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Programa de Pasantías InternacionalesBuenos Aires - Argentina
Observatorio Cuenca Matanza – Riachuelo
“Reubicación residencial en la cuenca Matanza Riachuelo bajo el mandato judicial del caso
Mendoza”
Director de GPIA de The New School UniversityMichael CohenCoordinador Académico del Programa de Pasantías en Bs. As. Alberto MinujinPasantes del programa 2012 en ACUMAR Lacy DavisBarbara De LaleuAlison Ross
2012
Residential Relocation in the Matanza Riachuelo River Basin Under the Judicial Mandate of the Mendoza Case
Liberated Camino de Sirga, C.A.B.A.
The New School International Field ProgramBuenos Aires 2012
1
Director of GPIA at the New SchoolMichael Cohen
Academic Coordinator of the IFP Buenos Aires ProgramAlberto Minujin
Interns of the IFP Buenos Aires 2012 ACUMAR CPCLacy DavisBarbara De LaleuAlison Ross
AcknowledgementsThe interns of the IFP Buenos Aires New School 2012 Group who enjoyed the privilege of working with the Coordinacion Promoción Comunitaria division in ACUMAR this summer wish to express our thanks to everyone who received us and who supported our work during our recent internship in Buenos Aires. This document could not have been developed without their invaluable contributions. First and foremost, we would like to thank Director Liliana Baronello, head of the Dirección de Abordaje Territorial in ACUMAR, and her extraordinary team in the Coordinacion Promocion Comunitaria unit, Lorena Tassi, Marcelo Bello, Sergio Las Palmas, Juliet Cajide, and Eugenia Massone. Their guidance, encouragement and generous donation of their time greatly facilitated our own research and assisted our understanding of the relocation process. We would also like to thank Dr. Emir Norte and his team at the Instituto de Vivienda de la Ciudad (IVC) in C.A.B.A. who made themselves available to us on several occasions. Our thanks to Sr. Juan Enríquez of La Matanza’s Unidad Ejecutora Programa Federal de Urbanización de Villas y Asentamientos Precarios, and his wonderful and dedicated staff, especially Mariana Pintos and Janet Segovia, for sharing their invaluable access and inspiring perspectives on all aspects of the program in La Matanza. We are indebted to Alberto Croce from Fundacion SES, for his impressive insights on environmental issues, and most especially to Nahuel Gieco, for sharing his hometown, his encyclopedic knowledge on all things Argentinian, particularly mate, and whose great support helped make our work possible throughout this internship. Our thanks too, to Gabriela Sorda, a great resource who gave us a primer on Argentina’s overall national and provincial housing policy. And our heartfelt thanks go out to our local coordinator Monica Broda, for taking such good care of us - our “big sister”, entertainment and language adviser. Last, but by no means least, we would like to especially thank our Faculty Coordinator and fearless leader Alberto Minujin, for his wise counsel, gracious hospitality and endless patience.
Thank you all for your time, attention, support and resources. Buenos Aires, July 2012
2
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements............................................................... 1
Introduction …………………………………………………………………….... 3
I. Overview and Objectives ………………………………………………... 4
II. Methodology ……………………………………………………………….... 8
III. Profile: Municipio – C.A.B.A. ………………………………………….. 10
IV. Profile: Municipio - La Matanza ………………………………….... 19
V. Comparative Analysis between C.A.B.A. and La Matanza.. 28
VI. Final Comments ……………………………………………………………... 34
Bibliography ….......................................................................... 40
Annex
3
Residential Relocation in the Matanza Riachuelo River Basin Under the Judicial Mandate of the Mendoza Case
Introduction:
This document was prepared in the framework of the International Field
Program BUENOS AIRES 2012. The International Field Program is part of the Graduate
Program in International Affairs (GPIA) of the New School University, and provides
practical field experience through working with a state agency, non-government
organization or community based organization on a development related project for a
two-month period outside of the United States. We were fortunate to experience and
participate in an internship in Buenos Aires, with ACUMAR, the Matanza Riachuelo River
Basin Authority, an inter-jurisdictional agency charged with overseeing all aspects of the
implementation of a court ordered mandate for the restoration of the Matanza
Riachuelo River Basin.
Our project centered on residential relocation in the Matanza Riachuelo Basin,
with a specific focus on two contrasting municipalities under the judicial mandate, the
Autonomous City of Buenos Aires (C.A.B.A.) and La Matanza. Our team was based in
the Coordinacion Promocion Comunitaria division of ACUMAR, and our hands on field
research included observations and interview sessions with relocated residents, carried
out with the cooperation and under the supervision of a representative from each
municipality and from ACUMAR.
4
I. Overview and Objectives
The historic judgment handed down by the Supreme Court of Justice of the
Nation in favor of the plaintiffs in the Mendoza Case (La Causa Mendoza) in 2008
mandated the Federal Government, the City of Buenos Aires and the Province of Buenos
Aires to develop and implement a comprehensive plan for the restoration of the
Matanza Riachuelo river basin. The Integrated Environmental Cleaning-Up Plan (Plan
Integrado de Saneamiento Ambiental, PISA) a comprehensive document updated
periodically to reflect the progress made, established a series of detailed action
programs to deal with the restoration and future preservation of the Matanza Riachuelo
River Basin.
An integral component of the PISA is the Urbanization Plan for Villas and
Informal Settlements at High Environmental Risk in the Matanza Riachuelo Basin (Plan
de Urbanización de Villas y Asentamientos Precarios en Alto Riesgo Ambiental en la
Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo). The desired objectives are improving the lives and health
of the communities living in the region by removing them from the contaminated areas
– toxic land, polluted water and noxious air – while at the same time preventing further
degradation. The absence of sewer lines and adequate garbage disposal facilities meant
that organic and inorganic wastes from these communities were being discharged
directly into the river, making them an additional source of contamination.
In September 2010 the National State, the City of Buenos Aires, the Province
of Buenos Aires and the fourteen municipalities that encompass the Matanza Riachuelo
5
Basin signed an Agreement (Convenio Marco) to cover the second and final phase of the
Urbanization Plan for Villas and Informal Settlements at High Environmental Risk.
The 2010 census of all the communities affected identified 17, 771 families
living in conditions of high environmental risk, requiring assistance with housing
solutions. In December 2010, as stipulated in the September Agreement, the mayors of
the eight municipalities bordering the Riachuelo, along with the City of Buenos Aires,
signed off on the numbers of residents in each affected location within their
municipality, and a timetable for implementing the relocation policy, which included the
construction of the new homes.
According to ACUMAR, the Matanza Riachuelo River Basin Authority
(Autoridad Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo), a total of 13,150 families had been relocated
through August 2011; the goal is that by the end of 2013 all the families currently
situated on the banks of the Riachuelo will have been relocated to new housing,
equipped with the basic infrastructure necessary to maintain a decent standard of living.
The priority is the clearance (liberación) of the camino de sirga, expressed in the
Argentine civil code as a maximum 35m boundary beyond the riverbank.
The Federal Government funds the relocation program through the Ministry
of Federal Planning, Public Investment and Services (Ministerio de Planificación Federal,
Inversión Pública y Servicios). The funds are administered and disbursed to the
municipalities through the Secretary of the Ministry of Public Works (Ministerio de
Obras Públicas) and the Sub Secretary for the Ministry of Urban Development and
Housing (Desarrollo Urbano y Vivienda). At the signing of the Agreement, a budget of
6
ARP$3.173.413.321 was allocated to fund the relocation.
ACUMAR is charged with monitoring and evaluating the progress of the municipalities,
to ensure compliance with the timetable established by the federal judge in Quilmes, Sr.
Luis Armella, which was in turn based on the proposals submitted by the municipalities.
The agency also has the power to recommend that fines be levied on recalcitrant
municipalities, but to date has not yet found it necessary to do so.
The politics of housing in Argentina, and particularly in the City of Buenos
Aires, is a highly contested issue. Until the 1990s Argentina’s housing policy was driven
almost entirely by the national government, which constructed and provided the same
housing modules to all the provinces, with little or no regard for the differences in
climate and geography across the country. The federal government would also contract
companies in Buenos Aires to develop housing projects in the provinces, depriving local
companies of revenues, and ensuring that none of the money allocated to housing
remained in the provinces.
This began to change under the period of neo-liberalization, where power was
decentralized to the provinces, and the federal government began giving block grants to
provincial housing institutions that in turn would give the money to the municipalities to
implement their respective policies. A major constraint was the lack of training in
urban and environmental planning within the provinces, particularly those furthest from
the capital city. There remains a great demand for building the technical capacity
required to implement a local housing agenda within each province.
With the advent of democracy the emphasis had also begun to change from
7
eradication of existing housing stock to home improvement, renovation and land
tenure, a lengthy and often complicated process. There are also plots where tenure is
not legally feasible, e.g. if the land is contaminated or subject to flooding, as is often the
case in the Matanza Riachuelo.
It is important to note that the relocation program for residents under the
judicial mandate (la manda judicial) operates outside of the national and provincial
housing policy framework. The simple criterion under the judicial mandate is that all
residences that lie within the camino de sirga must be removed. Those who fall under
this relocation program may not necessarily be those in most dire need of housing,
although in many cases the housing is indeed precarious, and lacking basic amenities.
However, particularly in the villas, there are also solidly constructed, three and four
story homes that must be removed, and the families relocated. Families must, however,
be provided with alternative housing which meets the basic criteria of a decent standard
of living, and the family must give their consent to the new housing (un consenso) and
this is where the confrontation with the prevailing housing policies may occur. Clashes
have taken place, particularly in C.A.B.A., where the demand for housing is greatest and
the space required for constructing new units is at a premium.
This paper examines the residential relocation process being implemented
under the judicial mandate in two distinct municipalities (municipios) within the
Matanza Riachuelo Basin, the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires (C.A.B.A.), located in the
Lower Basin (Cuenca Baja), and La Matanza, located in the Middle Basin (Cuenca
Media).
8
We compare and contrast how the program operates in each municipality,
and document the impact of the relocation on the residents in each location. We
conclude with a discussion of the implications for riverside communities in general, and
in particular for the residents of the Matanza Riachuelo.
II. Methodology
This paper is based on primary and secondary research carried out in Buenos
Aires over the period June 6 through July 16, 2012. We focused our research on two
municipalities, the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires (C.A.B.A.) and La Matanza, because
of the contrasts they presented in terms of their general profile. The C.A.B.A.
administration’s Chief of Government Mauricio Macri supports the Propuesta
Republicana (PRO), whereas the La Matanza administration’s Mayor Fernando Espinoza
supports the Partido Justicialista (PJ); C.A.B.A. is urban, and La Matanza more rural;
C.A.B.A. has almost double the population and half the unemployment rate of La
Matanza.
We selected two indicators to use as the focus for our research. The first was
the process of relocation; the second was the change in the life of the residents.
Our primary research consisted of interviews with the senior representative in
charge of implementing the relocation program under the judicial mandate in each of
municipalities, and on-site interviews with select residents who had been relocated
from the camino de sirga to new homes in their respective municipalities. We
interviewed four families in La Matanza, and three in C.A.B.A.. These interviews were all
9
arranged by ACUMAR, with the cooperation of the municipalities. We prepared a
questionnaire for each set of interviews, and recorded the responses.
On June 22 and June 28 respectively we interviewed the following
municipality representatives at their offices in C.A.B.A. and La Matanza:
Dr. Emir Norte - C.A.B.A.
Unidad de Proyectos Especiales: Erradicación y Urbanización Villas y Asentamientos de
la Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo, Instituto de Vivienda de la Ciudad (IVC)
Sr. Juan Enriquez - La Matanza
La Unidad Ejecutora Programa Federal de Urbanización de Villas y Asentamientos
Precarios
The interviews with the residents took place on July 4 at Obra La Bastilla in La
Matanza, and on July 17 at Castañares y General Paz in C.A.B.A.. The head of the
ACUMAR division Coordinacion de Promocion Comunitaria, Lorena Tassi, along with the
coordinators assigned to each of the municipalities, Marcelo Bello for La Matanza and
Sergio Palma for C.A.B.A., proved to be invaluable resources.
We also interviewed Gabriela Sorda, a faculty member of the Department of
Architecture, Design and Urbanism at the University of Buenos Aires, for an overview of
the national housing policy, with particular reference to the city and the province of
Buenos Aires. Ms. Sorda has worked extensively in the field of urban housing and
design, and co-authored an Urbanism Manual for communities.
Our fieldwork included a tour of the camino de sirga in C.A.B.A., along with an
observation of a relocation in each municipality, visiting first the site of the original
10
homes and then moving on to the new residences. On June 26 we observed the
relocation of La Matanza residents from the informal settlement El Mosquito to the new
housing complex at Obra La Bastilla. On July 17 we observed the relocation of C.A.B.A.
residents from Magaldi to the new apartment complex at Castañares y General Paz.
Our secondary research sources included a variety of documents from the
ACUMAR website, the websites for both La Matanza and C.A.B.A., and the government
statistical office site INDEC, where the 2010 Census information was available.
Newspaper articles from several Argentine newspapers, and articles from Environment
and Urbanization magazine complemented the information provided by the official
sources.
III. Municipio - C.A.B.A.
Municipality Profile
The municipality of the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires, C.A.B.A., has a
population of around 3 million and is the Federal Capital of Argentina. C.A.B.A. is located
in the Cuenca Baja of the Matanza Riachuelo River Basin. The natural borders of Buenos
Aires are the Rio de la Plata on the East, the Matanza Riachuelo on the south/southwest
and the large avenue, Avenida General Paz, for the northern border. There are 48
neighborhood communities within C.A.B.A. that are divided into 15 distinct districts
(comunas). The current chief of the government (jefe del gobierno) in C.A.B.A. is
Mauricio Macri, elected in December 2007.
On February 17, 2011 the City Housing Institution (Instituto de Vivienda de la
11
Ciudad, IVC), the organization in charge of housing development within C.A.B.A.,
presented a revised proposal to ACUMAR under the judicial mandate governing the
Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo. Under this revision they promised to relocate the
communities living in the Camino de Sirga along the Matanza Riachuelo within C.A.B.A.
city limits. The contract stated that the families living in El Pueblito and Luján would be
given the option to relocate to already existing communities along Av. Castañares and
Portela. According to article 11226-IVC-2010 dated November 23, 2010 presented by
the IVC to the authority (ACUMAR), houses would be assigned to the families inhabiting
Villa La Manzana 7 by November 1, 2014. The aforementioned settlements were also to
be relocated in Castañares, General Paz, and in the Barrio Los Piletones which is
currently under construction.
The first set of problems for the municipality arose in the beginning of March
2011, when two weeks into the scheduled relocation process, the original beneficiaries
of the housing seized the new houses on the property of Av. Castañares and Portela.
This revealed the one-sidedness in the political decision making of the housing projects
that would change the fate of everyone living within C.A.B.A. and the political problems
that exist.
The Relocation Process
The responsibility for the relocation of families living in the camino de sirga
falls under the general management of Sr. Alejo Maxit, under the direction of President
Sr. Emilio Basavilbaso. Within the Ministry of Urban Development, the implementation
12
of the relocation policy is carried out by the IVC (Instituto de Vivienda de la Ciudad). Dr.
Emir Norte is the head of the division within the IVC appointed to oversee the
relocation of the families living within the camino de sirga in C.A.B.A.. He works under
the judicial mandate passed down from the Supreme Court with oversight from the
territorial relocation department within ACUMAR. The IVC is an autarchic entity created
by law in connection with the Ministry of Urban Development and by the Secretary of
Housing and Urban Development to reduce the housing deficit and provide housing
solutions for the city.
There are 15 employees below Dr. Emir in the IVC office and they focus on the
relocation of five villas and settlements housing over two thousand families. The staff is
divided into the administrative and social teams in order to be able to address both
sides. The social team’s role is very important because it focuses on establishing new
residential housing for the families to be relocated. The other team is in constant
contact with the judge as to the logistical time frame of when and where the new
housing structures should be constructed. After the census carried out in 2010, it was
determined that 1,820 families were living in the Camino de Sirga and needed to be
relocated according to the judicial mandate. The numbers have changed over the last
couple of years due to families moving in or out of the neighborhoods but the number
of 1,820 families was the last recorded account.
Upon interviewing Dr. Norte he advised that the C.A.B.A. administration’s two
main objectives were to ensure the health and stability of the new settlements for the
families being relocated. He viewed the health rights of the families as the most
13
important issue and stated that the families living along the camino de sirga were
actually living outside of their health rights by being exposed to the contamination. The
second important objective was securing the sanitation and sewage infrastructure of the
new settlements for the families. The prior settlements/villas along the river did not
have proper infrastructure in place to guarantee their personal safety and hygiene and
also that of the environment. More than anything they are focusing on the health and
safety of women (especially pregnant women) and children who are more at risk due to
the pollution. The idea is to inform families that have children with exacerbated
asthmatic problems due to contamination issues to suggest controls in the Buenos Aires
coverage health and social work.
The execution of the program is more complicated than that of La Matanza
because of the political arena, the fact that there are more villas and not settlements,
and the lack of land within the city to construct new housing projects for the families.
“We are not focused on only the 35 km but also in the surrounding areas. The Camino
de Sirga is the beginning of the contamination but it does not stop there.” (Dr. Emir
Norte)
There are five specific settlements and villas that are under the judicial
mandate along the Camino de Sirga and they include; Luján, Villa 26, El Pueblito, Villas
21-24 and Magaldi. In the Luján settlement 25 families were relocated to Osvaldo Cruz
y Portela. In Villa 26 there are 215 projected families that need to be relocated to the
new neighborhoods of Proyecto Lacarra 2049 (ex. P. Chutro), Proyecto Luzuriaga 837
and Proyecto San Antonio 721 (ex. Goncalvez Diaz). From the El Pueblito settlement 130
14
families were relocated to La Fuente, Castañares and Portela. Villas 21-24 are the most
densely populated within C.A.B.A., and there are 1,334 families that need to be
relocated along the Camino de Sirga. In the Magaldi settlement 116 families need to be
relocated; 41 families have already been relocated to La Fuente, Castañares and Portela.
The remaining 75 will be relocated to Av. Gral Paz, Castañares, Los Piletones and Villa
Soldati.
The financing of these and other urban development projects under the
judicial mandate was guaranteed through an agreement on January 24,2011 between
the Ministry of Economy and Public Finance and the Ministry of Federal Planning, Public
Investment and Services, through the Ministry of Public works for the projected amount
of $3,173,413,321. Under this agreement, the basin authority, ACUMAR, is monitoring
the deadlines for removing the precarious villas and settlements located along the
Riachuelo in the Camino de Sirga in order to improve the quality of life of the residents
of the basin.
The Relocation of Villa Magaldi to Castañares y General Paz
On July 18 we witnessed the relocation of the second group of residents
(vecinos) with six families in the group from the villa Magaldi on the banks of the
Riachuelo to their new homes in Castañares y General Paz. The clearance area from the
river here was 35m as required by law. The location was the original site for 116
families; the first group of 41 families had already been moved to another settlement,
Portela. On the day that we visited the site, around 60 families of the second group (of
the remaining 76 families) were scheduled for relocation this day and the days
15
surrounding it. The third group is still waiting to be relocated to another location,
Soldati, at a later date set within the year. There were six families scheduled for
relocation on this day, and when we arrived to Magaldi at around 12h00 the families
had already been transferred to the new location.
Having already been on a site visit (recorrido) a few weeks earlier the
difference between the before and after of the move was astounding. Some families had
chosen to remain behind to be in the third group, therefore there was a mix of
demolished buildings next to standing inhabited structures. Officers from the police
force were there, along with a number of municipality and ACUMAR representatives
who had been working with the families throughout the process and especially on this
day of the move. Unlike the observed relocation in La Matanza, there was not a chance
to see how they physically moved the families’ personal belongings or how the families
and their belongings were transported to the new location. The owners of the homes,
before the move to the new location, removed the materials of the dwellings that could
be recycled or saved. There was also a bulldozer parked in the center of villa Magaldi
and the residences that were not attached to inhabited homes were demolished after
the families had moved all of their belongings out in preparation to move to the new
location, Castañares.
The new complex at Castañares, was located approximately 25 kilometers
from villa Magaldi. The complex itself is located on a vast plot of land on which many
different villas are being relocated, not just those under the judicial mandate. The basic
infrastructure in terms of gas, electricity, sewers and running water is all in place. There
16
are 3 building complexes that are already completed and two more that are currently
under construction, with each apartment complex housing around 80-100 families.
When completed the whole complex will house around 800 families total. The
apartment buildings have 5 stories; the ground floor (planta baja) and 4 more levels
above, with mostly 2 or 3 bedrooms, 1 bathroom with a big kitchen and shared living
space. There are 4 apartments on each floor and after talking with some of the
inhabitants it was discovered that they tried to keep families and relatives living side by
side on the same floor. Each apartment comes with a new kitchen with plenty of
counter space, a hot water tank and a heater. Each apartment has tiled floors
throughout, big windows and a buzzer to each individual home. There was also a space
left for an elevator in each building for at a later date; should the tenants decide to get
together and create a building fund they could have an elevator constructed in their
building. The most attractive thing about the new Castañares complex was the
children’s playground area in the middle of the complex. No central canteen eating
areas (comedores) have been constructed to date but with time and organization of the
apartment complex there would be one on the premises. The apartment complex
appeared to be a safe and inviting place for families and children to be able to interact
and grow to become a community in their new-shared space.
After the families had their belongings moved into their homes, the municipal
representative completed the paperwork required. Each head of household signed an
“Acta de Entrega de la Vivienda” stating that they had taken occupancy of the house,
and keys and congratulations were handed over. Each family is given a grace period of
17
one year, after which payment schedules are established. Once another survey has been
taken, it determines each family’s employment status, income and ability to pay in
installments (cuotas).
Impact of the Relocation on New Residents of Obra La Bastilla
On July 18 we interviewed three residents who had recently moved into the
Castañares apartment complex. Each family varied in size, nationality, time spent living
in villa Magaldi and date of the move into the new housing complex, Castañares.
The first family that was interviewed had moved in that very same day with 6
other families. The family consisted of 6 people total that had moved into two
apartments side by side on the 4th floor. One apartment consisted of two adults and
two children and the other apartment was the brother of the other family who lived
with their mother. They were advised of the move in October of the year before but did
not have the chance to view the apartment before the move. The son that lived with his
mother had been born in Magaldi and lived there for his entire life, over 30 years. They
were all smiles and joy to be living in their new situation and had nothing but great
things to say about their experience with the move in general.
The second family that was interviewed had moved just a few days earlier on
July 12th and lived on the 1st floor. The family consisted of 8 people total that had
moved into apartments side by side as well with 2 adults and 2 children in each of the
apartments. They were advised in October of the year before as well and were able to
visit the apartment before the move. This family was from Paraguay and was very
18
content with their new home and the security they felt within the complex. The move
was a bit more complicated for this family because they were not able to all move at the
same time and had to do it in shifts, which put a strain on them. The head of the
household, who has worked in construction his whole life, also stated that the material
used for the construction was new to him but he was learning how to use it and thought
that it was a very beautifully constructed house and building.
The third family that was interviewed consisted of 2 adults and a teenage
daughter living on the lower level. The head of the household told us that he had other
daughters and family living in the complex but they did not live on the same floor. They
were also advised the previous year and were able to come and see the apartment
before the move. This family was also from Paraguay and very content with the move.
His family had been living in Magaldi for 6 years before the move to Castañares and the
biggest thing that had changed for this man and his family was the amount of privacy
they now have. They no longer had to live on top of each other in contaminated and
cramped space; he said it was a great life change (cambio de vida).
The three families from Magaldi were unanimous in their belief that the
relocation offered a better quality of life for them and their children, in terms of an
improved standard of living with the basic infrastructure provided in the location,
heating and hot water, gas and electricity. The families were also unanimous on their
increased level of security within the complex due to the locked door that closed off the
whole complex on the lower level and then the reinforced front door to each individual
apartment. They each stressed the importance of creating a new neighborhood watch
19
association and hosting a community town hall meeting seemed to be the first thing on
the agenda once everyone was settled in to their new homes. While all three families
affirmed that the move had improved their quality of life, they also talked about their
access to transportation to jobs and/or school for their children remained the same if
not increased the distance than it had previously. It would have been helpful to speak
with additional residents but due to timing and relative newness of the move (as with
the first family who had moved in that day), but there was only time to speak to those
available.
IV. Municipio - La Matanza
Municipality Profile
The municipality of La Matanza covers an area of 325,71 sq km, and is located
in the middle section (Cuenca Media) of the Matanza Riachuelo river basin. According to
the 2010 census it is the most highly populated administrative area (partido) in the
Province of Buenos Aires, with a population of 1,775,816. It is also the fastest growing,
with an increase of 41,5%, more than 520,528 residents, over the ten-year period since
the last census was taken in 2001.
Just under 10% (171,682) of the population is foreign born. This reflects a higher
percentage that the overall demographic composition of the province of Buenos Aires
Province (pop. 15,625,084), of which just 6% of the population is foreign born (941,941).
Paraguayans represent almost half (45%) of the foreign born residents of La Matanza,
(77,807). However, according to municipality officials, within many informal settlements
20
(asentamientos) Paraguayans comprise the majority of those born outside the country.
It is a fairly rural municipality, with a largely agricultural economy based on
cattle, sheep and dairy farms and estates. A series of meat processing plants were
established in La Tablada in the 1930s, and the Ramos Mejia municipality developed
into an important industrial center for textiles in the 1940s. The advent of rail service,
which provided a direct link to the Federal Capital, spurred industrial growth and
facilitated the transport of goods and merchandise. In the first quarter of 2012,
unemployment for the partidos comprising Greater Buenos Aires, which includes the
municipality of La Matanza, was 8.7%, more than double that of the City of Buenos Aires
at 4.1%. An overview of the breakdown of private housing and households in the
municipality, by type of dwelling is given below.
Partido
(Admin. Area)
Total Type of Housing
Casa
(House)
Rancho
(Ranch)
Casilla
(Shack
)
Departameno
(Apartment)
Pieza/s en
inquilinato
(Room/s in
tenement)
Pieza/s en
hotel o pension
(Rooms in hotel or
boarding house)
Local no
construido para
habitación
Vivienda móvil
(Mobile
housing)
La Matanza
Viviendas
(Housing) 405,338 329,735 3,941 13,849 53,879 2,891 149 848 46
Hogares
(H/Holds) 484,909 392,986 5,624 19,929 60,486 4,651 228 958 47
Población
Population
1,771,2
61
1,459,53
5 25,304 91,349 176,039 15,425 736 2,737 136
Source: Cuadro V2-P. Provincia de Buenos Aires. Viviendas particulares habitadas, hogares y población censada por tipo de vivienda, según partido. Censo Año 2010
21
The municipality is divided into 15 localities (localidades), and the capital city
and administrative center is San Justo, where the Municipal offices are located. The
Mayor of La Matanza, Ferdinand Espinoza, assumed office in 2005, and was most
recently reelected for another four-year term in October 2011. He is a strong supporter
of the governing party and President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner.
In the Acuerdos Generales signed in December 2010 by the mayors of the
municipalities under the judicial mandate governing the Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo, the
number of families living in high risk environmental locations in La Matanza was
recorded at 6,150, a number established by area surveys carried out in 2010 and 2011 in
the affected territories. These high-risk areas were then classified according to which
families would have to be relocated, the priority being those whose residences lay
directly within the boundary of the camino de sirga; and which would undergo the
process of urbanization.
The urbanization process allows residents to remain in their homes, and
focuses on providing basic infrastructural services to the neighborhood locations, to
improve sanitation, eliminate waste products being emptied directly into the Riachuelo,
and raise the overall quality of life of the residents. This entails constructing the
infrastructure required to support the installation of potable water, gas, electricity,
sewer mains; instituting reliable and timely garbage collection and recycling; facilitating
access to health providers, educational facilities, and other social services. It may also
entail relocation to allow for the construction of roads or other infrastructural needs.
22
The Relocation Process
The responsibility for the relocation of families living in the camino de sirga falls
under the Ministry of Public Works (Secretaria de Obras y Servicios Públicas), under the
direction of Secretario Herminio Bayón. Within this ministry, the implementation of the
policy is carried out by the Unidad Ejecutora Programa Federal de Urbanización de Villas
y Asentamientos Precarios, headed by Juan Enriquez, a community leader with a strong
history of effective social activism in his local barrio El Palito. He led a highly successful
movement for urbanisation in El Palito, and is committed to sharing this success with
other neighborhoods in the municipality. His staff of seven, all from El Palito, are
charged with implementing the relocation and urbanization programs throughout the
municipality. One coordinator is assigned primarily to the relocation of settlements
that fall under the judicial mandate and are subject to oversight by ACUMAR.
Within the 15 localities of La Matanza, based on area surveys completed,
residents of five informal settlements located in the camino de sirga of the Riachuelo
were targeted for relocation -- La Saladita, Don Juan and El Mosquito in Gregorio de la
Ferrere; Mi Esperanza in Isidro Casanova, y Los Ceibos Sur in Gonzales Catan. To date,
the relocation of families in La Saladita, Mi Esperanza, Don Juan and El Mosquito have
been completed; the relocation of families in Los Ceibos Sur is scheduled for completion
by July 30, 2012.
Families from La Saladita, Don Juan, El Mosquito, Mi Esperanza have been
relocated to a new complex, Obra La Bastilla, located in Rafael Castillo. There are
currently 112 families who have been moved into the complex.
23
The Ministry of Social Development and the Ministry of Public Works work
closely together on the resettlement of the residents, but they are separate
bureaucracies and coordination may not always be optimum. Immediately following the
move-in, families are visited by a social worker, to take stock of their needs, advise them
of programs for which they qualify and the facilities available to them. Both the
provincial and the municipal governments offer a variety of social welfare programs,
such as Plan Mas Vida, which provides subsidized milk for mothers and children. A
permanent office staffed by representatives from the Social Development Ministry is
planned for the complex. A series of workshops and talks are also scheduled for
residents, covering issues such as living together with one’s neighbors, caring for pets,
and starting a market garden (huerta). Residents attending the garden workshop are
provided with two trees per household, but to date not many families appear to have
taken advantage of the offer, for reasons that may include a lack of information about
the program or inability to attend the workshops.
The Relocation of Asentamiento El Mosquito to Obra La Bastilla
On June 26 we witnessed the relocation of the last three families from the
informal settlement El Mosquito on the banks of the Riachuelo to their new homes in
Obra La Bastilla. The clearance area from the river here was 50m, 35m as required by
law, and an additional 15m for the passage of a road. The location was the original site
for 16 families, 9 of whom had already been moved, and one who had relocated on their
own account to another site. The remaining six families were scheduled for relocation
on this day, and when we arrived at around 11h00 three families had already been
24
transferred to the new location.
The residents awaiting the final transfer had already packed up all their
personal belongings and situated them outside the residence, in preparation for the
move. Clothing was packed in large plastic bags; mattresses, large appliances and
furniture were stacked without any protective covering. Family pets were secured, dogs
tied to the trees, cats in plastic lattice containers with the lids held down by bricks.
Connections, illegal or otherwise, to the electric lines serving the neighborhood located
immediately beyond the boundary delineating the camino de sirga were severed.
Officers from the police force were there, along with a number of municipality
representatives who had been working with the families throughout the process, to
verify the identity of the head of the household and each family member. Members
from a local cooperative in another barrio, El Palito, were on hand to assist the residents
in loading their personal belongings onto an open backed truck, which would transport
them in a caravan to the new location. A bulldozer was parked nearby, as the residences
would be demolished before the families left the site. The residences had already been
stripped of all their saleable assets: roofs, windows and doors were removed, leaving
just the building shell. The building materials varied considerably; one lean-to was
constructed basically of wooden sticks and poles; one was made of sheets of thin
plywood; and one was constructed of adobe bricks and cement. Neighbors recovered
bricks from the site of the last demolished unit, a recycling process.
We noted two small structures still standing, about 200m from the demolished
25
houses, and perhaps 20m from the river, and were advised that these had been erected
after the survey had been taken. They will in due course be reported to the judge, who
will advise on what action the municipality may take. The municipality is relying on
public education programs, public meetings and outreach, along with an increased
police presence via daily patrols to maintain the cleared area and prohibit any further
construction.
The new complex, Obra La Bastilla, was located approximately six kilometers
from the El Mosquito settlement. The complex itself is located on the site of a reclaimed
area, formerly used as a garbage dump by neighboring barrios. The basic infrastructure
in terms of sewers, electricity, gas and running water are in place; most roads are yet to
be paved and gardens have yet to be planted. The houses are laid out on a square grid
pattern on large plots of land, with mostly two-story, 3 or 4 bedroom, 1 ½ bathroom
units. One-story corner units comprise the two bedroom houses. Each unit comes with
a new kitchen, a hot water tank, a water storage tank, and heater. The pastel color
scheme separates the various housing blocks – green, yellow and blue – and a fence will
be erected around each plot.
The moving crews unloaded the family belongings, while the municipal
representative completed the paperwork required. Each head of household signed an
“Acta de Entrega de la Vivienda” stating that they had taken occupancy of the house,
and keys and congratulations were handed over in a photo-op. Payment schedules are
established at a later date, once another survey has been taken, to determine each
family’s employment status, income and ability to pay. 45% of the value of the house is
26
discounted, to allow for compensation due to the loss of their former dwelling, the
inconvenience of moving, damage to personal possessions in transit, etc.; the payment
schedules established are based on 55% of the value of the property.
Impact of the Relocation on New Residents of Obra La Bastilla
On July 4 we interviewed four residents who had recently moved into the Obra
La Bastilla complex. Three families had moved from the settlement Mi Esperanza, two
on January 6, 2012, and the third on February 24. One family moved from the
settlement La Saladita in March.
Two of the families who had moved from Mi Esperanza had secured their
residence through what is called a cambio. In the event that a family living in the
camino de sirga does not have legal residence, or does not wish to leave the
neighborhood, they are allowed to make an exchange with a family living in the same
neighborhood but outside the camino de sirga. No money can be exchanged; the
municipality acts as a witness to the transaction. The outcome is that the resident living
in the camino de sirga takes possession of the residence of the family living outside the
camino de sirga; and that family in turn takes over the assigned housing in the new
complex. In these cases there may not be much advance notice on the move,
depending on how long it takes the original family to locate a willing partner for the
trade. One family we spoke with had only 2 – 3 weeks notice, but with five children and
a sixth on the way they were excited to take advantage of the opportunity to move from
their two-bedroom house to a four-bedroom house. The family to whom the unit was
27
originally assigned was moving from a very precarious dwelling into a two-bedroom
house, “a mansion” according to the owner. The system is a very practical solution,
particularly as the areas in question tend to have a high proportion of immigrant
residents.
The three families from Mi Esperanza unanimously declared that the
relocation offered a better quality of life for themselves and their children, in terms of
an improved standard of living with the basic infrastructure provided -- heating and hot
water, gas and electricity. However, we did note that the units were all fairly cold, and
one had a space heater, which raises question as to how well the systems are working.
Décor varied; only one family had created a truly personal space, with lots of family
photos and brightly colored curtains adorning the walls.
All three families affirmed that the move had afforded them improved access
to transportation, health centers and schools. Tranquilo, or quiet, peaceful, was often
the term most used to describe both the complex and how they felt living there.
Security concerns were present, but generally no worse than their previous
neighborhood; they still took precautions, locking doors during the day, as an itinerant
vendor surprised one mother at her back door. This family also said they only went out
together in a group, as they were still getting to know the area.
It would have been helpful to speak with additional residents, to explore any
possible differences in sentiment between those who arrived via the cambio, those who
were from the neighborhood but not living on the riverbank and had volunteered for
the relocation; and those who had no option but to relocate as they were living in the
28
camino de sirga. We only spoke with one resident from Mi Esperanza who relocated
directly from the camino de sirga. The two residents who arrived through the cambio
have become close friends; not only do they live side by side, but they were also not
part of the original community in the camino de sirga, and so did not know the other
families who moved with them on January 6. Both had also done more to create family
touches to their new homes, but they quite possibly also had more resources to expend
than the families who moved directly from the riverbank.
The family from La Saladita, comprised of a husband, wife and 3 year old son ,
with a baby due in October, had mixed reviews of the relocation experience. They had
operated a stand by the La Salada market, which was now rented out, as they were too
far from the location to operate it themselves. The wife was happy to be in the new
complex, she was taking a course, pursuing her education, and appreciated the
conveniences of the new house. Her husband on the other hand was highly critical of
several aspects of the complex: the disruptions in electricity service, a lack of
information on their financial obligations regarding the property, unfriendly characters
in the local comedor, non-receipt of the trees promised for their garden, scarcity of
police patrols at night, difficulty in setting up a business or pursuing employment.
We were advised by the coordinator from the municipality that the residents
of La Saladita tended to be much less amenable to the relocation than those from the
other neighborhoods – El Mosquito, Don Juan, Mi Esperanza—because most worked in
the La Salada market and the distance (just over 13km) was a major inconvenience.
Again, it would have been interesting to have engaged in additional interviews with
29
residents from La Saladita, for supplementary first hand accounts of their individual
experiences.
V. Comparative Analysis
We selected the municipalities of C.A.B.A. and La Matanza because of the
contrasts they represent, and there are significant differences in how the program
operates in each municipality. However, there are also fundamental principles that they
both agree are vital to the successful implementation of the program.
There are markedly different attitudes towards the program in each of the two
municipalities. In La Matanza, municipality officials in charge of the urbanization
program were thrilled with the verdict handed down in the Causa Mendoza, and view
the judicial mandate as a gift; they describe their work with ACUMAR on the required
relocation as a pleasure (un recreo). The program fits together with their overall
mission of improving the standard of living and raising the quality of life of the residents
of the villas and asentamientos of La Matanza. They also view the program as a finite
one that will be completed within a specific time frame, as opposed to the ongoing work
involved with urbanization.
As Juan Enriquez pointed out, the federal government often assigns money to
the villas but the spending criteria are left to the discretion of individual mayors or
governors. With the mandate the officials are stripped of that option; they are
obligated to spend all the funds disbursed under the program on the relocation and
urbanization of the families in question. In La Matanza they appreciate the federal
30
funding, and delight in the incentives (i.e. fines) levied on top government officials to
ensure that the program moves forward on schedule. Furthermore, an anti-corruption
unit was established to probe the source of the funds used to pay any fines imposed.
In C.A.B.A., where housing policy has long been a highly contentious issue, the
Macri government has been accused of abandoning the social agenda, most particularly
in the area of housing for the poor. A 2009 budget analysis prepared by Dip Facundo di
Filippo, President of the City Legislature’s Housing Commission (Commission de la
Vivienda, Legislatura de la Ciudad) revealed that the funding allocated to the IVC as a
percentage of the city budget fell from 5.4% in 2005 to 1.7% in 2009. In 2010, when the
budget for the IVC reached an historical low, a report from the City Ombudsman
(Defensoría del Pueblo de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires), stated that in the first nine
months of the year a mere 18.6% of the budget allocated had been disbursed.
In 2011, much of the funding was restored, with the opposition pointing to it
being an election year, and still woefully inadequate in light of the existing needs.
Although the funding for the relocation of C.A.B.A. residents under the judicial mandate
is provided by the federal government, the intense shortage of housing in the city has
given rise to “la toma”, the illegal occupation of vacant property, and this has impacted
the relocation program. In March 2011, a section of housing at Castañares y Portela in
Baja Flores, Villa Soldati, including 204 units designated for residents from El Pueblito
and Lujan, was illegally taken over. The occupation lasted three months, through four
court-ordered evacuations, and the occupying families destroyed several of the units
when they vacated the premises. The families from El Pueblito were eventually
31
relocated to the area, starting at the end of October and continuing through December
2011.
There are additional factors that make implementation of the program more
challenging in C.A.B.A. than in La Matanza. Residents in C.A.B.A. are more likely to be
living in villas, members of a fourth or even fifth generation family with long ties to the
barrio. The villas are densely populated; the solidly constructed, tightly packed
dwellings are all joined together, sharing common lateral and rear walls. The residents
usually share a strong sense of identity, and tend to be better organized politically, with
strong community associations and oversight provided by representatives from national
and international human rights organizations. Residents in Magaldi advised us that their
first notice was given over two years ago. In La Matanza, the residents are located
primarily on informal settlements (asentamientos), which represent a much more recent
phenomenon; they tend to be more sparsely populated, with stand alone structures on
marginal plots of land, often lacking the most basic infrastructural needs. In El Mosquito
some residents had just six months notice of the relocation.
Given the differences that exist between the two municipalities, it is not
surprising that the housing offered varies accordingly. In C.A.B.A., where land is at a
premium, the new housing units at Castañares y General Paz are apartment complexes
in five story building blocks (ground floor plus four). The municipality is also moving
towards the Canadian system of housing using reinforced lightweight construction
materials, and reducing the number of stories to four (ground floor plus three) for the
latest complex at Calle Iguazu. In the more rural La Matanza the housing units
32
constructed are family homes on a large, fenced plot of land, constructed with
traditional building materials of brick and concrete.
Where both municipalities share common ground is their agreement on the
basic factors that are crucial to the successful implementation of any relocation
program. First and foremost is an immediate and ongoing presence in the community,
allowing the municipal representatives to build strong relationships with the residents
over time. Many in these communities, with some justification, are wary of state
intervention, and view the state authorities with suspicion. Establishing confidence and
ensuring that all promises made are fulfilled is vital to securing the full cooperation and
support of the residents, and restoring their belief in government. Those who are
classified for relocation must be convinced that the new housing is constructed and
available to them; they need to visit the new complex, assess the amenities and
location, ensure that their furniture and other personal belongings will fit comfortably in
the new space, figure out transportation to schools and work. Those classified for
urbanization must be persuaded of the benefits and the commitment of the state to see
the process through to its completion.
Resettling members of the same community together in the same location is
also a key objective in both municipalities. In C.A.B.A., the second group of Magaldi
residents, (60 families in all), was relocated to one entire block in the Castañares y
General Paz Complex, with extended families housed in adjacent apartments. Residents
affirmed that knowing each other would be beneficial as they begin the process of
creating a resident association within the complex to facilitate community living.
33
C.A.B.A. through the IVC will also offer advice and assistance in this regard, with
workshops and talks on practical recommendations and guidelines for the residence.
In La Matanza, although residents from several different communities are
being relocated to Obra La Bastilla, the families from each relocated community are
placed in close proximity to each other. It will be interesting to observe the process by
which these disparate communities meld into one neighborhood, or whether they will
continue to identify with their original settlements.
In both sites, an important component to creating a neighborhood community
is the need for community spaces where residents and their children can meet and get
to know each other. In C.A.B.A., a small park with a children’s playground runs the
length of the apartment block. In Obra La Bastilla, a green public space, a large plaza
where children and adults can gather for recreational activities, is planned for this
complex, which is destined to accommodate some 450 families by 2013. Currently the
comedor is located in the barrio opposite the complex, and according to at least one of
the residents we interviewed the reception was not a friendly one. This is perhaps
unsurprising given that the residents of this barrio are also awaiting improved housing
and services, and the new complex next door which houses residents from other barrios
is likely to engender some discontent. A comedor or community center located within
the barrio would undoubtedly be a preferable solution.
Among the residents we interviewed, the vast majority affirmed that the
relocation had made a positive difference in their lives, affording them better housing in
terms of both space and the basic amenities available -- running water, gas, electricity,
34
sewage disposal. Most were pleased with the support offered by the municipality, and
despite initial problems with service delivery (of water in Castañares, electricity in Obra
la Bastilla), residents were upbeat about their prospects for the future.
In C.A.B.A. the parks created alongside the river will offer residents the green
space found in so many other more affluent areas of the city.
In our admittedly very limited and somewhat subjective survey of
relocated families in both C.A.B.A. and La Matanza, the vast majority considered their
relocation experience a positive one. The La Matanza residents were effusive in their
praise of the municipality coordinators, and even in the case of the one family with
complaints, the wife expressed her own satisfaction, despite her husband’s many
grievances. It speaks to the importance of establishing trust and confidence with the
members of the community throughout the process, a task that is exponentially more
difficult the larger the size of the neighborhood. This is the issue facing C.A.B.A. as it
prepares to relocate the 1,334 residents of Villa 21-24.
VI. Final Commentary
Building a community, particularly under harsh conditions, is never easy,
however, it is ultimately the decision of the families to claim their place in their
community’s development. That said, conducting workshops, creating playgrounds, and
active involvement and support from the technocrats at ACUMAR and representatives
of municipalities and provinces can be extremely helpful under these circumstances.
One of the most interesting observations throughout our month-long
35
research into the residential relocation process was the closeness between families and
the connections they have built. Overall, families in these barrios understand each
other and rely on each other for support. The real challenge in the building of
community occurs when these families are displaced, but motivation comes from new
resources, access, and time. Some members of the community were also concerned
about issues such as safety, in that in their former residences they knew everyone, and
who the “bad guys” were. Others remain secluded and basically wanted more privacy.
A critically important aspect of the relocation process concerns the
children and their assimilation into the homes and their new environment. Most of the
children we observed during our fieldwork were happy and sociable. Families are
primarily concerned with making sure they receive the proper care, facilities, services,
and access in order to improve the future of their livelihood and break the cycle of
poverty. It would be interesting to follow up a couple years from now on both the
outreach services for these communities and the status of the families and their overall
living situations.
The clearance of the camino de sirga is an important milestone in the
overall restoration of the Riachuelo. With the relocation, the elimination of organic and
inorganic wastes discharged into the river from the former residential settlements
marks another phase in the cleanup effort. The ongoing removal of sunken vessels and
debris from the river and garbage from the riverbanks continues along the length of the
river, and preventing further contamination is a critical part of the restoration program.
In C.A.B.A., an additional benefit is the creation of an extended park running the length
36
of the camino de sirga, which will create a much needed green space for residents, in a
city famous for its wonderful parks and gardens.
Riverside communities all over the world are facing the prospect of
relocation or renovation. The given rationale may vary from the legitimate concern for
public safety in the event of flood risks, or for public health in the face of unacceptable
levels of environmental contamination, to political or economic calculations of removing
the unsightly poor to make the area more attractive for real estate developers, tourism,
or gentrification. In places such as Surabaya, Indonesia’s second largest city, NGO’s
have successfully worked with communities and local and provincial governments to
clean up rivers create space on the riverbanks improve waste collection and disposal to
reduce and eventually eliminate pollution, without having to evict large numbers of
villagers.
This is not the case in the Matanza Riachuelo Basin, for, as stated earlier,
under the judicial mandate residents have no option but to evacuate the camino de
sirga. However, urbanization is considered as a preferable alternative to relocation for
residents outside the camino de sirga.
In South Africa, relocation as a development model for improving the lives
of the urban poor has fallen far short of expectations for a variety of reasons, chief
among them the lack of participation in their own development by the communities in
question. The lack of a truly participatory process has resulted in the poor being pushed
further and further from the urban centers they depend on for their livelihoods. From
an institutional standpoint budgets are weighted towards eradication as opposed to
37
construction, while the contractor driven housing construction has yielded little
economic benefit to the communities themselves and often delivered substandard
units.
A stark contrast is offered in La Matanza, where the urbanization process
begins with a concerted effort is made to seek out leaders from within the respective
community who have a wide social outreach as well as community organizations. A high
priority is placed on soliciting the involvement of local cooperatives in the construction
and relocation process, and ensuring the full participation by the community through
informational sessions and skills workshops, so that everyone buys into and receives
some benefit from the process.
In its role as intermediary, charged with monitoring and evaluating the
progress made by the individual municipalities in compliance with the judicial mandate,
ACUMAR is in a unique position to develop and share best practices as they relate to
residential relocations and urbanization, both increasingly important areas of
development. The sheer numbers of families to be relocated, coupled with the varied
municipality and community profiles, political and geographical terrains, make the
Matanza Riachuelo an exemplary case study for other global communities seeking
alternative and innovative solutions to their housing needs.
In conclusion, with regard to the resident relocation process and urbanization,
38
following are some observations and suggestions based on our fieldwork observations,
research and interviews, that we offer for consideration.
• Promote urban planning for healthy behaviors and safety.
• Improve urban living conditions through the increase in access to adequate shelter
and sanitation for all.
• Involve community members in local decision- making.
• Ensure spaces are accessible and appropriate for children
• Make urban areas resilient to emergencies and disasters.
• Utilize outside sources to assist in filling the gaps of research and gaining insight on
issues related to the subject matter.
• Foster the importance of maintaining responsibility within families both in the villas
and new complexes, to ensure that concerns are addressed with urgency and
will help to continuously foster change
• Frequent feedback, questionnaires and surveys distributed to families on overall
updates of new lifestyle after their relocation process
• Encourage dialogue and interaction at all times to not only build community but to
instill a feeling of secure in their own space
• Reach out to government officials and representatives of the municipalities about
more participatory approaches within the barrios and show representatives the
urgency for making these families and issues in the barrios a priority and not an
option
• Integrate a community circle where once a week, families can come together to
39
Boinick, Joel; Bradlow, Benjamin and Shearing, Clifford. Housing, Institutions, Money: The failures and promise of human settlements policy and practice in South Africa. Environment & Urbanization, 2011 23:267.
Convenio Marco 2010 –Villas y Asentamientos Precarios, December 20, 2010. ACUMAR website.
Hafidz, Wardah; Sauter, Gabriela and Some, Wawan. Renovation Not Relocation: The Work of Paguyuban Warga Strenkali (PWS) in Indonesia. Environment & Urbanization, 2009 21(2):463Cifras para entender por qué faltan viviendas. Página 12, el 31 de enero de 2011
http://www.lamatanza.gov.ar/. Municipio de la Matanza Website, July 2012.
http://www.buenosaires.gob.ar/. Municipio de C.A.B.A. website, July 2012.
La Unidad De Gestión De intervención Social Y El Mapa Organizativo Del Gobierno De La Ciudad Autónoma De Buenos Aires En Materia De Vivienda: Informe producido por el Área de Derechos Sociales Oficina de Derecho a la Vivienda. Defensoria del Pueblo, Diciembre 2010 La Villa 26 aún no tiene destino Pagina 12, el 19 de mayo de 2011
Ordenamiento Territorial – Gestión de informe*, *Informe presentada ante el Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación el pasado el 16 de may de 2011. June 3, 2011. ACUMAR Website
Plan de Urbanización de Villas y Asentamientos Precarios en Alto Riesgo Ambiental en la Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo.. September 1, 2010. ACUMAR website
Presupuesto 2011- IVC, Asociación Civil por la Igualdad y Justicia, ACIJ
Relocalización de Asentamientos. August 5, 2011. ACUMAR website
Rocha, Laura. Amenaza de tomas y peleas políticas, La Nacion. el 19 de marzo de 2011.
Rocha, Laura. Riachuelo: en tres años sólo mudaron al 0,32% de las personas de la ribera La Nacion, el 9 de Julio de 2012
Tafuro , Sebastian. La vivienda no es una prioridad par el gobierno de la ciudad: El defensor general porteño Mario kestelboim evalúa la problemática habitacional y critica la subejecución del presupuestaria del macrismo. Debate, el 17 de marzo de 2012
Urbanización de Villas – Plazos Excepcionales Villas y Asentamientos Precarios del
41
Entrevista para los representantes de los municipios Municipio: Fecha: Localidad/Barrio: Hora:Nombre del Encuestado: Puesto: Empezamos con los motivos - en que se basa la decisión de relocalizar a un grupo de vecinos 1. ¿Cuáles son los objetivos / las metas de estas intervenciones?
2. ¿Qué área del municipio esta encargada de implementar el programa de relocalización?
3. ¿Cómo se identifica a los individuos o los hogares que tendrán que relocalizarse?
4. ¿Quienes son los actores principales a lo largo del proceso?
5. ¿ Cuál es la participación de los vecinos?
Pasamos a la ejecución del proyecto
6. ¿Cómo se comunica a los vecinos que tendrán que mudarse?
7. ¿Cuáles son los derechos de los vecinos con respeto a la relocalización?
8. ¿ Cómo se asignan las viviendas nuevas a los individuos/familias?
9. ¿ En general, cuánto tiempo pasa desde el primer aviso de relocalización hasta la mudanza?
10.¿Qué parte asume los gastos de la mudanza – (recoger y embalar los efectos personales; el transportista?)*
11. ¿Cuáles son las responsabilidades financieras de los vecinos con respecto a la nueva vivienda? ¿Y a la antigua?
43
12. ¿Les darán a los vecinos el derecho de conseguir un titulo de propiedad por la nueva vivienda?
13.¿Existen redes de apoyo para ayudar a los vecinos, (para que se adapten al nuevo entorno?
El ultimo etapa, averiguamos cómo se sigue adelante con el programa – si el proceso no termina el día de la mudanza
14.¿En este municipio aproximadamente cuántos hogares ya han sido relocalizados bajo el marco judicial? ¿Cuántos quedan todavía?
15.¿En su opinión: ¿cuáles son los factores o las condiciones más importantes que contribuyen al éxito del programa?
Le agradecemos mucho su cooperación.
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Entrevista para los vecinos Municipio: Fecha: Localidad/Barrio: Hora:Fecha de la mudanza: Información demográfica¿Quiénes son los miembros de su hogar?
Miembros del hogar
SexoM/F
Edad Estado Civil
CalificaciónEducativa
# años en el domicilio antiguo
# años en el domicilio nuevo
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
La Comunicación 1. ¿Cómo se avisó a Ud. de la necesidad de relocalizarse?
2. ¿Tuvieron lugar reuniones publicas con las asociaciones de vecinos para discutir la relocalización?
La Mudanza
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3. ¿Cuáles opciones se presentaron a Ud. con respecto a su nuevo hogar – por ejemplo, ¿Tenia Ud la posibilidad de mudarse con un grupo de sus vecinos o le asignaron una vivienda específica?
4. ¿Fue Ud. dueño de su residencia antigua? ¿Tiene Ud. la posibilidad de ser dueño de esta nueva residencia?
5. ¿Se han cuidado bien sus efectos personales y a los miembros de su hogar en el curso de la mudanza?
6. ¿Recibió Ud. ayuda financiera o técnica para efectuar la mudanza?
Queríamos saber si algo ha cambiado para Ud. y su familia después de la mudanza, y si es así, de qué manera ha cambiado. Consideramos el acceso a la infraestructura - agua potable, gas, electricidad, líneas de transporte, recolección basura, tan bien como el acceso al trabajo y a los servicios -- médicos, sociales, educativas, deportivas.
INFRAESTRUCTURA
1.) Agua PotablePeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
2.) Líneas de TransportePeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
3.)Recolección Basura: reciclajePeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
4.)Centros Comerciales: Supermercados/ Verdulerías/ KioscosPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
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5.) GasPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
6.) ElectricidadPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
7.) CloacasPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
8.) Calles asfaltadasPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
9.) PluvialesPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
SERVICIOS
10.) Centros de Salud: Hospitales/Unidades Sanitarias Ambientales MóvilesPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
11.) Servicios Sociales: Comedores/ Instituciones/ Centros ComunitariosPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
12.) Educación: Escuelas/Programas Escolares para los niños y adultosPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
13.) Deportivas: Clubes de deporte/ EquiposPeor Lo Mismo Mejor
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Porqué:
14.) Seguridad: Bomberos/ Policía/Asociaciones de viviendaPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
15.) Empleo: Como están los oportunidades en el nuevo sitioPeor Lo Mismo MejorPorqué:
¿ Cómo describiría Ud. la experiencia de la relocalización?
Por fin, ¿qué recomendaciones tiene Ud. para mejorar el proceso de la relocalización?
Le agradecemos mucho su cooperación.
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