Reflections on Refuse: A Contemporary Example from James Bay, Quebec

Reflections on Refuse: A Contemporary Example from James Bay, QuebecAuthor(s): Diana GordonSource: Canadian Journal of Archaeology / Journal Canadien d’Archéologie, No. 4 (1980), pp.83-97Published by: Canadian Archaeological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41102221 .

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CANADIAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY No. 4, 1980 83

Reflections on Refuse:1 A Contemporary Example from James Bay, Quebec

Diana Gordon

Introduction

The construction of the James Bay Hydroelectric Project set in motion an archaeological survey and excavation program under the auspices of the Ministère des Affaires culturelles du Québec. In 1978, the seventh year of the program, archaeologist James V. Chism and a small crew returned to Lac Washadimi, at the northern end of the proposed LG-2 reservoir (Figure 1). At the western edge of this lake, we discovered a Cree camp (GaGb-46WF), which had been built the previous winter. During the summer, one of the occupants, William Fireman of Fort George, joined the archaeologists, along with Adrian Tanner, an ethnographer from Memorial University and three older Cree, Sam Pashagumskum and Job and Mary Bearskin.

It became apparent that the Fireman winter camp could provide an instructive example for faunal analysis, by applying ethnographic data to the animal bone evidence - evidence which could be expected to be found in an archaeological context. This type of approach has been employed by other researchers. In his experimental study of a recently abandoned Indian camp in Alberta, Bonnichsen (1973) treated the camp as an archaeological site. He then tested his interpretations against the information supplied by one of the occupants. Bonnichsen concluded that "although the prehistorian may be able to develop logical, satisfying explanatory structure for understanding prehistoric data, there need not be any relationships between his model and the site under investigation." (Bonnichsen 1973: 287). In another study, directed specifically to faunal analysis, Yellen (1977) observed the butchering techniques of the !Kung Bushmen. He came to similar conclusions regarding, in his words, "the leaps of faith" in archaeological interpretation. Yellen criticized the simplistic explanations that are often made in faunal analysis, which fail to consider all the possible variables for observed patternings in faunal remains.

In this paper, we will examine the species harvested at the Fireman camp, their relative importance as subsistence resources, the evidence of butchering and food preparation, and the disposal of the animal bones. It may be seen that religious ideological factors play an important role in the treatment of bone. The actual spatial distribution of the faunal remains reflects a symbolic pattern of disposal. It is believed that archaeological interpretation could benefit by taking this variable into account.

1 This paper was presented at the thirteenth annual meeting of the Canadian Archaeological Association, April 25-27, 1980 in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan.



84 Reflections on Refuse

Background

The occupants of the camp included George Fireman, his brother William, their two wives and nine children. The Firemans had come to Washadimi under somewhat special circumstances. They were participating in the SOTRAC sponsored program (La Société des travaux de correction du Complexe La Grande) to trap out animals in those areas which were soon to be flooded. Thus, the hunters had access to bush planes during their stay in the hunting territory.

The two families arrived in October of 1977, before freeze-up, and returned to Fort George for Christmas. In January, one week was spent at Washadimi before they moved to a new camp, further northwest. Upon arrival, a temporary camp (GaGb-83) was established on the beach (Figure 2). As freeze-up would not have been completed until late November, the hunters had a few weeks of open water to survey the area for game and set nets for fish. These first weeks were also spent in constructing the main winter camp.

Physical Description of the Camp

The camp was located at the western end of Lac Washadimi, near its exit into the Griault River. It was situated on two low sand terraces, 60 m from the lake edge. The second terrace provided protection from the harsh northwest winds. Caribou lichen and well-spaced black spruce and jack pine covered the area. In the less well-drained places, nearer the water, grew dense alder bushes (Figure 3).

Figurei: Area of Washadimi.




Figure 2: Location of the Fireman Winter Camp GaGb-46WF.

The total camp area was 66 m (cache racks to canoe supports) by 100 m (west to east dumps). The winter lodge (no. 23), was the largest structure. Its wooden frame was built to accommodate two different sized, canvas tents, which were joined at the central doorway. A layer of moss and a blanket of snow served as insulation. George Fireman's family occupied the left half of the lodge, and William's the right (Tanner 1978b). An oil drum stove was erected on a sand platform in the centre. A second, portable stove may have been placed on two flat stones further to the right.

The spatial division of the two families was evident in other features of the camp. There were two conical work and storage shelters (nos. 21 and 22), two cache racks (nos. 3 and 4), and a pair of canoe supports (nos. 1 and 2). The westernmost structures belonged to George, while the easternmost ones belonged to William. One exception was the single miicwaap, a conical tent enclosing a meat drying rack, suspended over a stone-lined hearth (no. 20). The miicwaap may have been used as living quarters during the construction of the lodge, as a cooking tent (Chism, pers, comm.), as a heated workplace (Tanner, pers. comm.) or a combination of these functions. Other camp structures included a toboggan planing board (no. 15), a hair scraping post (no. 30), four suspended, horizontal poles (nos. 5, 12, 13 and 14), five trees with suspended bone elements (nos. 5, 26, 27, 28 and 29), four exterior fires (nos. 6, 16, 17 and 24) and five dumping areas. The dumps (nos. 7-11) were located at the terrace edges.

This attractive location had also been selected by Cree people in years gone by. Sharing the camp area were two historic tent rings (nos. 18 and 19). An additional nine were recorded just north and east of the Fireman camp.




Figure 3: Fireman Winter Camp.




Spatial Distribution of the Faunal Bone

Faunal bone was found in association with five activity areas: the dumps, the interior hearths, the exterior fires, the workshelters and the trees with suspended bone (Appendix 1). The dumps contained the highest concentration of bone. The greatest amount of calcined, fragmented bone occurred in the miicwaap hearth. The oil drum stove contained a much smaller amount of bone of this nature .

The four exterior fires had both charred and unburned skeletal elements in and around them. These features were used only at the beginning and end of the camp occupation. The southern fire (no. 6) was made to burn brush at the initial clearing of the campsite. The other three were clean-up fires, made just prior to departure (Tanner 1978b).

By the workshelters were some Moose bones. Ribs with articulated, but split vertebrae and one hoof lay around the western worksheiter. To the left and behind this structure, was a moose hide working area. A bevelled tree stump served as a hair scraping post, and the

adjacent suspended pole held the moose hides after each washing (Tanner 1978b). In the doorway of the other worksheiter lay an implement required for hide working. This was a beamer fashioned from a split moose metapodial. A complete metapodial was beside it.

Bone was not found in the vicinity of the cache racks, nor around the canoe supports. The interior floor surfaces of the winter lodge, the miicwaap , and the workshelters were clean of bone. Very few bones could be considered "scattered", that is, not in association with the above mentioned concentrations. On the path towards the western dumps were at least three beaver skulls and nearby, some hare bones (no. 25). It is unclear whether this was an intentional dumping area, "scattered" bone, bone lost under the snow or the results of

scavengers. In terms of faunal bone, the camp exhibited a relatively clean appearance.

Species Represented

In the Cree religious ideology, the bones of animals are sacred. They are treated in specified ways to show respect to the spirits of the animals which they represent (Feit 1973; Rogers 1973; Tanner 1979). In consideration of these beliefs, the bone at the Fireman camp was not collected. Instead, extensive field observations and identifications were made.

During the mapping of the camp, I was able to identify the bones of hare, beaver, muskrat, porcupine, otter, lynx and moose. There were also ptarmigan/grouse bones present and among the fish remains, northern pike was observed.

Of the four species harvested for furs - beaver, muskrat, otter and lynx - beaver, represented by at least thirteen skulls, a few pelves and extremity bones, appeared to be the most frequently trapped. The one muskrat element, one otter skeleton and three pairs of Lynx hind feet suggested a lower catch for these species. Hide stretchers found at the camp reflected this ratio. Twenty beaver hide stretchers were counted, compared to two for muskrat and one for lynx.

There are available two records of the Fireman brothers' harvest for the entire 1977-1978 winter (Table 1). The first is William's own estimates and the second is the official record of furs sold, from the Division des Fourrures, Ministère de Tourisme, Chasse et Pêche. Both show a higher yield of beaver and muskrat, compared to the other fur-bearers. Muskrat tend to be taken in late winter and would not be expected to be found at




an early winter camp (Tanner, pers. comm.; Weinstein 1976). The bones of squirrel, wolf, weasel and mink were not observed at the Fireman Camp.

Table 1. Entire Winter Harvest 1977-1978 George and William Fireman, Fort George

William's Estimates: Trap Records:*

Beaver 155 Squirrel 14 Muskrat 200 Beaver 128 Wolf 3 Muskrat 130 Lynx ? Weasel 5 Moose 3 Mink 3

Otter 3 Lynx 7

* Division des Fourrures, Ministère de Tourisme, Chasse et Pêche.

Subsistence Resources

The Cree do not use all the fur bearing animals as subsistence resources. Wolf are neither commonly trapped nor eaten. Squirrel, weasel and mink are also not eaten and are considered starvation food (Weinstein 1976). These three species may be used as dog food (Tanner, pers. comm.).

Moose, of which the Firemans caught three that year, were hunted for both meat and hides. Two moose skulls and mandibles, two scapulae, six (?) leg bones and a number of ribs reflect the capture of at least two individuals. Moose would probably have provided the greatest amount of game meat. According to William, some moose meat was flown back to relatives in Fort George, indicating an abundance. Beaver, by virtue of its quantity, would also have been a major food source. Lesser amounts of meat would have come from the small game, such as porcupine, otter and lynx.

The role of hare and ptarmigan/grouse as subsistence resources is uncertain. To provide any substantial amount of meat, a large number would have to be taken. Hare bones were recorded at nine locations at the camp, and ptarmigan/grouse at five. Both species are known to undergo cyclical fluctuations in their populations, every eight to eleven years. Hare populations can range as high as 10,000 per square mile to a low of 1 per square mile (Weinstein 1976). Thus, the importance of these species in the Cree diet fluctuates as well.

A fairly large quantity offish remains were noted at one of the household dumps (no. 7), with some skulls and vertebrae around the exterior fires. From simple observation, it was impossible to estimate the importance of fish as a food resource. However, the camp was strategically located near that part of Washadimi which was always ice-free, due to a mild whirlpool effect at its exit into the Griault River. Native harvesting studies point out that fishing offers a relatively high yield for the small amount of time spent tending the nets (Weinstein 1976). Fish are a useful fall-back resource, when game is low (Salisbury 1972) and also give variety to meals.




Comparison of Harvests

Lacking quantitative data for the Firemans' harvest, we must turn to ethnographic studies of other similar-sized hunting groups. However, little work has been conducted on the Fort George inlanders group, to which the Firemans belong. Research has been done on other James Bay Cree groups, notably the Mistassini band (Rogers 1973) and the Nichicun band (Tanner 1979). It must be noted that although the Eastern Cree possess a general, cultural uniformity, there are small local variations in cultural practices. Also the hunting territories of these two groups are further to the south and east, with somewhat different local environments.

Table 2 shows the number of individuals per species harvested during the early winter period for the Matoush group (Rogers 1973) and the Jimiken group (Tanner 1979). This period covers the months of October, November and December. As can be seen, these groups were hunting and trapping basically the same species as the Firemans. Small game were caught in lower frequencies than beaver and fish, and grouse for the Matoush group. It should be noted that both hunting groups included older people, to whom fell the task of tending the fish nets. Groups which are composed of mainly young people may choose not to fish at all (Tanner, pers. comm.). The significance here is that the Cree have a degree of choice and flexibility in their subsistence strategies.

Table 2. Early Winter Harvests

Species Matoush group* Jimiken group**

Hare 15 individuals 4 individuals

Squirrel 17 2 Beaver 20 31 Muskrat 9 4

Porcupine 2 6 Fox 4 0 Ermine 0 3 Weasel 102 0 Mink 80 23 Otter 5 5 Moose 1 0 Caribou 0 4 Loons 0 2 Ducks 3 13 Ptarmigan/Grouse 292 23 Owl 1 0 Fish 273 815 (lbs.)

* Rogers, 1973 ** Tanner, 1979




Comparison of Edible Meat Weights

Both ethnographers applied edible meat weight estimates to the recorded harvests. Tanner (1979) employed figures calculated by researchers in native harvesting, which take into account Cree butchering and dietary pratices. Rogers (1973), on the other hand, used a variety of estimates including White's 1953 techniques and his own personal observations. According to Rogers' figures for the Matoush group, beaver provided the greatest amount of meat for the early winter period, followed by fish, moose and grouse (Table 3). Much smaller amounts came from otter and hare. To make Rogers' and Tanner's data more compatible, I have recalculated the amounts of edible meat for the Matoush and Jimiken groups, using Salisbury's (1972) estimates. Table 4 presents these new estimates, showing a marked decrease in the importance of beaver in the Matoush diet and a higher meat yield for grouse. The Jimiken group demonstrates a similar pattern, with fish, caribou and beaver providing the greatest amounts of meat, and small game providing relatively small amounts.

Table 3. Edible Meat Weight Estimates Early Winter Harvest Totals

Matoush Group: Beaver 770.0 lbs. Grouse 146.0 lbs. Fish 546.0 Otter 45.0 Moose 400.0 Hare 23.0

(Rogers, 1973)

Table 4. Edible Meat Weight Estimates Early Winter Harvest

Matoush group Jimiken group

Fish 546.0 lbs. Fish* 543.0 lbs. Moose 330.2 Caribou 420.0 Beaver 254.0 Beaver 394.0

Grouse 204.4 Porcupine 50.4 Otter 42.0 Otter 42.0 Hare 24.0 Ducks 13.0

(Estimates: Salisbury 1972, Appendix 2) (* Tanner's figure)

Religious Ideology and the Production Process

To the Cree, animals are not just so many pounds of meat. The Cree hunter is a friend of the animals which he hunts. If he conducts himself in the proper manner, the animals will offer




themselves to be killed. The entire production process - hunting, butchering, consumption and disposal - involves highly specialized procedures, which symbolize the respect the hunter has for the animal spirits (Feit 1973; Rogers 1973).

The Cree conceptualize different categories of animals. The most sacred are the big game, that is bear, beaver, caribou and moose, with bear being the most important. They distinguish between land mammals and water mammals; between winter animals and summer ones. The Cree have different attitudes to these various categories of animals. Thus, different species may be accorded different treatment (Tanner 1978a).

Evidence of Butchering and Food Preparation

In butchering practices, we see that bear are brought back to camp whole and unbutchered. In contrast, Cervids are butchered at the kill site into easily transportable pieces. Care is taken not to spill any blood or leave any stains on the snow. Very little of the animal is left behind except the stomach contents and some organs (Rogers 1973; Tanner 1979).

At the Fireman camp, it was noted that elements of most of the major body regions of moose were represented. This would suggest that all of the animal was returned to the camp. One example of primary butchering, which may have occurred at the kill site, was the fact that both the skulls were severed from the vertebral column. The mandibles were detached and broken at the mental symphysis, perhaps a later step. Another example was the splitting of some of the vertebrae which were still attached to ribs. This may have been done in order to divide the rib cage.

The moose carcasses would have been further dressed at the camp, where the meat would be removed from the bones (Rogers 1973). The fractured leg bones at the Fireman camp, suggest that they were split for bone marrow and possibly further broken to make bone soup (Tanner, pers. comm.). However, only one of the four observed metapodials had been broken, even though some Cree groups consider metapodial marrow a delicacy (Tanner 1979).

Beaver are returned to camp whole, often drawn on a ceremonial string. Having been skinned and dressed, the animal is often cooked whole (Tanner 1979). All the beaver skulls at the Fireman camp had had their brains removed. This may be an example of consumption practices.

Fish, as a class, do not appear to be ritually significant. However, the Cree do prepare different species in different ways. One method is to split the fish, dry it over a fire and mix the powdered meat with fat. Rogers (1973) notes that large trout heads were cooked on a spit, while other fish were boiled. No obvious evidence for the preparation of fish was observed at the Fireman camp, except to say that most of the bones and scales were found unburned in the dumps. Three large pike heads were noted near one exterior fire.

Disposal of the Animal Bone

The final step in the production process is the disposal of the inedible remains, including the bone. The pattern of disposal at the Fireman camp is reflected in the spatial distribution of the bone. Most of the faunal bone was in concentrations, with very little scattered. This




relatively clean appearance indicates that care was taken to make the animal bone inaccessible to predators. Again, this symbolizes the regard the hunter has for his prey.

Three methods of disposal were practised by the Firemans. Bone was placed in the household dumps, burned or suspended in trees. The dumps contained hare extremity bones, beaver skulls and pelves, moose skulls and mandibles, ptarmigan/grouse elements and fish skeletons. Burned bone occurred in two activity areas: the interior hearths and the exterior clean-up fires . In the miicwaap hearth , calcined fragments of hare , beaver, muskrat and ptarmigan/grouse bone were identified. The practice of throwing bones into the fire after consumption of the meat has been observed among the Fort George inlanders. The skulls, however, were saved (Chism, pers. comm.).

Bones found in the brush burning fire (no. 6) included a beaver pelvis, a moose vertebra and some fish elements. Of the other three exterior fires, two were identified by William as being used to burn large game bone. However only one of these contained moose bone (no. 16). In and around this fire were fractured moose leg bones, phalanges, one hoof and one vertebra. Beaver bone, a porcupine mandible, an otter skeleton and fish elements were also observed. The other fire (no. 24) appeared to contain only hare bones, with two moose metapodials some four m to the west. The last clean-up fire had some unidentified burned bone in it, as well as a lynx femur, a bird wing and three pike heads lying nearby (no. 17).

The most visible features were the bones suspended in trees. One tree near the hair scraping post and another at the southeast corner of the lodge, each bore a moose scapula. On either side of the miicwaap were two trees hung with bone. In the tree to the right of the doorway, George had placed one beaver skull, two lynx skulls and mandibles, and four lynx hind feet. Behind the tent, William's tree held four beaver skulls and two sets of lynx paws. Each set had one hind and one fore foot attached together. A few metres north, a third tree (no. 5) contained one beaver skull and a collection of beaver scent glands and testes. William identified two other trees northwest of the lodge as places where animal bones were hung (Tanner 1978b). However, we found only beaver hide stretchers in their branches.

Variations in disposal techniques are noted from one Cree group to another. For example, the Mistassini Cree construct a special cache rack for the bones of land mammals. Even cooked bones are placed there (Rogers 1973; Tanner 1979). The bones of water mammals are said to be returned to the water. This practice is known among the Fort George inlanders. One hunter spoke of placing beaver bones, excepting the skulls, in the water with the words "Grow again, there where I throw you." (Tanner 1978b). The Mistassini also suspend the bones of bear, beaver, caribou and certain species of birds and fish in trees. The dogs are kept away from the animal carcasses and their bones. Only hare, certain mustelids, ptarmigan/grouse and some fish species are fed to the dogs (Rogers 1973).

Though the specific practices may have local variations, the end result is the same. The camp is left clean by disposing of the bone, so that dogs and predators will not gnaw on them. In this way, the hunter repays a debt of gratitude to the animals who have allowed themselves to be captured.

Archaeological Implications

The example of the Fireman camp offers a number of archaeological considerations. First, is the large size of the camp, despite a relatively small number of occupants for only a three




month period. Second, is the fact that the faunal bone tended to be in concentrations. With time, only the calcined and burned bone would survive the acidity of the soil. Of the concentrations with burned bone, only one, the miicwaap hearth, was related to a structure. Further complicating the picture would be the hearths of the historic tent rings, located in and around the Fireman camp area.

One final comment is in the form of an addition to Yellen's conclusions in his study of the cultural patterning of faunal remains among the !Kung Bushmen. Yellen (1977: 294) stated that kt . . .the final form and spatial distribution of faunal remains reflects the last steps of the butchering and consumption process." From this study of a modern Cree winter camp, we have seen that there is a third variable influencing the treatment and spatial distribution of faunal bone. That variable is the symbolic pattern of disposal according to religious ideological concepts.

McMaster University Hamilton, Canada

APPENDIX 1 Distribution of the Faunal Bone Fireman Camp GaGb-46WF

Activity Area Map No. Quant. Species and Element

Dumps 8 Beaver skulls

Fish skulls and vertebral columns 7 Hare extremity bones and feet

Beaver skulls, pelves Ptarmigan/Grouse bone

10 2 Moose skulls and mandibles Exterior E ires

6 1 Beaver pelvis Burned and 1 Moose vertebra, no epiphyses

Unburned Fish skulls, vertebrae, scales 17 1 Lynx femur

1 Bird wing 3 Pike skulls

24 Hare bones 1 6 Beaver elements

1 Porcupine mandible 1 Otter skeleton ( lm North)

Moose leg bones, fractured 1 Moose hoof (2m East) 1 Moose vertebra (4m SE)

Fish bone




Interior Hearths Calcined 20 Hare bone

Beaver bone 1 Muskrat humérus; Ptarmigan/Grouse elements

23 Unidentified, calcined fragments Works he l ter s

2 1 Moose ribs , some with articulated , split vertebra

1 Moose hoof 22 1 Moose metapodial with articulated

ankle elements 1 Moose metapodial (Beamer)

In trees 28 1 Moose scapula 29 1 Moose scapula 26 4 Beaver skulls

4 Lynx feet - 2 sets of one hind and one fore foot tied together Hare and Beaver bones (below tree) Hare bones (lm S)

27 1 Beaver skull 2 Lynx skulls and mandibles 4 Lynx hind feet 1 Hare skull and 2 Moose metapodials (on ground)

5 1 Beaver skull Hare and Beaver and Ptarmigan/Grouse bones (on ground)

"Scattered" 14 1 Moose rib 6 3 Ptarmigan/Grouse sterni, pelves

and other elements (6m West) 23 1 Pike skull (outside , to right of door) 25 Hare bones

Beaver skulls 8 1 Fish skull (10m North)




APPENDIX 2 Pounds of Edible Meat per Animal

Species Salisbury Estimates Native Harvesting Research (1972:21,24) (1976)

Snowshoe Hare 1.6 lbs. 1.9 lbs. Squirrel 0.2 - Beaver 12.7 17.4 Muskrat 1.1 1.4 Porcupine 8.4 10.5 Fox 2.2 -

Black Bear 189.0 210.0 Polar Bear 300.0 350.0 Mink 0.8 -

Otter 8.4 10.5

Lynx 6.8 8.5 Seal 20.0 52.0 Caribou 104.9 128.0 Moose 330.2 438.0

Common Loons 3.0 2.5 Small Loons 3.0 -

Goose 4.0 4.7 Brant Geese 1.0 1.7 Duck 1.0 1.7 Wavies 3.3 3.5 White Birds/Grouse 0.7 0.7 Other Birds 0.4 -

Whitefish 1.0 1.3 Pike 1.6 2.2 Suckers 2.9 1.2 Trout 0.5 1.2-2.6 Other Fish 2.0 -

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank James V. Chism, Adrian Tanner and William Moss for their critical comments and encouragement. I am also grateful to Dr. Tanner for permission to use his field notes; and to the Ministère des Affaires culturelles, particularly Charles Martijn and Georges Barré, for allowing me to present this material.

A special word of gratitude goes to William Fireman and the Cree people of Fort George, who permitted us to visit their lands and learn something of their way of life.




References

Bonnichsen, Robson 1973. Millie's Camp; an experiment in archaeology. World Archaeology 4(3): 277-291.

Chism, James V. 1978. Archaeology at Washadimi: the 1978 Chism Field Summary. Report submitted to the Direction d'Archéologie et Ethnologie, Ministère des Affaires culturelles, Québec.

Feit, Harvey 1973. The Ethno-Ecology of the Waswanipi Cree or How Hunters Can Manage Their Resources. In B. Cox (ed.). Cultural Ecology: Readings on the Canadian Indians and Eskimos. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart; 1 15- 125.

James Bay and Northern Quebec Native Harvesting Research Committee 1976. Research to Establish Present Levels of Harvesting by Native Peoples of Northern Quebec. Part 1. A Report on the Harvests by the James Bay Cree. Montreal. 2 vols.

Rogers, Edward S. 1973. The Quest for Food and Furs: The Mistassini Cree, 1953- 1954. National Museum of Man. Publications in Ethnology No. 5. Ottawa.

Salisbury, R. et. al. 1972. The Use of Subsistence Resources among the James Bay Cree of Fort George, Paint Hills and Eastmain. In J. Spence (ed.). Not by Bread Alone . James Bay Task Force, the Indians of Quebec Association and Northern Quebec Inuit Association.

Société d'Énergie de la Baie James 1980. Piègeage intensif dans le bassin de la Caniapiscau. En Grande VII (3): 20-23.

Tanner, Adrian 1978a. Ethnoarchaeology in the region of the James Bay Project. Report submitted to D. A. E., Min. Aff. cult., Québec.

Tanner, Adrian 1978b. Field Notes; Washadimi, Baie James, Summer 1978. Report submitted to D. A. E., Min. Aff. cult., Québec.

Tanner, Adrian 1979. Bringing Home Animals: Religious Ideology and Mode of Production of the Mistassini Cree Hunters. Memorial University of Newfoundland. Social and Economic Studies No. 23. St. John's.

Weinstein, Martin S. 1976. What the Land Provides: An Examination of the Fort George Subsistence Economy and the Possible Consequences on it of the James Bay Hydroelectric Project. Report of the Fort George Resource Use and Subsistence Economy Study. Montreal: Grand Council of the Cree.

White, T.E. 1953. A Method of Calculating the Dietary Percentage of Various Food Animals Utilized by Aboriginal Peoples. American Antiquity 18(4): 396-398.

Yellen, J.E. 1977. Cultural Patterning in Faunal Remains: Evidence from the !Kung Bushmen. In D. Ingersoll et. al. (eds.). Experimental Archaeology: 271-331. New York: Columbia University Press.



CANADIAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY No, 4, 1980 97

Abstract

An Eastern Cree winter camp in James Bay, Quebec provides a contemporary example of the treatment and disposal of faunal bone. In the field observations and identifications are compared to recent native harvesting studies and ethnographic accounts of two similar hunting groups. In light of Eastern Cree religious concepts, it can be seen that the spatial distribution of the animal remains reflects a symbolic pattern of disposal.

Résumé

Nous avons étudié l'altération et la déposition du matériel faunique dans un camp d'hiver des Cris de l'Est, à la Baie James. Les observations et les identifications de terrain sont alors comparées aux résultats d'études de collecte et aux relevés ethnographiques de deux groupes de chasse semblables. Il semble que, à la lumière des concepts religieux des Cris de l'Est, l'on puisse interpréter la distribution des restes fauniques comme le reflet de normes symboliques.



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Reflections on Refuse: A Contemporary Example from James Bay, Quebec

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