 1959 wef 3 June 1959 vide BOdT, No. 26, 27 June 1959, p.448. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959;

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arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as one of the three leading activists – a Timor “separatist”, and “continuing to proselytize for Timorese independence”. Returned to live in Lisbon.

Luís/Luiz da Cunha Soares (da Costa) Nunes – (considered guilty), 23 years, single. Born in Oesilo (Oecusse) - son of Andre de Carvalho Nunes and Antonia Soares Nunes. Empregado (practicing nurse) in the Mission for the Study of Endemics. Resident in Dili. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Moved to Australia.

Manuel Alves – (not considered guilty), 54 years, single. Born in Dili - son of Domingos Alves and Isabel da Costa Alves. Civil servant from 13 August 1947. Fiel de balanca (2nd class) in the Customs Service – dismissed 13 August 1959 vide BOdT, No. 30, 25 July 1959, p.498; No. 42, 17 October 1959, p.688. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Manuel da Silva (known as “Mao Teco”) – (not considered guilty), 37 years, Born in Dili - son of Calisto da Silva and Leonilda Sequeira da Silva. Telephonist 2nd Class in Postal, Telegraph and Telephone Service – dismissed 3 June 1959 (BOdT, No. 30, 25 July 1959, p.498). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Deceased.

Manuel Damas – (not considered guilty), 35 years, single. Born in Fatu Bessi - son of José and Margarida. Driver’s assistant/unemployed. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Manuel de Freitas – (not considered guilty), 35 years, single. Born in Mate Bian, Osso Una village (Baguia) - son of Manuel and Hara Cai. Resident in Dili. Driver’s assistant/unemployed. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Manuel Rodrigues Alin/Alim (known as “Canguru”) – (27283R) – (considered guilty), 31 years, single. Born in Cova Lima - son of Alim and Maria Cardina. Resident in Dili. Driver. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Considered by PIDE as “reserved” but maintaining “political ideals”. Returned to Timor in March

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1970 with young daughter, Ricardina Manuel Rodrigues Alim and resided in Taibessi, Dili. Manuel Alim died in May 2003.491

Mário/Maria José Henriques Martins – (not considered guilty), 50 years, married. Born 5/11/1908 in Mozambique - son of Francisco Martins and Jacinta da Conceição Henriques. Joined the public service on 22 April 1927 (BOdT, No. 7, 16 February 1957) - compositor (1st class) in Government printing works (ie Imprensa Nacional) – BOdT, No. 3, 17 January 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Deceased.

Mateus Sarmento Loyola Jordão de Araújo – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 53 years, single (Viqueque). Born in Dili - son of José Francisco de Araújo and Carlota da Costa Faria Pinto de Araújo. Brother of Amaro L. J. de Araújo. Former civil servant – noted as interim Encarregado de Posto at Bobonaro in December 1946 (BOdT, No. 7, 7 December 1946, p.41). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Died in Angola in 1988.

Matias Guterres de Sousa – (not considered guilty), 31 years, married. Born in 1928 in Uatolari - son of Gregório de Sousa and Aurelia Teresinha. Resident in Dili. Joined the public service on 31 October 1952. Assistant nurse (ajudante de enfermeiro auxiliar). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Moved to Portugal and returned to Timor in the early 1960s. To Mozambique with his family in the early 1970s, and later to Portugal. His eldest son - Adriano do Sousa, was a Fretilin/Falintil member killed in combat by ABRI. His second son, Gregório de Sousa was a Fretilin Member of Parliament – 2002-2007. Matias was reportedly living in Portugal in 2009. Note – Matias was incorrectly listed as: “22. Matias Pereira, nurse (emfreiro [sic]) in Baguia” – by Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa in a listing prepared in Angola on 6 June 1960 – see Annex F, and included in a 2005 booklet prepared in Dili – see footnote 47.

Miguel Pinto – (considered guilty -Viqueque), 25 years, single. Born in Behora/Manehat (Viqueque) - son of Fune Fone and Are Cai. Farmer (agricultura) . Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor in March 1970 with two young children (Isequiel Brum Pinto Viana, César Brum Pinto Viana). Deceased.

Nicodemos dos Reis Amaral – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 36 years, married. Born 3/5/1915 in Caraubalo (Viqueque Town) - son of António Soares and Maria Soares. Chefe de Povoação – Anen/Lamaklaran (Has Abut), Caraubalo (Viqueque). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Returned to Timor in March 1970 with

491 Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da Independência, Tipografia União Folha do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004, p.128 – includes a photograph of Manuel Rodrigues Alim.

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wife - Tota Imaculada, and children (Amaro Loyola Jordão Amaral, Maria dos Reis Amaral). Member of DPRD II (Viqueque) 1981-1987.

Paulo da Conceição Castro - (not considered guilty), aged 48, married. Born in Aileu - son of Bessi Liar and Lou No. Agriculturist and Catechist. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; Released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Deceased.

Paulo da Silva – (not considered guilty), 44 years, married. Born in Dili - son of António da Silva and Maria da Silva. Chefe de Suco – Bidau (Dili). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Deceased.

Paulo Soares Amaral – (considered guilty - Viqueque), 25 years, single. Born in Viqueque - son of João Soares and Elda Soares. Truck driver (Viqueque) - father worked as cook for Portuguese officials, possibly brother of Armindo. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Died in Viqueque.

Saleh Bin Ahmad/Hamad Bassarewan – (not considered guilty), 24 years, single. Born in Dili - son of Hamad Bassarewan and Tji Binte Toja. Businessman (comerciante). Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

Salem/Salam bin Musalam Sagran – (not considered guilty), 30 years, married. Born 1/10/1928 in Dili - son of Musalam bin Hadi Sagran and Salma Waked. Clerk/typist/ interpreter in the Indonesian Consulate. Arrested on 15 August 1959. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in July 1961 and then to Lisbon on 18 November 1961. Returned to Timor on 10 July 1963 – arriving in Dili on 10 August 1963. Employed by SAPT and Tourism Department (from 1 August 1964 – vide BOdT, No. 3, 17 January 1970, p.54; and as encarregado do expediente vide BOdT, No. 53, 21 December 1968, p.1077) – then property owner and businessman. Prominent in Islamic community, and author. Member of DPRD 1 (ie Timor Timur Parliament) in the early 1990s. In 2009, resident in Rua da Mesquita, Aldeia Marconi/Fatuhada (Dili) - near Masjid Al Munawarah.

Usman bin Manduli Loly/Sangaji (also as Osman Djuli) – (not considered guilty), 24 years, married. Born in Dili - son of Djulic and Amina. Mechanic’s assistant (civil servant) in the Dili Municipal Council. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961.

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Valentim da Costa Pereira – (considered guilty), 27 years, widower. Born 9/4/1932 in Dili - son of Miguel da Costa and Francisca Pereira. Civil servant - labourer (servente) in the Treasury Service (Fazenda & Contabilidade), dismissed 17 June 1959 vide BOdT, No. 25, 20 June 1959, p.433. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 8 June 1959; arrived Lisbon on 20 July 1959; departed Lisbon in late May 1960; arrived in Angola on 3 or 4 June 1960. Released in Silva Porto in May 1961.

Venancio da Costa Soares (known as “Sampe”) – (considered guilty), 28 years, widower. Born in Dili - son of João and Bi Sosse. Driver’s assistant - adjunte de carro. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in May 1961. Employed in Chicava Colony, Bie (Angola) in 1966.

Vicente de Jesus Vidigal da Cunha - (not considered guilty), 45 years, widower. Born in Dili- son of Nea Boro and Maria. Chefe de Suco - Kuluhun (Dili) – noted in Sherlock, K., 1983, op.cit., p.27 as Chefe de Suco of Culu Hum [sic] in 1952. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in February 1961. Transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961. Deceased.

Vital Ximenes * - (considered guilty), 25 years, married. Born in Dili - son of Bere Naha and Maria Tilman Soares. Rural worker. Departed Dili aboard N/M India on 4 October 1959; arrived Angola on 26 November 1959; released in Silva Porto in May 1961 . Possibly transferred to Mozambique in late August 1961 (?). Returned to Dili in 1963 (?). As an Apodeti leader, arrested by Fretilin in August 1975 – moved to countryside and killed in early 1976 (see footnotes 386, 387). Tomodok, E.M., Hari Hari Terakhir, 1994, p.97 states “killed by Fretilin”.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

----, Kabupaten Viqueque Dalam Angka 1989, BPS, Kantor Statistik Kabupaten Viqueque, Viqueque, October 1990.

Aditjondro, G.J., Is oil thicker than blood ? : a study of oil companies’ interests and western complicity in Indonesia’s Annexation of East Timor, Nova Science Publications Inc, New York, 1999.

Aditjondro, G.J., Menyongsong Matahari Terbit Di Puncak Ramelau, Yayasan HAK dan Fortilos, Jakarta, 2000.

Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (ABRI) – Kodam IX/Udayana, 42 Tahun Pengabdian Kodam IX/Udayana (42 Years of Service by Military Region IX/ Udayana), Kodam IX/Udayana, Denpasar, 1999.

Araújo, A. (Abilio) de, (Jolliffe, J. & Reece, B. eds), Timorese Elites, Canberra, 1975(NAA: A1838, 3038/1/1 Part 2).

Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, Timor Leste: Os Loricos Voltaram a Cantar: Das Guerras Independentistas à Revolução do Povo Maubere, Trama, Lisboa, June 1977.

Araújo, A. (Amaro) L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Jakarta/Kupang, 1974 – see Annex D.

Araújo, A. (Arnaldo) de (Governo Provisorio Timor Loro Sae), Matanza em timor oriental, March 1976, Dili.

Barata, F.T., Timor contemporâneo: Da primeira ameaça da Indonésia ao nascer de uma nação (Contemporary Timor: From the first threat by Indonesia to the birth of a nation), Equilíbrio Editorial, Lisboa, 1998.

Bazher, A.B., Islam di Timor Timur, Gema Insani Press, Jakarta, 1995.

Berlie, J.A., East Timor: A Bibliography, les Indes savantes, Paris, 2001.

Brahmana, R., Buku 20 Tahun Timor Timur Membangun, Korps Pegawai Republik Indonesia – Propinsi Timor Timur/Samsul Bakri, Jakarta, 1996. (Bahasa and English).

Cardoso, A.M., Timor na 2ª Guerra Mundial – O Diario do Tenente Pires, CEHCP ISCTE, Lisboa, 2007.

Carrascalão, M.V., Timor – Antes do Futuro, Mau Huran Printing, Timor-Leste, 2006.

Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in East Timor in the 1950s and 1960s, Point Lonsdale - Australia, 2005.

Chamberlain, E.P., Faltering Steps: Independence Movements in East Timor - 1960s to the early 1970s, Point Lonsdale - Australia, 2008.

Chamberlain, E.P., Rebellion, Defeat and Exile: The 1959 Uprising in East Timor, Point Lonsdale - Australia, 2007.

Chamberlain, E.P., The Struggle in Iliomar: Resistance in rural East Timor, Point Lonsdale - Australia, 2008.

Chrystello, C.J., East Timor: The Secret File 1973-1975, eBooksBrasil, 2000.

Conboy, K., Kopassus: Inside Indonesia’s Special Forces, Equinox Publishing, Jakarta, 2003.

Conboy, K. & Morrison, J., Feet to the fire: CIA covert operations in Indonesia 1957-1958, Naval Institute Press, Maryland, 1999.

Costa, E.da; Costa F.A.S. da; Sagran, S.M.; Basirun, J.B. and Pereira, L.R., O Célebre Massacre de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005. Note: This A-4 format publication has the same title as the smaller 1974 publication by Araújo, A. (Amaro) L.J. de (see above) and includes the content of that publication – together with later declaração and other material (see footnote 47).

Cruz, F. Lopes da, Kesaksian – Aku dan Timor Timur (Witnessing – East Timor and I), Yayasan Tunas Harapan Timor Lorosae, Jakarta, 1999.

Dettman, A. & Newbown, L., Bibliography of works on Timor Leste (East Timor) held in the National Library of Australia, National Library of Australia – Asian Collections, Canberra, June 2006.

Doig, C.D., A History of the 2nd Independent Company and 2/2 Commando Squadron, Trafalgar (Victoria), Valley Word Processing Service, 1986.

Duarte, J.B., Em Terras de Timor, Tiposet, Lisboa, 1987.

Dunn, J., Timor - A People Betrayed, ABC Books, Sydney, 1996.

Dunn, J., East Timor – a rough passage to Independence, Longueville Books, Double Bay, 2003.

Durand, F.B., East Timor: A Country at the Crossroads of Asia and the Pacific – A Geo-historical Atlas, Silkworm Books, Chiang Mai, 2006.

Gonçalves, J.L.R., Gente de Timor-Leste – Primeiro ano da Independência, Tipografia União Folha do Domingos Lda, Faro, 2004,

Gonggong A. & Zuhdi, S., Sejarah Perjuangan Timor-Timur Untuk Sekolah Menengah Atas (History of the East Timor Struggle for Senior High School), Direktorat Pendidikan Menengah Umum,

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Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, (Department of Culture and Education), Jakarta, 1992 (Annex B of this monograph).

Gunn, G.C., A Critical View of Western Journalism and Scholarship on East Timor, Journal of Contemporary Asian Publications, Manila, 1994.

Gunn, G.C., Timor Loro Sae 500 Years, Livros do Oriente, Macau, 1999 – on Internetas “History of Timor” at http://pascal.iseg.utl.pt/~cesa/History_of_Timor.pdf

Gusmão, X., Timor-Leste: Um Povo Uma Pátria, Edições Colibri, Lisboa, 1994.

Gusmão, X. (Niner, S. ed), To Resist Is To Win !: The Autobiography of Xanana Gusmão with selected letters & speeches, Aurora Books, Richmond, 2000.

Harvey, B.S., Permesta: pemberontakan setengah hati (Permesta: a half-hearted rebellion), PT Grafiti Pers, Jakarta, 1984.

Hack, K. & Rettig, T., Colonial Armies in Southeast Asia, Routledge, Abingdon UK, 2006.

Hicks, D., Roh Orang Timor (Tetum Ghosts and Kinship), Pustakaan Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, 1983.

Hill, H. M., Fretilin1974-1978 – Stirrings of Nationalism in East Timor, Otford Press, Otford NSW, 2002.

Hill, H. M., Gerakan Pembebasan Nasional Timor Lorosae, Yayasan HAK and Sahe Institute for Liberation, Dili, 2000.

Jolliffe, J., Cover-Up – The inside story of the Balibo Five, Scribe Publications, Melbourne, 2001.

Kamah, M.S., Seroja: pengalaman seorang wartawan di medan tempur Timor Timur, Eko’s, Palu (Sulawesi), 1997.

Lennox, R., Fighting Spirit of East Timor – the life of Martinho da Costa Lopes, Pluto Press, Annandale, 2000.

MacFarling, I., Military Aspects of the West New Guinea Dispute 1958-1962, Working Paper No 212, SDSC - Australian National University, Canberra, 1990.

Metzner, J.K., Man and Environment in Eastern Timor: a geoecological analysis of the Baucau-Viqueque Area as a possible basis for regional planning, Development Studies Centre – Monograph No. 8, The Australian National University, Canberra, 1977.

Millar, T.B. (ed), Australian foreign minister: the diaries of R.G. Casey, Collins, London, 1972.

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Neonbasu, P.G., Peta Politik dan Dinamika Pembangunan Timor Timur, Yanense Mitra Sejati, Jakarta, 1977. Nicol, B., Timor – A Nation Reborn, Equinox Publishing, Jakarta, 2002.

Pélissier, R., Du Sahara à Timor, Pélissier, Orgeval (France), 1991.

Pélissier, R., Timor en guerre: le Crocodile et les Portugais (1847-1913), Pélissier, Orgeval (France), 1996.

Pinto, C. and Jardine, M., East Timor’s Unfinished Struggle: Inside the Timorese Resistance – A Testimony, South End Press, Boston, 1997.

Powell, A., War by Stealth – Australians and the Allied Intelligence Bureau 1942-1945, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1996.

Ramos-Horta, J., Funu, The Unfinished Saga of East Timor, Red Sea Press, Trenton, 1987.

Ramos-Horta, J., Amanhã em Díli, Publicacões Dom Quixote, Lisboa, 1998.

Rusdie, H., Suratama K., Soares, A.J.O., Perjuangan Kemerdekaan Rakyat Timor Loro Sa’e, Percetakan Kanisius/East Timor Students’ Movement, Yogyakarta, March 1997.

Sagran, S.M., Da’wah Islamiah di Timor Timur dan Prospectiva, Makalah, Dili, 1983.

Sekretariat Militer Presiden, Daftar warga negara Republik Indonesia Yang Menerima Anugerah Tanda Kehormatan Satyalancana Perintis Pergerakan Kemerdekaan , Satyalancana Kebudayaan Dan Satyalancana Pendidikan, Biro Tanda-Tanda Jasa/Kehormatan, Jakarta, 2005.

Sherlock, K., Liurais and Chefes de Suco - Indigenous Authorities in 1952, Kevin Sherlock, Darwin, 1983.

Smythe, P.A., ‘The Heaviest Blow’ – The Catholic Church and the East Timor Issue, Lit Verlag, Munster, 2004.

Soares (Mali-Lequic), A.V.M., Pulau Timor – Sebuah Sumbangan Untuk Sejarahnya, 2003.

Soebadio, H., Keterlibatan Australi dalam Pemberontakan PRRI/Permesta (Australian Involvement in the PRRI/Permesta Rebellion), PT Gramedia/Pustaka Utama, Jakarta, 2002.

Soekanto, Integrasi – Kebulatan Tekad Rakyat Timor Timur (Integration – the Determined Will of the People of East Timor), Yayasan Parakesit, Jakarta, 10 November 1976.

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Subroto, H., Saksi Mata Perjuangan Integrasi Timor Timur, Pustaka Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, 1996.

Taylor, J. G., Indonesia’s Forgotten War – The Hidden History of East Timor, Pluto Press, Leichhardt, 1981.

Tomodok, E.M., Hari-Hari Akhir Timor Portugis (The Last Days of Portuguese Timor), Pustaka Jaya, Jakarta, 1994.

Toohey, B. & Pinwill, W., Oyster: the story of the Australian Secret Intelligence Service, Heinemann, Melbourne, 1989.

Timor Development Syndicate, A Few Impressions of Portuguese Timor, Sydney, 1912.

Webb, R.A.F.P. & Farram S., DI-PKI-KAN: tragedy 1965 dan kaum Nasrani di Indonesia Timur, Syarikat Indonesia, Jakarta, February 2005.

Wila, M.R.C., Konsepsi Hukum Dalam Pengaturan dan Pengelolaan Wilayah Perbatasan Antaranegara (Kasus: Wilayah Enklave Negara Timor Leste di dalam Wilayah Negara Indonesia), P.T. Alumni, Bandung, 2006.

Wray, C.C.H., Timor 1942: Australian Commandos at War with the Japanese, Hutchinson Australia, Hawthorn, 1987.

Selected Internet Websites/“Blogs”

Gunter, Janet, Haree Ba Uluk: Timor Portuguese Pre-1974 – A Post-Colonial Forum for Learning and Debate. http://raiketak.blogspot.com/timorhistory/index.html

Gunter, J., “Majesty but no mercy”, 7 December 2002. http://raiketak.wordpress.com/category/power/page/4/

Selected Reports, Articles and Theses

---, Lusotropicalisme - Lusotopie 1997, Editions Karthala/Brill, Paris/Leiden, 1997.http://www.lusotopie.sciencespobordeaux.fr/somma97.html

---, “Trouble in Timor”, Foreign Report, The Economist, London, 25 April 1963.

Allied Geographic Section and Directorate of Intelligence AAF SWPA, Terrain Study No 50: Area Study of Portuguese Timor, 27 February 1943.

Anderson, C., “East Timor’s First President Recalls His 9-Day Term”, Jakarta Globe, Jakarta, 18 March 2009.

Araújo, A. (Armaro) L. J. de, (et al), Memorandum – Assunto: Sobre o acontecimento ocorrido em 7 de Junhe [sic] de 1959, na Circunscrição [sic] de Viqueque – Timor, six pages, Cólonia Penal do Bié (Angola), 21 April 1960 in:

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- Araújo, A.L.J. de, O Célebre Massacré de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Jakarta/Kupang, 1974; and

- Costa, E. da (et al), O Célebre Massacre de Uato-Lari e Uato-Carbau Verificado no Ano de 1959 (The Truth of the Infamous Massacre at Uatolari and Uato-Carabau in 1959), Dili, 2005.

Araújo, A. (Abílio) de, As Duas Margens da Ribeira de Aileu, 2007.http://pnt-timor-leste.planetaclix.pt/08_BIBLIOGRAFIA/BIBLIOGRAFIA.htm

Archer, C.H. (British Consul-General, Taiwan), Report on Portuguese Timor, Canberra, 3 May 1941 – see NAA: A3300, 179, pp.1-55 including covering letter and errata; or Koepang draft of 29 April 1941 at NAA: A981, TIM P 9, pp.3-55 and pp.83-132. A printed copy of the report can also be found at NAA: A981, TIM D 1 Part 2. pp.38-76.

Babo Soares, D., “Building a foundation for an effective civil service in Timor Leste”, Pacific Economic Bulletin, May 2003, p.13

Barata, F. J. F. T. Governor, letter to the Ministry of Overseas Territories – MU/GMG/GNP/034 (E.7.1), 6 October 1959 – in Portuguese ((reporting the 1959 Viqueque Rebellion)). http://raiketak.blogspot.com/timorhistory/index.html. Also included in a Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Lisbon) letter No.181, 36-A, FC/EC, 14 January 1960 to Director PIDE (Lisbon) - (TdT Lisbon: PIDE/DGS N.T. 8971).

Barata, F. J. F. T., Timor - esse desconhecido, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais & Política Ultramarina, Lisboa, 1963 (Separata da Revista, Estudos Políticos e Sociais, Vol. 1 (1963), No. 3, Págs. 659-684).

Conselho Nacional de Resistência Maubere (National Council of Maubere Resistance - CNRM), “Indonesia’s desperate attempt to revise East Timor history”, Media Release, 3 July 1995, p.1.

Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (Comissão de Alcolhimento, Verdade e Reconciliação – CAVR), “Internal Political Conflict 1974-1976 – CAVR National Public Hearing 15-18 December 2003” – Appendix 2 in CAVR Update December 2003-January 2004, Dili.http://www.easttimor-reconciliation.org/cavrUpdate-Dec03Jan04-en.html

Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (Comissão de Alcolhimento, Verdade e Reconciliação – CAVR), Chega ! The Final Report of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation, Dili, 2005.

Costa, F.A.S. da. (Prisoner No 52), Memorandum, Bié (Angola), 6 May 1960 (see footnotes 146, 278 and 317).

Costa, F.A.S. da, Os Nomes dos Detidos Timorenses para Angola do Ano de 1959, Silva Porto (Bie, Angola), 6 June 1960.

6

Diatmika, A.G., “(Ternyata) Merah Putih Berkibar di TimTim Sejak 1959”, Vista, No.57, Jakarta, 20-29 August 1989, pp.20-25.

Duarte, J.B., “O fenomeno dos movimentos nativistas”, Garcia de Orta, Ser. Antropobiol, 5 (1-2) 1987/88, Lisboa, 1988, pp.41-52.

Duarte, J.M., “Memorandum sobre o acontecimento em Timor em 1959”, Colónia Penal de Bié (Angola), 31 August 1960 (TdT, Lisbon: AOS/CO/UL-32A2, Part 7). This seven-page Memorandum , with a covering letter dated 2 November 1960, was forwarded to the Presidente do Conselho de Ministros (Dr. Salazar) by the Director of the PIDE (Lisbon). See footnotes 47, 51, 120 and 122.

Duarte, J.M., Memorandum, Dili, 4 February 1994 – in Bahasa (see footnotes 280, 308 and 413).

Dunn, J.S., “The Timorese Under Portuguese Administration”, Digest of Despatches, Serial No. 19, Department of External Affairs, Canberra, 13 December 1963 (NAA: A1838, 756/2 Part 1).

Dunn, J.S., “The Timor Affair – From Civil War to Invasion by Indonesia”, Legislative Research Service, Parliament of Australia, Canberra, 27 February 1976 (NAA: A1838, 3038/10/13/1 Annex 1).

Farram, S.G., From ‘Timor Koepang’ to ‘Timor NTT’: A Political History of West Timor 1901-1967 (unpublished PhD thesis), Darwin, 2004.

Gata, A. C. L.G., Captain, Relatorio da Viagem do Navio India de Macau para Lisboa – 1959, 11 December 1959.

Gratton, A., Perkembangan dalam Pendidikan Sejarah di Malang sejak Zaman Reformasi, Universitas Muhammadiyah, Malang, 2004.

Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque (East Timor) Rebellion of 1959”, Diversidade Cultural Na Construção Da Nação E Do Estado Em Timor-Leste, Universidade Fernando Pessoa, Porto, 2006, pp. 27-53.

Gunn, G.C., “Revisiting the Viqueque Rebellion of 1959” (Draft), Nagasaki, 9 February 2006 (for publication in Timor-Leste: An Anthology of War and Liberation, Monograph No. 7, Research Institute of South East Asia, Nagasaki).http://www.geoffreycgunn.com/material/draft_viquequerebellion.pdf

Gunter, J., “Communal Conflict in Viqueque and the ‘Charged’ History of ‘59”, The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, Vol 8, No 1, March 2007, pp. 27-41.

Gunter, J., “Majesty yet no mercy”, 7 December 2002 - http://raiketak.wordpress.com/category/power/page/4/ .

Gusmão, J., “Indonesia’s desperate attempt to revise East Timor history”, Media Release, 3 July 1995.

7

Hagerdal, H., Historical Notes on the Topass Leaders in Oecusse, Vaxjo (Sweden).

Herman, J., “Integrasi 1976, Realisasi Perjuangan Viqueque 1959”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 11 November 1995, p.13.

Herman, J., “Pejuang Timtim Akan Tuntut Portugal”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 16 November 1995, p.13.

Herman, J., “27 Pejuang Viqueque Peroleh Gelar Veteran”, Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 1 April 1996, p.5.

Hicks, D., “Unachieved Syncretism: the local level political system in Portuguese Timor”, Anthropos Institut, 78, Edition St-Augustin, Switzerland, 1983.

Jolliffe, J., “Indonesia now wants all the gory details”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 19 August 1995, p.17.

Jolliffe, J., “Salazar and Ming: the secret letters”, The Canberra Times, Canberra, 12 August 1995, p. C2.

Kennedy, D.B., Operation HAIK: The Eisenhower Administration and the Central Intelligence Agency in Indonesia, 1957-1958, MA Thesis, Georgia University, Athens USA, 1996.

Leach, M., “East Timor – History on the Line: East Timorese History after Independence”, History Workshop Journal, Issue 61, Spring 2006, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 222-237.

Lopes, M. da Costa, “Breve resenha de alguns factos ocorrido em Viqueque e Uatolari (1959)”, Biblioteca Nasional - Archivo Salazar, Lisboa, 1959 ((Note: the copy of this report is not signed, or dated, by Monsignor Martinho da Costa Lopes – but his authorship can be almost certainly inferred from the subsequent report by Governor F. J. F. T. Barata of 6 October 1959, see above, which includes most of the text of the Monsignor’s report)).

Madjiah, L.E., “East Timor: Return of the Last Paradise”, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta, 1999 – an extract from: Infantry of the Indonesian National Army, Pusat Kesenjataan Infanteri, Bandung, 1999.http://www.thejakartapost.com/special/os3 history 2.asp

Mali Mau, M., “Jose: Saya merasakan kejamnya Portugal”, Surya, Jakarta, 14 November 1992, p.1 & p.13.

Neonbasu, G. SVD, “Building Peace in East Timor: The Role of the Catholic Church”, November 2002.http://www.ishvanikendra.org/docs/articles_gre_neonbasu.htm

Oliveira, J.L. de, “Sengketa Tanah Uatolari” (Land Conflict in Uatolari), Cidadaun, No.26, July 2002, p.6.

8

Piliang, I.J., Australia Terlibat dalam Pemberontakan PRRI/Permesta, Info & Arsip Milis Nasional, Jakarta, 14 August 2002.

Rohi, P.A., “Timor Portugis dari Masa-kemasa”, Kompas, Jakarta, 4 October 1974.

Rohi, P.A., “Pemberontakan Rakyat Timor Timur 1959”, Mutiara, Edition 775, Jakarta, 29 August – 4 September 1995.

Rohi, P.A., “Apa Kata Pelaku Pemberontakan Rakyat Timor Timur 1959 – Integrasi itu Tekad Historis dan Etnis”, Mutiara, Edition 776, Jakarta, 5-11 September 1995.

Rohi, P. A., “Soekarno, KAA, dan Timor-Leste”, Kongres, Jakarta, 28 April 2005 - and marhaenis.org, 9 May 2005.

Sales Grade, E.A., “Timor: O Corpo Militar de Segunda Linha”, Revista Militar, 26 (4-5), February 1974, Lisboa, pp.198-215.

Sarong, F., “Pejuang Timtim yang Kesepian” (“The Loneliness of an East Timorese Warrior”), Kompas Cybermedia, Jakarta, 21 May 1999.

Seah, C.N., “Island of Death”, The Straits Times, Singapore, late October 1975.

Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence & Trade Committee – Parliament of Australia, “Final Report on the Inquiry into East Timor”, Canberra, 7 December 2000.

Smythe, P., “The Role of the Church in East Timor: Resistance and Reconciliation”, pp. 99-120 in Hull, G. and Eccles, L. (eds), Studies in the Languages and Cultures of East Timor, Volume 2, University of Western Sydney – Macarthur, 1999.

Sousa, I.C. de, “The Portuguese Colonization and the Problem of East Timorese Nationalism”, pp.183-194 in Lusotopie 2001, Editions Karthala/Brill, Paris/Leiden, 2001.http://www.lusotopie.sciencespobordeaux.fr/carneiroSousa.rtf

Tilman, M. & Pereira, D., “Tanah Dan Perumahan Di Timor Lorosae Antara Harapan Dan Kenyataan” (“Land and Housing in Timor Lorosae – Between Hope and Fact”), East Timor Law Journal, Article 14, 2004.http://www.eastimorlawjournal.org/ARTICLES/ksireportonlandhousingintimora.html

9

Index

(All 1959 rebels – shown in bold type, are also detailed at Annex E; the “Permesta 14” are also listed at Annex C)

Abel da Costa Belo – p.2, 14, 23, 34, 37, 59, 75 f.74, 305, 405Abílio de Araújo – p.35, 78-79 f.164, 182, 407, 479Abílio da Paixão Monteiro – p.53, 139, 142,160, 261, 299Abilío Osório Soares - 200Agostinho da Costa Pinto – f.246Agostinho dos Santos – f.365Aguiar – Lieutenant Colonel, see ManuelAileu – Movimento – p.35 f.162, 167Albert Ndoen/Ndun – p.18, 23, 31, 40, 41, 44, 60, 64, 71, 84, 93 f.80, 90, 99, 106, 195, 308, 366Alberto Ribeiro – p.46, 48 f.241Alberto Rodrigues Pereira - f.430Alexandre Viana de Jesus Maia – p.14, 35Alexandrinou Borromeu – p.85 f.432Amaro de Araújo – p.14, 28, 38, 40, 46, 64-65, 72, 74, 76 f.47, 57, 328, 374, 380Amilcar Ribeiro Seixas – Annex EAngola – p.36, 49, 61, 63 map, 79Antero, Comandante - p.86António da Costa Araújo – p.35 f.164António da Costa Rangel (Uai-mori) – p.49 f.242António da Costa Soares -

see António Metan António de Oliveira Salazar, President – p.66 f.47, 190, 242, 292, 334, 335António Ferreira – p.50António Freitas Parada – p.82 f.412António L. F. Ramos, Captain – p.77 f.397António Metan – p.15, 37-40, 46, 65, 78 f.47, 174, 180, 198, 224, 328, 405, 441António Soriano – p.35 f.430Aparicio Pedro Ximenes, sipaio – p.50Apodeti – pp.75-78, 81, 97 f.15, 42, 138, 166, 260Arabs – p.60, 62, 70 f. 33, 306Armando da Cruz, sipaio – f.285Armando da Silva – p.56Armindo Soares Amaral – p.77, 83, 84Armindo Soares Mariano – f.246Arnaldo dos Reis Araújo – p.4, 78 f.15, 16, 386 BiblioArquivo Salazar – f.190Arraiais – p.44, 46-47, 51 f.149Arrests, Baucau – p.37, 41-43, 56Arrests, Dili – pp.34-35, 55Arrests, Viqueque – p.46, 56Artur Marques Ramos – p.27, 37, 43-50, 58 f.118, 123, 170, 176, 203, 240, 250, 291 Ataúro – p.4, 56-57 f.15-17, 30, 472Baguia – p.36, 45, 51, 54 f.184, 204, 211, 215Bandung Conference 1955 – pp.10-11, 96 f.96, 97

Barata F.J.F.T., Governor – p.2, 15, 28-32, 39-40, 44, 46, 53, 56-59, 67-68, 92-95 f.5, 46, 87, 102, 128, 168, 191, 240, 262, 295, 336, 351, 465Barata F.A.P., Brigadier – f.102Barreiros, Captain – pp.47-51 f.242Bayernstein MS, vessel – p.61Bebui River – p.24, 49, 52, 57, 70, 80, 89 f.240-243Belarmino de Araújo – Annex EBelo, Dom. Carlos Ximenes – p.3, 76, 98 f.10, 116, 282, 480Bié (Angola) – pp.62-63, 69 map, pp.69-71, 77, f.47Black Columns (Colunas Negras) f.15Braga D.R.S.C., Lt – p.35, 43, 45, 51 f.156, 161, 162, 240, 308Câncio dos Reis Noronha – p.33, 53 f.54, 154, 263-265.Carlos de Carvalho – p.50, 57 f.249Carlos Krus Abecassis – p.12 f.46Carlos Salvador de Sousa Gama – p.34, 59Carnation Revolution – p.75Carneiro Cirineu, Sergeant – p.25, 47Carvalho M.H.C, Captain – p.29, 34, 43, 45, 50-51, 64 f.93, 107, 156Castilho (Baguia) – p.50 f.248Catholic/ism – p.35, 40, 55, 62, 96 f.19, 470, 471Caxias (Lisbon) – p.60, 63-64 f.325, 327Celestino Amaral – p.56Celestino da Silva (Matahoi) – p.46, 56 f.223Celestino Peter Guterres – see Mu Then SiongCésar Serpa Rosa, Governor – p.12, 24, 93 f.78, 81, 102Chinese – p.10, 17, 25, 42, 44, 62 f.29, f.33 (pop’), 56, 97, 200, 205, 257, 310, 340, 370Circunscrição – f.77, 98Clementino dos Reis Amaral – p.89CNRM – p.55, 80 f.414, 416CNRT – p.86, 87 f.440Compensation – p.72, 87Constantino Hornay (Iliomar) – f.246Coups (1975) – p.77Crispim de Araújo – p.34, 53, 61, 71 f.143, 312, 430Daniel Braga, Lieutenant – see BragaDavid Verdial – p.13, 28, 30, 34, 59, 67 f.48, 377Dicker G.S., Reverend – p.17Dom Aleixo, vessel – p.18, 55, 56 f.279, 317Dom Boaventura – f.1, 57, 380, 441, 446Dom Feliciano – f.184Dom João da Cruz Hornay – f.380Domingos da Conceição Guterres – Annex EDomingos da Conceição Pereira – p.28, 20, 85 f.422Domingos da Costa Amaral – p.50Domingos Geronimo dos Reis Amaral – p.74 f.203Domingos Jeremias – p.50 f.283Domingos Hornay Soares – p.83, 84, 86 f.47, 282, 328DPRD – p.78, 80, 82 f.41, 246, 272, 364, 405, 412, 417, 426Duarte Soares – p.56, 74 f.430

2

Eduardo Caeiro Rodrigues – p.38, 39, 58 f.175, 179, 295Eduardo de Araújo – p.14, 35 f.380Eduardo Francisco da Costa – p.62Elda Sousa Meneses – p.49Eugenio Metan – p.78Eurico Guterres – p.86 f.436, 441Estalagem de Santiago (Baucau) – p.21Ethno-linguistic divisions – pp.51-52, pp.89-90 f.91, 258, 454, 456Evaristo da Costa – p.2, 34, 59, 64, 70, 71, 79, 83, 84, 87Falintil – p.86, 98 f.405, 441Fataluku – p.51, 52, f.256Feliciano da Silva – p.49 f.241, 242Feliciano Soares, sipaio – f.241, 246 Fernando Pinto – p.45, 48, 65, 72, 74, 85 f.47, 328, 371, 374, 417Fernando Soares Amaral, cabo sipaio – p.56 f.285Fernando Woodhomal – p.14 f.52Filomeno Amaral – p.86Filomeno da Cruz Miranda Branco – p.86Flag, Indonesian – p.32, 42, 43, 54, 94, 95 f.18, 54, 222, 241Flag, Portuguese – p.39, 50Flamboyan(t) – f.91Francisco da Sousa – f.184, 208, 291Francisco Dias da Costa – p.14, 35, 36, 71Francisco “Siko” Lopes – see Inácio …Francisco M.X.J. de Araújo – p.14, 34, 53, 60, 61, 63, 64, 66, 70, 88, 91 f.54, 262, 265, 308, 310, 312, 323, 330, 331, 336, 430Francisco Orlando Fátima Soares – p.31, 34, 59, 75Francisco Ruas Hornay (Iliomar) – f.246Francisco Torrezão – f.118, 170Francisco Xavier do Amaral – p.1, 55 f.122, 274, 275Frederico Almeida Santos da Costa – p.2, 32, 34, 62, 70, 75, 78, 87 f.52, 143, 152,161, 167, 265, 293, 361, 365, 408, 442, 444Fretilin/ASDT – p.1, 77, 78, 79, 90, 92, 97, 98 f.38, 42, 55, 138, 164, 265, 370, 386, 387, 390, 401, 402, 407, 459, 476Germano das Dores da Silva – p.14, 28, 74, 75, 84 f.17, 364, 381, 405, 417, 422, 423, 425, 427Gerson Tom Pello – p.18, 22, 23, 24, 28, 31, 32, 39, 40, 41-42, 43, 47, 56, 58, 60, 64, 65, 71, 72, 82, 84, 92, 93, 95 f.80, 90, 96, 97, 99, 172, 187, 192, 200, 202, 209, 212, 222, 225, 226, 232, 313, 333, 366Gervásio Soriano Aleixo – p.34, 59, 75 f.374, 430Gonçalves Zarco NRP, vessel – p.48Grievances, workers’ – p.8, 26Guia de transito/marcha – p.27, f.308, 329Guilherme da Cruz, sipaio – f.285Guilherme Maria Gonçalves – f.401Gunn, G.C. – p.3 f.1, 9, 72, 258, 267, 309, 330, 331, 362, 385, 424, 462 BiblioGunter, J. – p.3, 54 f.7, 8, 151, 179, 191, 208, 215, 241, 246, 436, 441 BiblioGusmão – see Kay Rala Xanana GusmãoHoho Ulu Movement – p. 35 f.166Iliomar – p.51 f.3, 241, 246, 255, 256, 257

3

Inácio André Francisco Lopes (alias “Siku” Lopes) – pp.4-5, 91 f.13, 16, 17, 18, 91Inácio Fernandes – p.33 f.152, 155Indemnification – p.87India N/M, vessel – p.36, 59-63, 74, 88, 94 f.297, 298, 301, 305, 311, 319, 338Indonesia, claims – p.3, 5, 6, 7 f.335Indonesia, consuls – p.5, 8, 10, 11, 13, 19, 20, 23, 28, 29, 31-33, 47, 55, 58, 59, 61, 64, 65, 67, 68, 74, 76, 78, 91, 95 f.17, 20Indonesia, covert action – f.383, 469, 477Indonesia, 1975 invasion – p.78Irian Barat/Dutch New Guinea – p.6, 7, 71, 72, 93, 95 f.24, 461Islam – p.56, 95 f.33, 48, 84, 281, 306, 307Jacinto Pinto – p.42Jaime Garcia Goulart, Bishop – p.33, 58 f.293Januario dos Reis – p.11Japanese collaborators – p.4 f.15, 16Japanese occupation – f.22, 45, 121, 236, 458Jeremias Toan Pello – p.23, 28, 30, 40, 41, 43,47, 58, 60, 64, 65, 71, 82, 84, 85, 92, 93, 95 f.18, 80, 90, 99, 138, 187, 232, 333, 366, 433Jezkial Folla – p.23, 40, 41, 43, 44, 82 f.99, 186, 187, 195, 205,209João da Cruz Hornay – see Dom João …João Baptista, sipaio – f.246João Henrique (Luca) – f.41João Henrique (Uatolari) – p.50João Henriques (Ossu) – f.248João Hermenegildo da Costa –p.43 f.204João Lisboa – p.42, 74 f.47, 328, 430João Mariano, sipaio – p.49, 50 f.246João Martins Corbafo – f.385 João Pereira da Silva – p.13, 14, 28, 30, 31, 34, 59, 65, 72, 74, 75, 77, 78 f.42, 55, 138, 365, 374, 385, 386, 395, 430João Soares – p.49, 56 f.242Joaquim dos Santos/Silva – p. 71 f.430Joaquim Osório – f.388Joaquim Pereira da Silva – p.58 f.208, 212, 249, 291Joaquim Ferreira – p.14, 37, 38, 64, 65, 72, 74, 82, 84, 86 f.47, 205, 328, 374, 417, 422Joaquim Trinidade – p.57 f.287Jobert Moniaga – p.18, 23, 40, 46, 47, 55, 58, 67, 93, 95 f.80, 83, 99, 187, 198, 222, 223, 224, 226, 344, 460Jorge Barros Duarte – p.33 f.166Jorge Anselmo Maher – p.74José Beny Joaquim – p.14, 34, 59José dos Santos Ricardo – p.20 f.91José E.C. de Serra Frazão – p.47, 50, 51 f.228José Fernando Osório Soares – f.378, 388, 401, 402José Manuel Duarte – p.13, 27, 28, 39, 40, 41, 43, 46, 48, 54, 56, 59, 68, 70, 71, 74, 75, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87 f.18, 20, 37, 47, 49, 51, 80, 115, 120, 122, 123, 151, 187, 197, 198, 200, 201, 205, 213, 217, 219, 221, 226, 271, 272, 279, 289, 305, 308, 328, 354, 388, 405, 412, 413, 416, 417, 418, 422, 423, 427 BiblioJosé Maria Esposito Maia – p.35 f.430

4

José Maria Ribeiro Filipe – p.37, 43, 50 f.105, 169, 171, 206, 240José Martins – f.89, 385José Ramos de Sousa Gama (Zeca) – p.15, 28, 34, 37, 59, 72 f.372, 374, 430José Ramos-Horta – p.90, f.15, 388 BiblioJosé Sarmento – p.74, 82, 84 f.417, 422José Soares – p.56 f.430Juman bin Bachirum – p.60, 72, 84, 85, 87, 99 f.61, 307, 422Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão – p.90 f.121, 370, 455, 479 BiblioKisar – p.25 f.30Kotadia – p.16 f.68, 92Lambertus Ladow – p.18, 19, 28, 31, 32, 60, 64, 71, 92, 93 f.79, 83, 90, 325, 327, 431, 460Land disputes – p.52, 77, 78, 79, 90 f.260, 450Laurentino António Pires – f.291Lautém – p.25, 51, 54 f.107Leki Loic – p.56Leki Rubic/Leque Rubic – p.42, 50Leopoldo Lasut, Consul – p.5, 10, 11, 13 f.20Lisboa Santos, Dr – p.25 f.81Lospalos – p.15, 25, 47, 66, 76 f.257, 258Lospalos Uprising 1945-49 – p.76, f.392Lourenço (Baguia) – p.50 f.248Lourenço Marques – p.62 f.305, 459Lourenço Rodrigues Pereira – p.85, 87 f.417, 422Luís da Costa Rego – p.13, 14, 28, 30, 31, 32, 34, 59, 65, 72, 74 f.56, 139, 374, 442Luís Soares da Costa Nunes – p.74Lusotropicalismo – f.121 BiblioMakalero – p.51, 52 f.256Makassae – p.52, 89, 90 f.211, 230, 259, 260, 450Malay/s – p.5, 8 f.22, 33Manado/Menado – p.18, 21, 40, 67 f.20, 60, 72, 80, 99Manuel A.C. de Aguiar, Lt Col – p.24, 34, 58 f.103Manuel Alves – p.84Manuel da Silva (Mau Teco) - f.430Manuel Damas – Annex EManuel de Freitas – Annex EManuel João Fajardo, Captain – p.45, 46, 47, 51Manuel Macedo – p.83Manuel Pinto – p.41, 56Manuel Rodrigues Alin/m – p.72, 74, 84 f.374Manuel Vieira de Câmara Junior – p.35 f.305, 311, 319Manuel Vladimiro Osório Soares – p.73 f.378Mao Klao (M.S.A. Balikh/Alamsyah Hasibuan) – f.477Marcelino Guterres – p.11, 22, 23, 47, 84, 96, 97 f.38, 40-43, 91, 96, 97, 144, 225, 416, 429, 473, 474Mari Alkatiri – p.78, 90 f.402Mário Ferreira da Costa (PIDE) – p.66Mário/Maria José Henriques Martins – f.143, 430Mário Viegas Carrascalão – p.77 f.399Mário Soares, President – p.80

5

Martinho da Costa Lopes, Msgr – p.40, 47, 48, 57, 58, 91 f.117, 168, 190, 232, 242, 249, 289, 292Martinho Fernandes – p.85 f.435Mascarenhas Ingles – f.175, 291Mateus Sarmento Loyola Jordão de Araújo – p.46, 65, 84 f.47, 328, 443Matias Guterres de Sousa – f.308Mau Brani – f.472Mau Rubik – p.41Medals – p.84, 85 f.156, 417, 431, 432, 441Memorandum – Amaro L.J. Araújo et al (1960 – booklets 1974, 2005): p. 12, 49, 50, 64, 70 f.47, 115, 118, 139, 242, 244 BiblioMemorandum – Frederico da Costa (1960): p.32 f.146, 161, 278, 317Memorandum – José Manuel Duarte (1960): p.80 f.51, 115, 120, 122Memorandum - José Manuel Duarte (1994): f. 280, 308, 413Memorial (Bebui River) – p.80, 89 f.449Menezes F.X.A.S. de – p.37 f.170Menzies R.G., Prime Minister – f.94, 95Mestiço/mestizo – p.8 f.33Miguel da Costa Amaral (Uma Ki’ic) – p.49 f.242Miguel da Costa Soares, régulo – p.49 f.242 Miguel Pinto – p.74, 84 f.430Militia - “59/75” – p.85, 86 f.435Militia – Makikit – p.85, 86 f.435Moluccas, Republic of South (RMS) – p.7, f.30, 71, 107Moradores – p.37, 38, 41, 43 f.128, 351 Mohammad Yamin – p.5, 6 f.21, 23, 25Monumen Seroja (Jakarta) – p.88, 89Monument (Viqueque) – p.81, 82 f.428Mormugão (Goa) – p.60, 62Movimento Anti-Comunista – p.77Movimento de Aileu – p.35, f.162, 167Mozambique – p.36, 55, 62, 64, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 76, 77, 79, 80, 88, 89 f.87, 102, 297, 305, 360, 361, 380, 410Mu Then Siong (Celestino Peter Guterres – p.13, 62, 67 f.48, 200, 377Naha-Leque – p.49 f.241, 242Naueti – p.51, 52, 78, 89, 90, 91 f.211, 220, 256, 259, 260, 450Nazwar Jacub Sutan Indra, Consul – p.19, 20, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 59, 77, 95, 96 f.84, 85, 126, 137Negara Timor Raya – f.471Nicodemus dos Reis Amaral – p.74 f.405, 417Nicolau dos Reis Lobato – p.92 f.459, 479Nova Lisboa (Angola) – p.62, 63 f.321Nusa Tenggara (Timor) – p.16, 18, 70 f.65, 71Oecusse – p.17, 18, 67, 89, 93 f.77 ,380Óscar Ruas, Governor – f.388Pantaleão – p.33 f.154Paul Waragea – p.48Paulo da Conceição Castro – p.14, pp.35-36 f.163-168, 430Paulo da Silva – f.430Paulo da Silva (Makadiki) – p.46 f.223

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Paulo Soares Amaral – Annex EPedro José Lobo, Dr – p.61 f.310Pedro Soares (Baguia) – f.248Pélissier, R. – f 1 Biblio.Permesta Movement – pp.15-16 f.59, 60 63, 64, 65, 68, 70-72Peter Rohi – p.2, 92 f.12, f.37 BiblioPIDE – p.9, 63, 65, 66, 71, 72, 74, 79, 83 f.9, 36, 47, 54, 120, 191, 263, 291, 329, 339, 340, 357, 374Policarpo Soares - f.175Popular Consultation 1999 – p.85, 86, 89Population census 1950 – f.33Portuguese-Indonesia Friendship Association – p.83 f.425Pousada de Baucau – p.21 f.91Rebels – numbers: p.64, 87-88Rebels – plan: p.31, 35Rebels – weapons: p.41, 46 f.197 Rebels – casualties: p.50, 54-57 Republic of the South Moluccas – see MoluccasRevolt – Lospalos, 1945-1949 – p.76 f.392Revolt – Same, 1935 – f.1 Saleh bin Ahmad Bassarewan – p.34, 60, 85 f.307, 416, 417, 421, 422, 432Salem bin Musalam Sagran – p.2, 13, 30, 60, 67, 70, 72, 83, 85, 87, 91 f.17, 18, 48, 52, 143, 152, 161, 167, 265, 293, 361, 368, 377, 408, 417, 422, 423, 427, 442 BiblioSaul Nunes Catarino – p.58 f.295Segunda Linha – p.68 f.210, 351Seroja Monument – see MonumenSerpa Rosa – see CésarSerpa Soares, Lt Col – f.103Silva Porto – p.63, 70, 71 f.57, 90, 372-374Silvestre Martins Nai Buti (Seço) – f.383, 477Singapore – p.7, 60, 61, 62, 94Sipaio – f.113, 114Soeharto – p.80 f.425Subandrio – f.25Sukarno – p.5, 6, 10, 11, 15, 16, 22, 61, 64, 65, 94 f.22, 38, 43, 68, 95, 97, 221, 334Sumual, Lt Col – p. 15 f.59, 63, 72Taur Matan Ruak, Brigadier-General – PrefaceTengku Usman Hussin, Consul – p.21, 30, 67, 68 f.134, 137, 301Thomas Cabo Sipaio – p.49, f.212, 241Tomaz da Costa Belo – p.34Tomé Leal/Amaral (Uaitame) – p.46, 56Tomodok, E.M., Consul – f.382, 385, 415Trabalhista – f.386Uato-Carabau – p.24, 25, 31, 36, 39, 43-52, 58, 65, 70, 72, 76, 77, 86, 90, 91, 98, 99 f.47, 184, 197, 208, 212, 241, 246, 249, 256, 259, 280, 283, 291, 295, 417 Uatolari – p.15, 23, 24, 25, 31, 36, 37, 39-58, 70, 73, 76, 77, 81, 86, 89, 90, 91, 94, 96, 98 f.47, 99, 118, 172, 174, 175, 182, 183, 184, 186, 190, 197, 198, 201, 221, 222, 241, 22, 256, 259, 260, 280, 285, 286, 295, 405, 406, 441, 450-454, 456União Democrática Timorense (UDT) – p.77, 78 f.260, 370, 386, 390, 393, 401, 476União, sporting club – p.67 f.370

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Uni Republik Timor – Dilly (URT-D) – p.95, 96 f.3, 472, 477United Kingdom – f.94United Nations – p.7, 66, 90, 95 f.431, 459United States – p.30, 93 f.95, 105, 129, 136, 240UNTAET – p.89Usman bin Manduli Loly Sangaji – p.60, 84 f.417Valentim da Costa Pereira – p.34, 59, 74Venancio da Costa Soares – p.74, 83 f.374, 426Vicente de Jesus Vidigal da Cunha – p.71 f.143Vicente Marques Soares – p.2 f.6 BiblioVicente Soares – p.56 f.282Viqueque: Conditions – pp.25-28 Population/languages – f.259 Rebellion – pp.36-51Vital Ximenes – p.75, 84 f.365, 386, 387, 430West Irian – see Irian BaratZ Special Unit – f.264, 458Zeferino dos Reis Amaral – p.38, 56 f.172, 176

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