Recent Literature

Recent LiteratureSource: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Sep., 1916), pp. 279-288Published by: The University of Chicago PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2763834 .

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RECENT LITERATURE

NOTES AND ABSTRACTS Sociology and Social Economics.-Economics, which may now be called social

economics, is from an inherent necessity forced to incorporate into its methodology the viewpoint which sociology offers. It is already noticeable that economics is gathering its facts as if it were being considered as a department of a more compre- hensive social science, namely, general sociology. Sociology will constantly deal with economic phenomena, but not in the sense of having a preconceived speculative structure into which everything is to be fitted. It does, however, analyze economic facts and necessarily studies the validity of economic laws, but not with respect to their function as integral parts of an economic system. As yet there is no revolutionary school of economists who are attempting to test out their traditional hypotheses according to sociological principles. Furthermore, in spite of all sorts of internal dis- sensions among the sociologists themselves, it has happened that many of them, when dealing with material phenomena, have independently issued judgments contradicting some of the main hypotheses of economic theory. But there is also another important movement of thought. This is the ever-widening recognition which sociologists are giving to the part that economic life is playing in the determination of social and moral issues. Though the materialistic interpretation is not a part of positive sociology, yet its followers have gone so far as to say, with Levy-Bruhl, that it is not because of a conscious effort or renewed insight into the nature and desire for justice, that we get new ethical evaluations, but that, on the contrary, they have been otherwise conditioned, and nearly always, economically.-Joseph Davidsohn, "Sociologiog Socialo- konomi," Nationalokonomisk Tidsskrift, February, I9I6. J. E. E.

Economic Value and Moral Value.-There is a sort of value peculiar to economics, such as the correlative opposite of cheapness. Over and above this there is a sort of value common to economics and ethics, a normative, practical, or conduct value, which we may call prudence. Besides these, there is a value peculiar to ethics. Eco- nomic theory has steadily grown more psychological. A tendency has developed, in theory at least, to get behind the existing forms and instruments of the economic process, to the human motives which underlie and animate the process. A felt need depends upon a judgment of indispensable utility, not upon the fact of indispensable utility. It is recognized that acquisitive or possessive interest may and does develop independently. That is, one may acquire and hold simply for the acquiring and hold- ing, and there is doubtless an instinct of acquisitiveness which contributes to the formation of such an interest, but the characteristic and sustaining economic motive is the dependent interest of getting and having for the sake of using. As to the measurement of comparative strength of interests, they are matched against one another in the act of choice. The felt need of acquisitive interest is found in the judgment that an interest of a certain strength requires the object in question. It would be a mistake to interpret the economic value of a commodity as though it were a quantity of some simple interest relation. The economic value of a loaf of bread is one thing in your economy and another in mine. But a loaf of bread has no amount of absolute economic value any more than it has any single absolute distance. There has developed of late a distinct movement toward a social interpretation of economic value. At the same time all economic technology employs a more or less clearly defined ideal by which it criticizes and which it seeks to promote. If it is bad business for a merchant to cheat a widow, this is not because of the widow but because the dis- honest merchant loses public confidence and defeats his own interest. Economic literature abounds in standards of inter-subjective distribution, but in my judgment these standards are extra-economic and can have no warrant without examination of those questions which in the traditional division of intellectual tasks are assigned to ethics.- R. B. Perry, Quarterly Journal of Economics, May, I9I6. E. E. M.

279



280 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The Modern Social Religion.-Personal character is determined by the assumptions of society. Three assumptions, common to all races and ages, have molded men's minds into the form they have today. These assumptions, the fixed basis from which all reaction springs, are: (i) that labor is a curse; (2) that religion is an escape from life; (3) that money is wealth. The tension caused by the first inevitably pro- duces individual strife and national war; the instinct toward spiritual attainment is stifled by the second; the failure of realization of the best elements in individuals and society is the result of the third assumption. But the present age is deliberately trying to change labor to a blessing, to prove that religion is a part of life, to use wealth as a means to an end instead of as an end in itself. These efforts show that we are in a new epoch; a rebirth of human nature is taking place. For every epoch there has been a prophet, a divine authority, and the prophet whose words are authority for this cycle is "Baha'o'llah," or "Glory of God," His message is unity and peace. By reconciling spiritual law with social exigency, political and racial antagonism will be overcome, strife, both individual and societal, will cease, and unity will prevail.- Horace Holley, The Forum, May, I9I6. M. C.

A Form of Social Automatism: the Convention.-Law expresses a necessary relation derived from the nature of things. A convention is the opposite of this; it cannot be derived from the natural laws. We mean by convention a type of thinking, acting, or speaking which conforms to a type accepted by a group. The type is formed by crystallization. By its inflexibility it preserves past forms of behavior. Social life is "woven over" by a network of conventions because of the hasty perceptions and generalizations of men, and because people take as true of individuals what is characteristic of species or groups. Conventionality tends to diminish the originality of the individual. It enforces the group's evaluations, moral or ethical, upon the individual. His submission to the group evaluations is partly reflex and partly the result of suggestion. It would be interesting to analyze typical human reactions-say that of love-for spontaneous and for conventional elements. To a large extent we are prisoners of our social life. To exist as persons we must sacrifice incessantly phases of our personality.-Marc Dufaux, "Une Form de I'automatisme sociale: la convention," Revue phizosophique de la France et l'etranger, March, I9I6. C. C. C.

Primitive Credulity and Its Survivals.-Bain designated a type of belief which he termed primitive. According to James the primitive "affirms in reality all that is conceived." The primitive man is essentially a man of faith. Credulity is always spontaneous and immediate. The objective and subjective are not clearly distin- guished. Modern children have a state of mind analogous to that of the primitive man. They imagine inanimate things to be alive. Their play depends upon a certain amount of credulous imagination. Adult civilized persons are credulous in varying degrees. They may be grouped in several classes. Some cannot judge or reason correctly about any abstract matter. Others are credulous about only one subject, religion, for example. Credulity and suggestibility are two states of different psychical natures, but practically they show much the same results. Insufficient reflection, ignorance, strong desire or passion, and mental inertia are conditions of credulity. Credulity is an instinctive and persistent trait in human natures.-Th. Ribot, "La Credulit6 primitive et ses survivances," Revue philosophique de la France et de 1'6tranger, March, I9I6. C. C. C.

A Psychological Basis for the Diagnosis of Feeble-Mindedness.--As a result of the progress made by psychology in the measurement of intelligence, feeble- mindedness is now usually considered as representing a difference in the amount of intelligence possessed by the feeble-minded as contrasted with the normal individual. But the need for a generally accepted method of diagnosis is apparent. A more definite psychological concept of feeble-mindedness, based upon the underlying theory of the measurement of intelligence, may be gained by assuming the hypothesis, that, given a sufficiently large number of individuals, they will distribute themselves, in regard to degrees of intelligence upon a normal curve. For purposes of classification, five groups may be designated, namely, feeble-minded, backward, normal, bright, and very bright.



RECENT LITERATURE 28I

The assumption may be made that 50 per cent are in the normal group, 25 per cent above, and 25 per cent below, and that these 25 per cent groups may be divided again into groups of 22 and 3 per cent. As accuracy of measuring scales and adequacy of standardization increase, the dividing lines will become clearer. Three per cent of feeble-mindedness is not a necessary division, but it is a safe percentage, as estimates have given a somewhat lower one and measurements by scales have given a much higher. Diagnostic tables for the Binet-Simon and the Yerkes-Bridges scales are given to show the possibility of increasing the value of scales by accepting some hypothesis in regard to grouping individuals and denoting the number in each group by some percentage.-Rudolf Pintner and Donald G. Paterson, Journal of the Ameri- can Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology, May, i9i6. M. C.

Freud's Theory of Dreams.-Freud bases his theory of dreams and their significance on a complicated psychology involving an elaboration of the notion of the subconscious, but this theoretical psychology is a metaphysical rather than a scientific creation, and is not particularly relevant to the account of dreams. According to Freud dreams hide their true significance under deceptive appearances. A single egoistic tendency having its principal source in sexual impulses seeks to realize itself in the dream. In the evolution of dreams from the subconscious these impulses may be very considerably disguised. The dream is, further, a realization of a suppressed wish, usually infantile in character. The immediate cause of the dream is found in the recent life of the dreamer. Absurd situations in dreams are always a disguised form of some powerful obstacle to the egoistical desire. Freud traces the sexual influence on dreams even in young children. Upon critical examination the theory of Freud is seen to be ingenious but invalid. The theory that the dream is a realization of a desire is only partly demonstrated, and is in contradiction with Dr. Borel's statistically established fact that the ambitious dream is exceptional. All that Freud's dialectic really shows is that it is always possible to find in the flood of psychic life an infantile or egoistical desire which can be attached more or less directly to the dream under consideration. But this is no proof of actual influence. However, though we cannot accept Freud's theory, we insist that it has done good work in pointing out the distinction between the psychical basis of dreams and their apparent significance. It has also pertinently emphasized the part which lower nerve centers play in the higher psychical life.-Yyes Delage, "Th6orie du reve de Freud," L'Insti- tut general psychologique, July-December, i9i6. C. C. C.

Instinct and Sentiment in Religion.-The assertion that man has a religious instinct, while by no means literally true, is not wholly false. It may be true that man has always endeavored to come into rapport with a transcendent reality, that his morality has been heightened by emotion, that he has always felt, however dimly, that there are other and greater forces in the universe than he, not of a purely physical nature, and that he needs their assistance. The content of religious activities and beliefs are so clearly social products which the individual adopts as a result of his milieu that the psychology of religion is thought by many to be exclusively concerned with imitation and suggestion. The religious experience, while conditioned as to the forms and details of the rite and doctrine by the social environment, is none the less a development from within of innate impulses. A religious attitude is neither an instinct nor an artificial construct, but a sentiment. As such it may be compared with such a sentiment as love, which is not a single primary instinct or emotion, but highly complex. This religious sentiment may include all, or nearly all, of the instincts and emotions of which man is capable. It would seem to be safe to conjecture that fear, tender emotion, negative self-feeling, gregariousness, and the reproductive and food- seeking instincts have probably most often served as nuclei for the development of religious sentiment; but it is possible that other instincts have sometimes so served, and that whenever religion has reached a high stage of development nearly all instincts and emotions have ultimately been included. Regarding religion as a sentiment, we are not only able to see why it is conservative but also why it does progress. If it were an instinct it would not be capable of evolution except as instincts chaiige- which is very slowly, if at all. If the religious attitude were an artificial construction,




a mere reflex of the social order propagated by imitation and suggestion, religion would change with a rapidity comparable to that of the fashions. Since it is a sentiment which has its origin in the expression of instincts and emotions, it has roots deep in human nature and can only change slowly as customs, morals, and institutions change.-W. K. Wright, Philosophical Review, January, i9i6. E. E. M.

A Year of Compulsory Social Seriice for Women.-The advocates of the year of compulsory service for women pursue a double object: the first result would be that the younger generation would render social service to the state, and second, that the training thus received would prepare for the duties in the home and the duties of motherhood. Of course, if it is woman's mission to care for husband and children then the state ought to guarantee a certain financial independence and must provide the future provider of the family with the necessary professional training which will increase his earning capacity. Yet apart from that, the withdrawal of over 6oo,ooo girls over eighteen years of age from actual life, for the period of a whole year, and the tremendous expenses involved would be justified if this were the only possibility of securing the social service and the only means of preparing efficient housewives. Some propose centralization in large public institutions. It is, however, more than doubtful whether the training gained in such centralized institutions would furnish a valuable basis for the needs of future individual homes and families. Again, life and experience in such barracks, where masses of young girls would live together, surely would not be conducive to raising the moral and cultural as well as the physical level of the family life of the people-not to speak of the deplorable results which such a life would have upon the lives of girls. Others propose for that very reason decentral- ization and training in exemplary homes. This would also solve the problem of the house servant. Yet do we have enough model homes? If so, what need is there of state interference? Complete training would include hygiene, nursing, and child care. But what institution could afford to have a constantly changing and inexpe- rienced staff? Some have advocated an additional school year exclusively devoted to domestic science; this is perhaps the most practical of all projects. The compulsory year of service for young women, however, whether viewed socially, hygienically, ethically, or from the point of view of home economics, is doomed to failure. Con- sidering the interests of the state, or the interests of the girls, the benefit derived would be questionable.-Rosa Kempf, "Das weibliche Dienstjahr," Archsiv fiur Sozialwis- senschaft und Sozialpolitik, November, I9I5. Z. T. E.

The Wage Conditions of Our Women.-NVe are in a period of transition, in a time when economic independence is necessary, even for women. But the women's wages are not sufficient. Though women are often well fitted for many of their commercial positions, their pay is not equal to that of men in similar positions. What- ever may be the causes for an insufficient wage, our social interdependence demands that this become a community responsibility. Women as yet have not been able to organize themselves as well as men. Their attitude toward their work is that it is a temporary makeshift. Woman's readiness to lend a helping hand at various things when she comes home from work disqualifies her for contributing towards that solidar- ity which men can show by an undivided attention to their means of livelihood. Again, conventionality and inconvenience make it impossible for a woman to hurry off from her work to follow up business matters at any time of the day or evening, as a man is wont to do. Added to this, the employer determines a woman's wage on the assumption that she may stay at home without expense. Such commercial immorality makes the parents bear portions of an employer's costs of production. In the face of all this it does not seem strange that the self-sustaining woman should find celibacy preferable to a poorly paid wage.-H. E. Berner, "Vore Kvinders Lonsforhold," Samtiden, July, i9i6. J. E. E.

The Adjustment of Family Burdens.-The serious danger of being outnumbered by our Eastern neighbors must be averted at all risks. Since the rising standards of living make large families nearly impossible, and since the gap between the mode of living of the unmarried or childless and the large family are the strongest reasons for a decreasing birthrate, large families must be encouraged through economic assistance.



RECENT LITERATURE 283

A bachelor tax alone is inadequate, and the disadvantages of exemptions from taxation of heads of large families are greater than the advantages. Only a proper balancing of the family burdens through a general and proportional subsidy or pension will really help. These subsidies must be large enough to be effective and yet not so large as to eliminate the very principles upon which the family rests: the sense of responsibility and the willingness to sacrifice. The subsidy should be in the form of a gift for the girl who marries; annual contributions to the expenses of every home, whether there are children or not; and a grant for every child, graded according to age and education received. A tax amounting to about 3 per cent of the total income, after an absolute minimum and the proportional subsidy had been deduced, would furnish the funds. A bachelor, the head of a family without children, and the head of a family with five children and an income of 4,000 M., for example, would pay a tax of 8i6 M. The childless family, however, would receive a compensation of 600 M. per annum, the family with five children not over fourteen years of age, an additional sum of 7I2 M., while the bachelor would receive no compensation whatsoever.-A. Zeiler, "Die Ausgleichung der Familienlasten," Die Grenzboten, March, i9I6. Z. T. E.

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