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Report ExBoard ppt v5...1.AIMS 1.1. Generals To study empirically how BRT implementers navigate...

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  • IMPLEMENTING BRT: IMPLEMENTING BRT: Controversies, Alliances and Emergent ActorsControversies, Alliances and Emergent ActorsControversies, Alliances and Emergent ActorsControversies, Alliances and Emergent Actors

    Claudia Gutierrez (PUC) - Onesimo Flores (MIT)

    January 18th, 2011

  • 0. INTRODUCTION

    � Institutional dimension of BRT system: different manners in which

    “the state, society and private agencies define and implement

    transport related public policies” (Vasconcellos2001 p 85).

    � Then, how is it possible to create a formal framework for the BRT � Then, how is it possible to create a formal framework for the BRT

    system implementation?

    � An analysis of the design, planning and implementation of BRT

    systems from an institutional perspective should acknowledge the

    role played by two differents actors : entrepreneurs and an often

    forgotten –although increasingly relevant- actor: the non-expert

    and the multitude of emergent groups .

  • 1. AIMS

    1.1. Generals

    � To study empirically how BRT implementers navigate through

    controversies arising during the design, planning and implementation

    stages of the emerging system.

    � To study empirically how non-experts and emergent groups are

    incorporated in the key controversial situations of the design, planning

    and implementation of transportation system.

    �How do BRT projects evolve from vision to reality?

    �How new technological knowledge is “built” within controversies

    arising from the implementation of a BRT system.

  • 1.2. 1. Specifically, how do BRT implementers adjust their

    strategies and respond to claims arising from:

    1. Incumbent transit operators and other actors in the

    transportation industry

    1. AIMS

    transportation industry

    2. Bureaucracies (different jurisdictions, different levels of

    government, different agencies).

    3. Non experts and emergent groups from civil society such

    as (but not limited to) neighborhood and environmental

    activists.

  • 1.2.2. Specifically, how are non-experts and emergent groups

    incorporated in the key controversial situations of the design,

    planning and implementation of the metropolitan

    transportation system.

    1. AIMS

    � How and when do non-expert and emergent groups arise in

    the developmental history of BRT system implementation.

    � Which are the agendas or framings mobilized by these groups.

    � How these collectives organize themselves.

    � Which are the effects of these groups on the technical,

    financial or political scheme of BRT system implementation.

  • 2.1. An evolving relationship with incumbent bus operators

    Leve

    l o

    f in

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    em

    en

    t o

    ffe

    red

    to

    Quito’s BRT System

    March 17-19, 1996:

    2. FRAMING: BRT as “model”

    Time

    Leve

    l o

    f in

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    en

    t o

    ffe

    red

    to

    incu

    mb

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    rato

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    Ecovía (2001)Trolebus (1995) Central Norte (2006)

    March 17-19, 1996:

    “El Buserato”

  • Leve

    l o

    f in

    volv

    em

    en

    t o

    ffe

    red

    to

    2. FRAMING: BRT as “model”

    2.1. An evolving relationship with incumbent bus operators

    Time

    Leve

    l o

    f in

    volv

    em

    en

    t o

    ffe

    red

    to

    incu

    mb

    en

    t o

    pe

    rato

    rs

    Línea 2 (2007)Línea 1 (2005) Línea 3 (2011)

    Mexico City’s BRT

    System

  • 2. FRAMING: BRT as “model”

    2.2. The bureaucracies: Many actors, many interests

  • Vertical and

    Intra-agency tensions

    Inter-agency conflicts

    Electoral cycle

    2. FRAMING: BRT as “model”

    2.2. The bureaucracies: Many actors, many interests

    BRT systems: a new pool of resources (money, prestige, patronage, “turf”, etc) worth fighting for.

    Vertical and horizontal

    fragmentation

    Electoral cycle / Continuity challenges

  • � An institutional analysis of BRT systems has to include the increasing

    importance of non-experts as critical actors because:

    � The context of transport planning has changed in different ways. The

    2. FRAMING: BRT as “model”

    2.3. Non-experts and emergent groups: the hidden institutional factor

    � The context of transport planning has changed in different ways. The

    “marketisation and politicization of transport; the democratic turn in

    public policy; the complex nature of the public interest; the emerging

    social exclusion agenda; and the culture of opposition in transport

    planning” (Booth and Richardson 2001, 142) .

    � Ever-growing participation of non-experts and emergent groups that

    claim their right not only to voice their opinion on technological

    issues but, more radically, to intervene in the solutions and designs.

    � Controversies: the place where new knowledge is produced.

  • � Account of Boston’s Central Artery/Tunnel

    developmental history (Altshuler &

    Luberoff 2003).

    � Reconstruction of the planning process in

    Barcelona’s Cerdà Plan (Aibar & Bijker

    1997).

    The emergence of interest groups

    can impose new

    2. FRAMING: BRT as “model”

    2.3. Non-experts and emergent groups: the hidden institutional factor

    1997).

    � Emergent actors in Santiago managed to

    redefine the design of both Costanera

    Norte and Autopista Central, two flagship

    urban highways.

    � In Mexico: citizen mobilizations stopped

    the construction of Texcoco Airport, in

    Mexico City.

    � In Argentina: neighborhood organizations

    in Villa Elisa and Lugano have paralyzed

    the construction of ‘Autopista de

    Vinculación’ and Dellepiane highway

    respectively. … among others

    can impose new forms of

    articulation between scientific research, political

    identities and technological

    implementations.

  • Transit operators and other

    actors in the transportation

    industry

    2. FRAMING: BRT as “model”

    2.4. BRT implementation: as “local stories”

    political arrangements,

    cultural backgrounds and specific

    political contexts

    Non experts

    Bureaucracies

    Emergent groups

    from civil society

  • � This study is largely qualitative, employing the method of

    structured, focused comparison of case studies.� The idea is to trace the process of implementation of several BRT corridors,

    concentrating particularly on the manner in which choices of strategy were made. The

    studies will place particular emphasis on methods of public involvement in the planning

    3. METHODOLOGY

    3.1. Data collection and sources

    studies will place particular emphasis on methods of public involvement in the planning

    process and negotiations with bus operators.

    � SOURCES: a mix of hemerographic material, official

    documentation and interviews with key stakeholders.

    � Exploratory research has already been conducted on Mexico

    City’s Metrobus, Quito’s Trolebús (its first corridor) and

    Transantiago in Chile.

  • � MIT team (focusing on the bus industry):

    � OPTIBUS (León, Mexico) - Grandfathered existing contracts to a consortium of traditional operators now in charge of system-wide operation.

    3. METHODOLOGY

    3.2. Case selection

    consortium of traditional operators now in charge of system-wide operation.

    � METROBUS (Mexico City) – Each corridor is a new negotiation. Strategy evolved from full inclusion of incumbents as BRT operators, to

    attempting to broker a partnership between operators and a large private

    player.

    � TROLEBUS/ECOVIA/CENTRAL NORTE (Quito, Ecuador) –Migrated from a confrontational approach and government take over of the

    first corridor to full inclusion of incumbents.

    � METROVIA (Guayaquil, Ecuador) – Experimented with a tiered tendering process with advantages to incumbent operators) (tentative)

  • � PUC team (Transantiago: focusing on non experts and emergent actors)

    Transantiago has demonstrated, the problem is never:

    � Just about one conflict: the controversy was, all at once, about the financing

    scheme of the system , the technological architecture of the project , the

    competence of the public sector in managing large-scale projects, the fleet

    3. METHODOLOGY

    3.2. Case selection

    competence of the public sector in managing large-scale projects, the fleet

    capability of the system, the social equity externalities of the intervention, the

    megalomania of politicians and the rational, top-down criteria of technocrats.

    (Briones 2009, 55- 73)

    � Just about one framing: in all the above conflicts, it was never possible to isolate

    the technical from the political, ethical, social and political. (op.cit.)

    � Just about one actor: the agents involved in the controversy ranged from President

    Lagos to neighborhood associations, from banking y Sonda (the financial manager

    and technological operator, respectively) to the Catholic church , from

    engineering experts to local politicians, all of them playing their roles and trying to

    impose their own agendas .

  • � An approach from the sociology of controversies provides the opportunity

    to address Transantiago as a local history, thus taking into account the

    diversity of actors and entities involved.

    3. METHODOLOGY

    3.3 Sociology of controversies

    � This approach enables us to examine the tensions between different

    stakeholders, and to identify the mechanisms of closure within

    controversies. And perhaps more important, the examination of

    controversies provides a path to the observation of:� how and when non-expert and emergent group arise in the developmental history of Transantiago.

    � which were the agendas or framings mobilized by these groups.

    � how these collectives organized themselves to be efficient.

    � which were the effects of these groups on the technical, financial or political scheme of Transantiago.

  • 2011 2012

    1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

    ÍtemE F M A M J JL A S O N D E F M A M J JL A S O N D

    Final proposal

    Hipothesis

    Workshop

    4. Next steps

    Preparing data collection

    Report 1 (paper)

    Field work

    Report 2

    Data analysis

    Report 3

    Comparative analysis (Chile - Mexico?)

    Draft Final report

    Final Report

of 17/17
IMPLEMENTING BRT: IMPLEMENTING BRT: Controversies, Alliances and Emergent Actors Controversies, Alliances and Emergent Actors Controversies, Alliances and Emergent Actors Controversies, Alliances and Emergent Actors Claudia Gutierrez (PUC) - Onesimo Flores (MIT) January 18th, 2011
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