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www.rbwf.org.uk 1992 The digital conversion of this Burns Chronicle was sponsored by Fauldhouse and Crofthead Burns Club The digital conversion service was provided by DDSR Document Scanning by permission of the Robert Burns World Federation Limited to whom all Copyright title belongs. www.DDSR.com Robert Burns World Federation Limited
Transcript

www.rbwf.org.uk

1992

The digital conversion of this

Burns Chronicle was sponsored by

Fauldhouse and Crofthead

Burns Club

The digital conversion service was provided by DDSR Document Scanning by permission of the Robert Burns World Federation Limited to whom all Copyright title belongs.

www.DDSR.com

Limited

Robert Burns World Federation

Limited

BURNS CHRONICLE

INCORPORATING "THE BURNSIAN"

THE CENTENARY - ISSUE 1892-1992 Official Publication of The Burns Federation

VOLUME 2 (NEW SERIES) AUGUST 1992

PRICE: £1.70

NUMBER 1

SETTLE'S INCREDIBLE FOLLY NOW OPEN TO THE PUBLIC FOR THE FIRST TIME IN 320 YEARS

TELEPHONE: 072 823020

COME AND SEE:-

THE UNIQUE BURNS PANELLING On the top landing, carved from English Oak by a local resident are 34 panels

depicting scenes from the works of Robert Burns. The titles range from Nanse

Tinnock, To a Haggis, Blythe Was She, The Vision, Auld Lang Syne, John Anderson

My Jo, Duncan Gray, Highland Mary, etc. etc.

* VISIT THE LARGE ANTIQUES CENTRE ON THE GROUND FLOOR * One of the most magnificent yet most curious houses in Yorkshire stonds near the Market Place in Settle, by the side

of the old rood to Airton and Kirkby Melhorn. Built between 1675 and 1679, the house was originally called Tonner

House and, more recently, Tonner Holl. Locally it hos always been known as ''The Folly". How and why it come to

be so called will forever remain a mystery, but there is no lock of theories.

The expense of the construction and the variety and flippancy of the ornament hove been suggested, but are not really

convincing in themselves. It was also said that Thomas Preston bankrupted himself by building it, and that he was

unable to complete the house. The first of these ideas is obviously untrue because Preston owned the house until 1703.

As for its supposed lock of completeness it is virtually impossible to imagine that anything else could hove been added,

either inside or out. The Folly is quite obviously something special as a residence, too, for it hos hod only four owners in its lifetime of over

300 years. The present owner lives on the premises.

ADMISSION CHARGES AND OPENING TIMES OPEN FROM EASTER UNTIL 31 st OCTOBER

FROM 10.30 a.m. - 4.30 p.m. SATURDAY AND SUNDAY ONLY. ADMISSION: ADULTS £1 CHILDREN UNDER 16 75p

THE FOLLY, SETILE, NORTH YORKSHIRE. BD24 9EY. (SETILE IS SITUATED ON THE A65 SKIPTON ·KENDAL ROAD)

BURNS CHRONICLE INCORPORATING "THE BURNSIAN"

Contents Donlad R. Urquhart ............................... Page 3

Comment .... .. .. ................................................. 3

David Sillar (Dainty Davie) .. ..... .. .... ... ......... .. . 4

Robert Burns and the Highlands ................... 6

Robert Burns and Religion .............. ............. 13

A Talk with Burns' Grandson ...................... 16

The Globe Inn, Dumfries .......... ................... 18

The Theatre Royal, Dumfries .......... ............ 20

The Opinion Page .. ....................................... 24

Obituary - Mrs. Elizabeth Kirkland ............. 25

John Richmond ............... .......... .................... . 26

Editor: PETER]. WES1WOOD 28 Stranka Avenue, Paisley, PA2 9DW Tel: 041-887-4777 Editorial Consultant: Professor RAYMOND GRANT University of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada.

Advertising: JAMES GIBSON Craigowan Cottage, 28 Brewlands Road, Symington, Ayrshire. Tel: 0563-830312

The Burns Federation does not accept any responsibility for statements made or opinions expressed in the Burns Chronicle or The Bumsian. Contributors are responsible for articles signed by them; the Editor is responsible for articles initialed or signed by him, as well as for those unsigned.

Articles, photographs, items for review and all correspondence should be addressed and forwarded to the Editor at the above address. Articles offered should be in typescript with dou hie spacing and on the one side of the sheet. A stamped addressed envelope should be forwarded for return of articles and photographs.

© BURNS FEDERATION

NUMBER L AUGUST 1992

1

DONALD R. URQUHARf, B.Sc., C.Eng., M.I.C.E., F.R.T.P.I.

PRESIDENT THE BURNS FEDERATION Donald R Urquhart, born in Dumfries in 1938 was educated at Dumfries Academy and after

spending 2 years in coal mining engineering he studied civil engineering, graduating in 1962 at the Royal College of Science and Technology, Glasgow (Now Strathclyde University). Married to his wife Mary in 1961 he has been fortunate until this present day having worked solely in Dumfries, firstly, with Dumfries County Council Roads and Bridges Department and on moving to the Town Council rose to the position of Burgh Surveyor and Planning Officer.

During this period Donald was responsible for the maintenance of Bums House, the Mausoleum and Statue and involved in the establishment of the Bums Heritage Trail. In 1975 joined Dumfries and Galloway Regional Council as Depute Director of Physical Planning prior to opting for early retirement after 30 years in local government. Donald is currently involved in the management of the well-known sandstone business of Baird and Stevenson, Locharbriggs Quarry where he isa director of the company. Donald and Mary (Well-known in her own right within the Bums movement, and a regular contributor to this magazine) have a daughter and 2 sons one of whom is married. Amongst the many senior positions held within the Bums movement Donald has been President of Dumfries Bums Howff Club, Secretary of the Southern Scottish Counties Bums Association, Vice-President of the Can-Du Bums Club and a member of the Bums Federation Executive and currently World President of The Bums Federation. Apart from his work forthe Burns Federation, Donald finds time to be a member ofNithsdale District Council and his extensive knowledge of Robert Burns and Dumfries leads to many invitations to participate in a variety of functions related to the Poet. In between all these activities Donald manages to play the occasional game of golf.

COMMENT This issue is the first of the Second Volume (New Series) of the BURNS CHRONICLE and it gives

me satisfaction to report that the magazine is now on a sound footing, and from an accounting point of view in the black. While accepting the fact that the quantity printed for Volume One was limited, all four issues were sold out. We apologise for those who did not manage to get all four of the first issue, but emphasise how important it is to subscribe to the magazine. We are no longer in a position to print copies on the spec that they may or may not be purchased.

Owing to careful budgeting and without reducing the quality or content of the magazine, we are pleased to announce that there will be no price increase for any of the four issues of Volume two. I would stress however that if we are to keep up to the present standard and what is more important increase pagination, further subscribers are necessary. I appeal to members and clubs to encourage others to take out an annual subscription. Remember, it is your magazine and only by subscribing and contributing editorially can the publication go from strength to strength.

BI-CENTENARY FUND Burnsians at home and particularly overseas can help swell the Federation's Bi-Centenary Fund by

collecting used foreign postage stamps. The used stamps will eventually be sold to collectors with the proceeds going towards the Fund. The stamps should be sent to myself at the following address - 28 StrankaAvenue, Paisley. PA2 9DW, Scotland. All contributions will be acknowledged in this magazine. The following have so far sent stamps for the Fund:- Mrs. Outi Pickering, Finland. Charles Wilson, South Africa. Urs Kalberer of the Swiss Burns Society. I particularly liked the quotation from Mrs. Pickering which she enclosed with the used stamps 'That I for poor auld Scotland's sake, some useful plan, or book could make, or SEND A STAMP at least. .. ".

The Editor

3

DAVID SILIAR; (DAIN1Y DAVIE) by Felix Todd

David Sillar was the third son of Patrick Sillar, Farmer, Spittalside, near Tarbolton, and was born there in 1760, being thus a year younger than Bums. The two cronies had many things in common and in a copy of the Epistle To Davie, in the poet's handwriting, dated January 1785, he described Sillar as his "Brother, Poet, Ploughman and Fiddler".

Though like Bums he started work on the farm, helping his father and brothers, first as a herd and afterwards as a ploughman, by a course of private study he qualified to undertake the duties of interim teacher at the Parish School. When a vacancy occurred after he had been teaching a month or two, he offered himself as a candidate for the post. He was not successful however, as John Wilson "Jock Hombook o' the Clachan" was preferred and appointed to the post. Sillar opened a school ofhis own at Commonside in the same parish, but had to abandon it from lack of support.

Sillar only attended the parish school, but seems to have been possessed of an intelligence above the average young man of his day. In his poem "Epistle to the Critics" Sillar writes :-

"Then know when I these pieces made, Was toiling for my daily bread; A scanty learning I enjoy'd, Sae judge how I hae it employ' d. I gat some learin' at the flail, And some I catch'd at the plough-tail; Amang the brutes I own I'm bred, Since herdin' was my native trade."

Among other things Sillar and Burns had in common, was their love of music. Both played the fiddle, and it was just at the time when they became acquainted-when Bums was 22 years of age- that the latter began to teach himself the instrument. Sillar was doubtless responsible for his beginning to make his "elbuckjink and diddle". It must have been a source of inward satisfaction to Sillar to know that this was the only accomplishment in which he excelled Bums, for he was the better fiddler of the two. Although his fiddle must have been in demand at rockings, kirns and the like, which were so popular in those days, the dulcimer was Sillar's favourite instrument in his later years.

Only on one occasion did Bums try his hand at the composition of an original air, but he was so disgusted with his effort that he threw it in the fire and never again attempted to compose music. Bums could read music, for he received the rudiments of church music at school. He could play both fiddle and the flute sufficiently well to scrape or warble away at an old Scots air or dance tune until he got it fixed in his memory. On hearing Sillar play a tune in Strathspay tempo, Burns asked him to slow the air down; the result was one of the gems of Bums's collection; "A Rosebud by my early walk". The heroine of this song was Jeany Cruickshank, a little girl of twelve years and the only daughter of William Cruickshank, classical master in the High School, Edinburgh, with whom Bums resided after his return from the Highland Tour. Jeany Cruickshank was an accomplished player on the harpsichord, and played and sang the songs Bums was preparing for publication. There is no doubt the song "A Rosebud by my early walk" was written out of gratitude to the little girl for the entertainment and help she rendered him.

One of the rules of the Tarbolton Bachelor's Club read that "Every man must be a professed lover of one or more of the female sex". Sillar and Bums were well qualified for membership on this rule alone. It was in the role oflovers that the two cronies came to visit Stair House. Meg, mentioned in the Poet's "Epistle to Davie" was Peggy Orr, Sillar's sweetheart :-

"There's a' the pleasures o' the heart, the lover an' the /rien '; Ye hae your Meg, your dearest pairt, And I my darling Jean".

The Orr family had settled in Tarbolton, where the father was a contractor, having previously resided in Kilwinning. Her brother John Orr was one of the founder members of the Bachelor's Club. 4

When the Burns family removed from Lochlea to Mossgiel, the Poet and his brother Gilbert formed a similar society in Mauchline, in almost similar lines to those of the Tarbolton Club. Sillar heads the list of original members of the Mauchline Society, and records from the minute book show that Sillar presided on nine occasions at their meetings.

As we have already seen, Sillar, having failed to secure the patronage he expected when he set up a school for himself, removed to Irvine towards the end of 1783. Here he started business as a grocer in a shop under the Tollbooth and next to the Council Chambers. Being a close observer of nature, the poetic temperament laid hold of him, and he had a book of poems published in 1789 by John Wilson of Kilmarnock, from the same press as Burns's famous Kilmarnock Edition was published three years earlier. Sillar dedicated his volume to Hugh Montgomerie, Esq., afterward Earl of Eglington.

He had a rival for poetic honours when he resided atSpittalside in the person of one, Saunders Tait, who was also guilty of the crime of rhyming, -a perusal at his book will justify the word. Most of his verse was directed in a satirical vein towards Sillar and Bums.

Saunders was a worthy in his day, and obtained a certain degree of popularity in the village. At that time there existed in Tarbolton the Universal Friendly Society, which used to have occasional processions with a view to increasing the membership. On these occasions two candidates were nominated for the Colonky, and the one who brought in the most members was entitled to the honour. At one of these contests Tait opposed and defeated Sillar's brother William. He was also a Bailie of Tarbolton for some time. Every year at the "June Fair" he became the publican for the time being, and entertained his customers by singing and reciting his own productions. One of his favourites was written in celebration of the Tarbolton curlers who had defeated their opponents Stair in the annual game.

Sillar's publication of his poems met with little success, and to add to his woes he became bankrupt. In his distress he applied to one of his brothers who was then a prosperous merchant in Liverpool for the modest sum of £5 to save him from imprisonment, but the request was refused. This refusal made a lasting impression on him, and is said to have changed his nature.

Shortly after this failure he went to Edinburgh, where he met with more disappointment, and within the year he returned to Irvine, where he again assumed the role of a teacher in navigation. This venture turned out to be a great success, and brought him a a considerable income for those days.

The tide of fortune now turned in his favour with vengeance. His youngest brother William, who succeeded his father in Spittalside, died during the currency of the lease, which reverted to David with a considerable sum of money. He continued to conduct the school at Irvine, while his wife- the second Mrs Sillar, for he was twice married- managed the farm, to which Sillar repaired during the week-ends. His brothers John and Robert both died in 1811, leaving a fortune of several thousand pounds, most of which went to Sillar.

Having now become rich he abandoned the school, and resided at Spittalside till 1814, when he returned to Irvine. He took a keen interest in municipal affairs, became a member of Irvine Town Council, and held office of Magistrate for about two years. It is well known that the friendship between Burns and Mrs Stewart of Stair lasted during the poet's lifetime, but it may not be so generally known is that her friendship with Sillar continued as well. When she removed to Afton Lodge, Sillar advanced herthe generous loan of£2000, which gives some indication ofthe state of affluence in which Sillarfound himself in the later years of his life.

When the movement to erect the monument to Bums on the banks of the Do on was launched it was reputed that Sillar refused to contribute to it. The fabricators of this story, and those who have kept on repeating it, are not aware of the fact that David Sillar's name appears amongst those who head the list of subscribers to the "Monument Fund".

He attended regularly the anniversary celebration of the poet's birth, upheld his memory and defended his fair name to the end of his life. He died at Irvine on the 2nd of May 1830 in his seventieth year.

Small part of a document bearing the signature of David Sillar. The document dated 2nd June, 1826has 12signatures being the founder members of Irvine Burns Club. The first signature was that offohnMcKenzie, Medical adviser to HughMontgomerie (Sadger Hugh) to whom Sillar dedicated his book of poems.

5

ROBERT BURNS AND THE HIGHIANDS

by Alexander Brian Mearns

One of the most popular and enjoyable introductions to the poetry and life of the Ayrshire bard, Robert Bums (1759-1796), is through the yearly celebrations carried out by the numerous Bums Societies the world over. To many people Bums represents the quintessence of Scottish Culture, a bulwark against the erosion of Lallans and a reminder of the life-styles of their fathers. The ritual and protocol of a typical Bums night reinforces the popular image of a cultural mixture of tartan, haggis, kilts, a peculiar form of English, and the bagpipes. However, even the most superficial acquaintance with Scottish history indicates that the association of Bums with many of these elements is a cultural juxtaposition of the Highlands and the Lowlands which would have been impossible not only during Bums's time but for well over a century afterward. Yet the vitality of Bums Societies and the lively participation of both the Lowland and Highland population suggests that the poetry of Burns contains elements of common interest for both cultures. The question ofBumsand the Highlands deserves consideration not only as an exploration of the development of modem Scottish culture, but also as a vantage point from which some aspects of the appeal of his poetry may be appreciated.

A strict delineation of the dividing line between the Highlands and the Lowlands has never been resolved, but despite geographical and cultural borders there is no doubt that the Scotland of Bums's time contained two very distinct cultures and languages. Although both developed from Celtic roots, society in the Highlands maintained its Celtic language and the kin-based society much more strongly than Lowland society. These factors, along with geographic isolation, tended to separate the two cultures as strongly as did the experience of the 17 45 rebellion. Accordingly, it may be said that the majority of people in both cultures lived with very little knowledge or appreciation of each other's lifestyle. Yet, in spite of the degree of cultural isolation, some contacts were made through business, emigration and, with regard to Bums, through music.

In the far north-west of Scotland, comprising an area now known as the county of Sutherland, the Highland way of life had been maintained until the late 18th century relatively free from the diasporic changes which had occurred in other

6

parts of the Highlands. This county was the home of the Gaelic bard, Rob Donn Mackay (1714-1778) and it has been claimed that "No Gaelic-speaking society in the British Isles had preserved its way of life, affected less by external influences, than the one into which he had been born" .1 In many ways, Rob Donn has been considered the Bums of the Highlands. Both men composed in their own vernacular, had a preoccupation with what lies beneath human relations, and, perhaps most importantly, Rob Donn, like Bums, "looked into people's hearts to explore what good was there, as well as what was evil or diseased". 2 Despite these similarities, it is doubtful if either poet had ever heard of the other. For one thing, Rob Donn had died before Bums had become well known, and most obviously there was too wide a gulf between them in language and culture. However, Rob Donn certainly had an effect upon Bums, and this was through his influence upon Joseph MacDonald, the son of the Minister of the parish of Dumess in Sutherland. 3

During the very year of Bums's birth, 1759, MacDonald compiled a collection of Highland airs and Piobaireachd. Joseph was preparing for a voyage to India, but before departure he presented his sister with a copy of the Highland airs, most of which were from Strathnaver, in Sutherland. It was this copy, published by his brother Patrick, that Bums would later make such excellent use of "that many of its airs became more widely known by Lowland names".4 In this respect many of the beauties ofBums's songs are a synthesis ofthe lilt of Highland music with the grace, power and poignancy of Bums's language and poetry.

However notable the connection between Bums and the Highland airs collected by Joseph MacDonald may appear, it does not fully explain the attraction felt by Lowlanders and Highlanders alike for the poetry of Bums. The answer to this question must lie in the poetry itself and not simply in the existence ofhistorical or cultural connections. with this in mind the picture of the Highlands portrayed in Burns's poetry must now be considered.

Perhaps one of the most well-known ofBums's lines on the Highlands concerned an incident at Inveraray during his tour of the Highlands in 1787:

Whoe'er he be that sojourns here, I pity much his case, Unless he come to wait upon The lord their God, 'His Grace.'

There's naething here but Highland pride, And Highland scab and hunger:

If Providence has sent me here, 'Twas surely in an anger.

However, this appears to be an isolated example of a feeling of vindictiveness towards the Highlands, and, more importantly perhaps, is a truer reflection of disgust with the deferential treatment accorded guests of the Duke of Argyll by the innkeepers. Apparently Bums had the misfortune to arrive at Inveraray at the same time as did a number of guests for a house party held by the Duke, with the result that the Duke's guests monopolised the services of the inn where Bums was staying. 5 With this in mind it is apparent that these lines should not be indicative of Bums's attitude toward the Highlands or Highlanders. They should be more properly considered alongside his very popular For A' That and A' That:

Ye see yon birkie ca'd 'a lord,' Wha struts, an stares, an a' that? Tho hundreds worship at his word, He's but a cuiffor a' that. For a' that, an a' that, His ribband, star, an a' that, The man o independent mind, He looks an laughs at a' that.

The common feature in both poems is a disdain fortheairs,gracesandsuperiorityofthearistocracy which Burns applied in the Highlands and Lowlands equally. On another occasion when Burns received hospitality from a Highland household he had the following to say:

When Death's dark stream I ferry o'er (A time that surely shall come), In Heaven itself I'll ask no more, Than just a Highland welcome.

Clearly, Burns's opinion of the Highlands cannot be gleaned from such short epigrams.

Bums also wrote a number of more substantial works about the Highlands, usually in praise of the scenery, with references which suggest that the hardiness of the land was reflected in its people. The best example of this is My Heart's in the Highlands:

My heart's in the Highlands, my heart is not here My heart's in the Highlands, a-chasing the deer, A-chasing the wild deer, and following the roe­My heart's in the Highlands, wherever I go !

Farewell to the Highlands, farewell to the North,

The birthplace of valour, the country of worth ! Wherever I wander, wherever I rove, The hills of the Highlands for ever I love.

Farewell to the mountains, high-cover'd with snow, Farewell to the straths and green valleys below, Farewell to the forests and wild-hanging woods, Farewell to the torrents and loud-pouring floods !

In spite of the popularity of this poem, its portrayal of the Highlands is very superficial.

Bums's praise of the Highland scenery rhymes well, but intensity of feeling is absent. In comparison with works such as Ye Banks and Braes O' Bonnie Doon or Afton Water, the imagery of the scene, the interchange between the poet's feeling and nature are if not entirely absent, very weak, and as a result My Heart's in the Highlands rings rather hollow. In addition to praise of scenery, Bums credits the Highlands as being 'The birthplace of valour, the country of worth", which appears to suggest an admiration forthe inhabitants of the Highlands, and yet during a tour of the Highlands he described both the Highlands and its society in unflattering terms. To Bums it was a region "Where savage streams tumble over savage mountains, thinly overspread with savage flocks, which starvingly support savage inhabitants".6 The reasons behind Burns's contradictory descriptions of the Highlands may be partly explained by Bums'sJacobite sympathies.

The two elements of]acobitism and a romantic view of the Highlands are combined in many of Bums's poems. A very good example is The Highland Laddie:

The bonniest lad that e'er I saw, Bonie laddie, highland laddie, Wore a plaid and wasfu braw, Bonie Highland laddie.

On his head a bonnet blue, Bonie laddie, highland laddie, His royal heart was firm and true, Bonie Highland laddie

Trumpets sound and cannons roar, Bonie lassie, Lawland lassie And a' the hills wi echoes roar, Bonnie Lawland lassie.

Glory, Honor now invite, Bonie lassie, Lawland lassie, For freedom and my King to fight Bonie Lawland lassie.

7

DONALD R. URQUHART, B.Sc., C.Eng., M.I.C.E., F.R.T.P.I. 2

The sun a backward course shall take, Bonnie laddie, Highland laddie, Ere ought thy manly courage shake; Bonie Highland laddie.

Go, for yourself procure renown, Bonie laddie, Highland laddie, And for your lawful King his crown, Bonie Highland laddie.

In this poem there is no mention of hunger, savagery, or the Highland pride which distressed him in Inveraray. Instead we read of firm and true royal hearts, manly courage, and a bonnie lad decked out in a plaid. The role of the sexes is interesting also. The paragon of manliness who can brave the cannon's roaris complemented and encouraged by the bonnie Lowland lassie. It seems to imply that the land of the "torrents and loud­pouring floods" (from My Heart's in the Highlands) produces men of strength and courage while the effeminate Lowlands produce bonnie lassies. A similar myth may be found in other contemporary popular Lowland Jacobite songs such as Lady Caroline Naim's (1766-1845) Charlie Is Ma Darling.

However, unlike many other nostalgic Jacobites, Bums had some appreciation for the destruction that the unsuccessful 1745-1746 rebellion had upon the Highlands. This may be seen clearly in The Highland Widow's Lament

8

0, I am come to the low countrie­Ochon, ochon, ochrie !-Without a penny in my purse To buy a meal to me.

It was na sae in the Highland hills­Ochon, ochon, ochrie !-Nae woman in the country wide Sae happy as was me.

For then I had a score o' kye­Ochon, ochon, ochrie !­Feeding on yon hill so high And giving milk to me.

And there I had three score o yowes­Ochon, ochon, ochrie !-Skipping on yon bonie knowes And casting woo to me.

I was the happiest of a' the clan­Sair, sair may I repine !-For Donald was the brawest man, An Donald he was mine.

Till Charlie Stewart cam at last Sae far to set us free: My Donald's arm was wanted then For Scotland and for me.

Their waefu fate what need I tell? Right to the wrang did yield; My Donald and his country fell Upon Culloden field.

Ochon ! 0 Donald, 0 ! Ochon, ochon, ochrie ! Nae woman in the warld wide, Sae wretched now as me !

Although this work is of very little stylistic interest, it is of social interest. Bums had a great deal of sympathy for the widowed Highland woman who must bear not only the brunt of personal bereavement but also economic hardship and migration to the vastly different society of the Lowlands. In this case Bums'sromanticJacobitism is balanced with a realistic appreciation of the consequences of the rebellion. There is nothing romantic about the widow's fate despite the romantic view of her pre-Culloden lifestyle. A similar theme may be found in Strathallan's Lament:

Thickest night, surround my dwelling! Howling tempests, o'er me rave ! Turbid torrents wintry-swelling, Roaring by my lonely cave ! Crystal streamlets gently flowing, Busy haunts of base mankind, Western breezes softly blowing, Suit not my distracted mind.

In the cause of Right engaged, Wrongs injurious to redress, Honour's war we strongly waged, But the heavens deny'd success.

Ruin's wheel has driven o'er us: Not a hope that dare attend, The wide world is all before us, But a world without a friend.

This poem calls to the mind the legendary Seven Men of Moidart who kept up the Jacobite struggle for a number of years after Culloden and who escaped detection by hiding in a cave. Whether Bums had this in mind or not is unknown, but it does illustrate that Burns had some sense of the difficulties that individual Highlanders faced after the rebellion. However, consideration of all the

Jacobite poems by Bums shows that there is very little appreciation of the importance of the rebellion to Highland society. He certainly had some feeling for the difficulties faced by unfortunate people as illustrated in The Highland Widow's Lament and in Strathallan's Lament, but these poems depict fictional characters invented by Bums to represent imagined circumstances. Bums's actual experiences with real Highlanders were quite different.

In 1787, Bums went on tour of the Highlands, and while travelling down Loch Lomondside engaged in a race with a Highlander which nearly had fatal consequences :

... My two friends and I rode down the Loch side, till by came a Highlandman at the gallop, on a tolerably good horse, but which had never known the ornaments of iron or leather. We scorned to be out­galloped by a Highlandman, so off we started, whip and spur. My companions, though seemly gaily mounted, fell sadly astern; but my old mare, Jenny Geddes, one of the Rosinante family, strained past the Highlandman in spite of all his efforts with the hair halter; just as I was passing him, Donald wheeled his horse, as if to cross before me to mar my progress, when down came his horse, and threw his rider's breekless a[rs]e in a clipt hedge; and down came Jenny Geddes over all, and my hardship between her and the Highlandman's horse. Jenny Geddes trode over me with such cautious reverence, that matters were not so bad as might well have been expected; so Icame off with a few cuts and bruises, and a thorough resolution to be a pattern of sobriety in the future ... 7

The Highlander in this adventure is very different from the Highlanders of Bums's poems. For example, unlike the Bonnie Highland laddie who "Wore a plaid and was fu braw", the real-life Highlander from Loch Lomond had a "breekless a[rs]e''. In addition, although the sun did not take "a backward course", the "manly courage" of the Highlander was shaken enough to try deceitfully to block the progress of the poet who "scorned to be out-galloped by a Highlandman''. Finally, the Highlandman is contemptuously referred to by the generic label 'Donald'. All of this indicates that Bums's attitudes were quite different from those suggested in his Jacobite poetry and presents the picture of a caricature Highlander: a breekless rustic named Donald with a distinct predilection for dishonesty. This character does not appear in

the usual collections of Bums's poetry, but he is a common enough buffoon in Burns's Bawdy Ballads.

In one of the Bawdy Ballads there is a variation upon the well-known song Highland Laddie previously discussed. The rough and ready Highlandman is still present, as is the Bonnie Lawland lassie, but a rather different type of encouragement. A few verses should be sufficient to illustrate the point :

As I cam o'er the Cairney mount, And down amang the blooming heather, The Highland Laddie drew his durk And sheath 'd it in my wanton leather.

0 my bonnie, bonnie Highland lad, My handsome, charming Highland laddie; When I am sick and like to die, He'll row me in his Highland plaiddie.

Afurious battle then began, Wi equal courage and desire, Altho' he strnck me three to one, I stood my ground and receiv'd his fire. 8

The Highlander in this Ballad is not overtly disparaged, but the stereotype of the Highland warrior is apparent, and given a knowledge of the polite version of the song he provides the foil to which the Ballad owes its appeal.

Other examples ofBums's Bawdy Ballads are much more explicit in their humour and choice of theme. Even the most crude backstreet rhymer finds an easy target in the kilt, and Burns,forall his exceptional abilities, added to the genre well :

Put butter in my Donald's Brose

Put butter in my Donald's Brose, For wee/ does Donald fa' that; I loe my Donald's tartan wee/ His naked a-e and a' that For a' that, and a' that, An twice as meikle's a' that, The lassie gat a skelpit doup But wan the day for a' that.

This variation on For A' That and A' That contains more than a simple variation on the "breekless a[rs]e" of the generic Donald Highlandman :

His hairy b-s, side and wide, Hang like a beggar's wallet;

9

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A P-e like a roar-ing pin, She nicher'd when saw that !!!9

Other examples could be given, but they are similar. The point here is simply that Burns made use of the Donald Highlandman caricature which he described in the Loch Lomond incident, and which is very different from the type of Highlander described in his Jacobite poems. What this illustrates is that Burns was not immune to the prejudices of his era; it does not mean that Burns hated Highlanders. He may not have understood them or their society, but there is evidence that he did seem to have some sympathy for their condition as well as an appreciation of the difficulties they faced upon migration to the Lowlands.

Beyond the romantic sympathy for a lost cause apparent in The Highland Widow's Lament or in Strathallan's Lament, Burns provides a strong example of his understanding of the real problem of Highland life and adjustment to Lowland society. In the Address ofBeelzebub the plight of a party of Highland emigrants elicits Burns's love ofliberty, freedom, and his desire for the brotherhood of man :

Address of Beelzebub

HELL, June lst, Anno Mundi 5790

To the Right Honorable the Earl of Breadalbane, President of the Right Honorable the Highland Society, which met on the 23rd of May last, at the Shakespeare, Covent Garden, to concert ways and means to frustrate the designs of five hundred Highlanders who, as the Society were informed by Mr. M'Kenzie of Applecross, were so audacious as to attempt an escape from their lawful lords and masters whose property they were, by emigrating from the lands of Mr. Macdonald of Glengary to the wilds of Canada, in search of that fantastic thing-LIBERlY. The poem begins with a scathingly sarcastic

indictment of the Earl's treatment of the poor on his estate. The speaker is the Devil himself, who finds much to praise and little to condemn in the Earl's conduct :

Long life, my lord, and health be yours, Unskaith'd by hunger'd Highland boors! Lord grant nae duddie, despirate beggar, Wi dirk, claymore, or rusty trigger,

May twin auld Scotland o a life She likes - as lambkins like a knife !

In the next verse the Devil counsels the Earl about the dangers that liberty and freedom could bring:

Faith ! you and Applecross were right To keep the Highland hounds in sight ! I doubt na ! they wad bid nae better Than let them ance out owre the water ! Then up amang thae lakes and seas, They'll mak what rules and laws they please : Some daring Hancock, or a Franklin, May set their Highland bluid a-ranklin; Some Washington again may head them, Or some Montgomery, fearless, lead them ; Till (God knows what may be effected When by such heads and hearts directed), Poor dunghill sons of dirt an mire May to Patrician rights aspire !

After such fearful consequences, and others, have been pointed out, Beelzebub asserts the Earl's right over the Highlanders' lives, and then incites Glengarryto double his efforts to break the Highlanders' spirit :

They, can be damn'd ! what right hae they To meat or sleep, or light o day? Far less to riches, pow'r, or freedom, But what your lordship likes to gie them? But hear, my lord ! Glengary, hear ! Your hand's owre light on them, I fear: Your factors, grieves, trustees, and bailies, I canna say but they do gaylies : They lay aside a' tender mercies, An tirl the hallions to the birses; Yet while they're only poind and herriet, They'll keep their stubborn Highland spirit.

The next section of the poem gives explicit instructions on how best to effect the cowing of the Highland spirit, and in this section Burns illustrates his knowledge of the conditions a poverty stricken Highlander had to face in the cities of the Lowlands. The Devil advocates gaol terms for debtors, back­breaking labour for youth, and prostitution for women unfortunate enough to be pretty, and finally recommends that any lice-infested paupers should be horse-whipped out of sight or chased away by dogs:

But smash them ! crush them a' to spails, An rot the dyvors i' the jails ! The young dogs swinge them to the labour :

11

Let wark an hunger mak them sober! The hizzies, if they're aughtlinsfawsont, Let them in Drury-Lane be lesson'd ! An if the wives an dirty brats Come thiggin at your doors an yetss, Flaffin wi duds an grey wi beas', Frightin awa your ducks and geese; Get out a horsewhip or a jowler, The langest thong, the fiercest growler, An' gar the tatter'd gypsies pack Wi a' their bastards on their back !

The remainder of the poem concerns Beelzebub's guarantee of a fine place in hell for the Earl, and how he will anxiously await his arrival.

The horrible picture of Highland life depicted in this poem was, in too many instances, accurate. Although emigration from the Highlands during the 18th century was not the destitute exodus of the 19th century, some of the early clearances had begun, and many Highlanders emigrated rather than adjust to the changes imposed upon them by their chiefs. Most Highlanders preferred to leave Scotland entirely, with the result that those who remained in the Lowlands were often the very poor who could not afford a passage and who, by necessity, joined the ranks of Scotland's paupers. Burns was surprisingly clear-sighted in allocating the blame to the rack-renting landlords and hard policies of what they liked to refer to as "improvements".

It is in this regard that a Highlander can appreciate the work of Burns. Burns not only represents a combination of Highland music and Lowland verse, but he was also able to overcome the bigotry of his age through concern for the human condition. Certainly there are many other attractions of universal appeal, but with particular reference to the question of Burns and the Highlands his concern for the welfare of mankind

12

is especially relevant. There is no evidence that Burns ever had more than a superficial knowledge of the Highlands. His descriptions of the Highlands lack the intensity of feeling that his descriptions of the Lowlands exhibit, and the Highlandmen of his poems range between breekless buffoons and gallant patriots. Butthrough it all a sincere concern for the welfare of his fellow man, a love of liberty, and a hatred of oppression overpower the Highland caricature. So the kilted gentlemen, Lowland and Highland, who toast Burns's memory each year are not historical anomalies but are united in this hope:

That man to man, the warld o'er, Shall brithers be for a' that.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Brown, Raymond Lamont. Robert Bums's Tours of the Highlands and Stirlingshire 1787. lpswich, 1973. Geddie, George. The Complete Works of Robert Bums. Edition De Luxe, New York, 1909. Grimble, Ian. The World of Rob Donn. Edinburgh, 1979. Magnusson, Magnus. Bawdy Ballads and Folksongs. London,1982 Robertson, J. Logie. The Poetical Works of Robert Bums. repr. London, 1958.

1lan Grimble, The World of Rob Donn (Edinburgh, 1979), p.2 'ibid., p. 207 'ibid., p. 208 'ibid., p. 158 %id., pp. f>.7 "Brown, Robert Bums's Tours, p.61 'Brown, Robert Bums's Tours, pp 9-10, letter from Bums to James Smith, date uncertain. 'Bawdy Verse and Folksongs, ed. Magnus Magnusson (London, 1982), p. 81 'ibid., p.43

Robert Burns in the offices of fames Chalmers of the 'Aberdeen journal' during his tour of the Highlands in 1787.

ROBERT BURNS AND RELIGION

By Neil R. Conway Irvine Royal Academy

Intent: A study of the religious poems of Robert Burns with the intention of answering accusations of irreligiousness. Robert Burns has been a major influence on

much of Scottish writing, and has entertained and enlightened not just the Scots but many other people around the world. I personally enjoy reading Burns' poetry and songs and this is partly the reason for choosing to write about them.

Burns was unarguably one of the best poets in the English language, however he is forever being accused of scorning and abusing religion and its meaning. In this review of personal reading I intend to go into this aspect of the poetry and show that Burns was possessed of greatfaith and attacked the absurdities of the strict Calvinism of his time.

I will begin with the well-loved poem of international renown which is the stick Burns' critics use to beat him with over and over again : "Holy Willies' Prayer''.

The poem is based on the true story: a Mauchline gentleman - a Mr Gavin Hamilton -incurred the wrath of a church elder and his minister and after a "sessional process" escaped punishment - due more to his friend and counsel than his absolute innocence ! The church elder, furious at coming away second-best, prays to the Almighty for divine vengeance, and it is this prayer that Burns imagines over-hearing :

"O Thou that in the Heavens does dwell, Wha, as it pleases best Thysel, Sends ane to heaven an' ten to Hell A' for Thy glory, And no for onie guid or ill They've done before Thee !"

These first lines are basically harmless (though the suggestion that God sends people to Hell at a whim would upset the clergy no end), and make way, for a crescendo of crawling, hy?ocrisy, backstabbing and hate, not to ment10n self importance. By the end of the verse five Willie sees himself as :

" .... a pillar o' Thy temple Strong as a rock, A guide, a buckler and example To a' Thy flock"

Author, 16 year old Neil R. Conway from Ayrshire, a pupil of Irvine Royal Academy.

Willie then proceeds to confess to wanderings with two local girls; so, from stalwart of the church, he suddenly becomes a womaniser-quite a drop; but the irrepressible elder has a good excuse: he was drunk at the time !

This absolute contrast is bettered by Willies unerring faith that the Lord will forgive all- because that is really what he is there for! Indeed to stress this point, Burns has Willie quote the Bible bac~ at God by using extracts from the texts! A beautiful example of Willies' ability to turn the Bible into an excuse is found in verse nine :

"Maybe Thou lets this fleshy thorn Buffet Thy servant e'en and morn, Lest he owre proud and high should turn That he's sae gifted : If sae, Thy han' maun e'en be borne Until thou lift it"

This is the excuse for his misdeeds which according to him are only trials sent from God to stop him from being too self-righteous! This verse is actually an arrangement of the book of second Corinthians :

" ... there was given to me a thorn in the flesh, the messenger of Satan to buffet me, lest I should be exalted above measure."

Willies' utter hypocrisy is again demonstrated by hisrequestthatHamilton'sfood store becurs.ed : showing that Willie, far from being content with divine retribution, (if he believes in it at all), would rather see just punishment meted out on Earth, one can assume for reasons of his personal satisfaction, and 'just in case' the Lord does not see to it later!

Faced with this seemingly endless scathing by Burns, it would seem, at first that he was far from religious.

13

However, this is not so : in "Holy Willies Prayer" we have Burns presenting an outrageously hypocritical figure, his exagerated ravings are an attempt to get the reader to actually see them for what they are -needless decorations on a religion, decorations which will eventually undermine the religion itself.

Indeed, Burns was an advocate of 'simple' worship as can be seen in ''1be Cotters Saturday Nighf'. The following excerpt comes from the middle of the poem and describes the family seated by the fire listening to the Cotter reading from his bible :

"The cheerfu' supper done, wi' serious face, They, round the ingle,form a circle wide; The sire turns o'er wi' patriarchal grace, The big ha' -Bible, ance his father's pride. His bonnet rev'rently is laid aside, His lyart-haffins wearing thin and bare; Those strains that once did sweet in Zion glide, He wales a portion with judicious care, And "Let us worship God!" he says with solemn air."

This scene is perhaps a little idealistic, but it serves to show the reader just exactly how Burns saw religion's place in society - as a companion, not an unreachable ideal. It is noteworthy that here, in this poem, we have an ordinary man who is far more genuinely religious than a church elder of the time! The last stanza gives a blunt statement summing up Burns' views:

"Compar'd with this, how poor Religion's pride, In all the pomp of method, and of art;"

Evidence of Burns' faith is given in his 'Paraphrase of the First Psalm'. Although it is not a particularly striking piece, it still stresses one of Burns' beliefs - that God should be approached with respect :

"But with humility and awe Still stands before his God!"

Indeed this idea of reverence is featured in every prayer he wrote :

"O Thou Great Being! What Thou art Surpasses me to know;"

If Burns was indeed scathing towards religion, would it not be a rather pointless task of writing prayers and paraphrasing psalms?

In the majority of his poems, Burns makes some reference to the Church or Religion. If the

14

reader looks closely it is possible to see exactly how Burns conveyed his (at the time) unorthodox views, and more importantly, that any reference to religion was criticising the strict Calvinist doctrines and not the belief itself.

So if we take another look at "Holy Willies Prayer'' it surely is now apparent that the 'prayer' is a long list of faults that the Calvinists had, and not, as it might at first seem, an attack on the belief in a God.

If we now look at ''1be Twa Herds" we can see quite plainly that Burns is attacking ministers and

" ... a' ye pious godly flocks, Wee/ fed on pastures orthodox"

(that is, the devout Calvinists), and not the faith itself. In the poem he points out the in-fighting going on amongst supposedly respectable ministers. Burns even goes as far as to name the ministers involved and takes obvious delight in gossip, and, although it is not as well known as "Holy Willies Prayer" or 'The Cotters' Saturday Night" it delivers its message quite well enough to raise a laugh at the escapades of the two "Auld Licht" congregations or, as Burns says: "Herds". I am sure that the sheep imagery was not lost on the readers of the day!

Another poem poking fun at the Calvinist regime is ''1be Kirk's Alarm". It again names figures in the church and has the lines :

"Calvin's sons! Calvin's sons! Seize you sp'rtual guns, Ammunition you never can need: Your hearts are the stuff Will be powther enough,"

in it. this has connotations of outright scathing, but when read as part of the whole poem, it merely highlights the typical over-exuberance of the Calvanist minister. It is a wonderfully funny poem and its satire bites deep.

There could be no real study of Burns and his religion without the mention of his doubts. Llke many before him, at times he felt very lonely and often this was a result of the death of one of his closer friends.

When his friend and patron, the Earl of Glencairn died, Burns was forced to ask the question: How could one so good be allowed to die so young? The poet versifies his question in his "l.amenf' for Glencairn.

"O why has Worth so short a date,

While villians ripen grey with time! Must thou, the noble gen'rous, great, Fall in bold manhood's hardy prime?"

This is a formidable poem in many ways, it exposes Bums, yet manages to shroud him in similies and metaphors. Yet despite the grand poesy Bums is displaying his thoughts on faith through his description of the wood in which the poem begins :

"The wind blew hollow frae the hills; By fits the sun's departing yellow woods, That wav'd o'er Lugar's winding stream"

The poets doubts come to light in many other poems but he seems to regain his faith eventually, and of course, carry on criticising the orthodoxy!

Another aspect of Bums' religious life was Freemasonry. Many of his poems have Masonic undertones and often use words associated with the Masons. The "Prayer under Pressure of Violent Anguish" is a good example; I quoted it earlier in this Review and I will now quote the same lines:

"O Thou Great Being! what thou art Surpasses me to know;"

This is obviously Masonic in origin and shows that Bums' philosophy was well-suited to the Masons. In the Lodge all 'brothers' are considered equal, and the Masonic worship did not care to name the diety to which it prayed, but gave it respect and, best of all, there was no need for the rigmarole that surrounded Calvinism. So, in the Masons, Bums was taken from his daily work and given, at least a little friendship for which he was grateful. when he planned to leave Scotland he

wrote "Tite Farewell":

"Adieu! a heart-warm,fond adieu; Dear Brothers of the Mystic Tie! Ye favour'd ye enlighten 'd few. Companions of my social joy!"

The poem is dedicated to 'The Brethem of StJames Lodge Tarbolton". This shows us that Bums suited Masonic company well.

So, it can be seen that Bums was far from irreligious - the very opposite in fact - he was too religious for the "Holy Willies" of his time. He looked for a supportive brotherly religion and did not find it in Calvinism.

His poems reflect discontent - not with the basic belief of the Christian, but with the rigmarole surrounding the "Auld Llcht".

Bums turned to religion all his life - in both prosperity and sadness, he never neglected its part in his life, on the contrary, he accepted it and wrote a poem about it! As he himself says:

"My Bible hasna been neglectit"

It is clear that Bums was advocating change, however he could not be described as a disciple of a new form of Christianity, he merely knew what the old form lacked.

But as for him being irreligious -this is simply not true. I firmly believe that Robert Bums was a very deeply religious person. He attacked what he saw as hypocrisy and falsehood and championed honesty and change. He was, in a way, looking forward to the time when the absurdities of the Calvinist doctrines would be abandoned and the ordinary man would be rewarded for his simple faith, his human worth and dignity.

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15

A TALK WITH BURNS' GRANDSON JAMES GLENCAIRN THOMSON

A familiar song of Burns has a curiously personal message for a delightful old gentleman who lives in Glasgow out Camphill way. His name to the world is James Glencairn Thomson but his heart owns just as true a kinship as any church register can prove with no less a man than the poet himself.

He is, in fact, says a writer in the Daily Chroni­cle, Robert Burns's only surviving grandson. His grandmotherwasgowden-lockedAnnan, for whom Bobbie was prepared to flout both Kirk and State and to exchange moon, stars and everything for the sunshine of her e'e. Only recently- and thanks largely to the efforts of Mr. J. K. McDowall, the energetic secretary of the Scottish Football Asso­ciation - the Government has learnt of Mr Thomson's existence and claims.

Having been for some years in straitened circumstances, he is probably to receive soon some slight official assistance, though there seem to be difficulties, quite unconnected with Mr Thomson himself, in the way of regular Civil List pension.

ONE OF THE ORIGINAL 'TARBOLTON IASSIES'

Mr Thomson was once visiting Burns's own Tarbolton, whilst Granny Hay, one of the original Tarbolton lassies, who remembered the poet in the flesh, was still hostess at the local inn.

In a moment Granny recognised the new­comer as a genuine Burns. Above all, the story that Mr Thomson had to tell - sitting in the little flat up two stairs where he had lived for 40 years and where his mother, Burns's own daughter, died - had a romance about it that will bring him closer to the hearts of those who love Burns than any pedigree could do.

Its circumstances are saddening enough. The gowden-locked Anna of the song was, it seems, niece of the proprietor of the Globe Tavern at Dumfries. At that time Burns was seeking to drown remorse and disappointment in only too many of those pints o' wine he celebrated so melodiously.

Alas, while faithful Jean was away at Mauchline,gowden-lockedAnna proved all to fond. Finding herself about to become a mother, Anna fled to Leith and there gave birth to a daughter, Bettie Burns.

What became of Anna after that no one knows. It is believed that she died soon after. Anyhow,

16

she fades out of the story- poor foolish little heart, gowden-locks, melting form, hinny hips and all.

JEAN ARMOUR'S NOBLE DEED

Perhaps the baby, destined to become Mr Thomson's mother, might have disappeared, too, from the scene had it not been for a noble act on the part of Jean Armour - one that is little celebrated but deserves to be remembered for ever to her credit.

Quitely, without protest, without even telling her father, Jean Armour adopted the little one, rocking it to sleep in the same cradle as her own child, William, who was born only a few days before.

From that time forth Betty was brought up as a member of the Burns household, not the faintest difference being made between her and the oth­ers. She grew to woman's estate in the little home in Dumfries. She was married at Jean Armour's house and in Jean Armour's presence.

It is possible that the truest tribute that could be paid alike to the character of Burns himself and to that of]ean Armour is Mr Thomson's memory of his mother to whom he was passionately de­voted, and ofherhlks about the poet and his bonny Jean. 'Though she was but six when he died," said Mr Thomson, "my mother minded Burns well. She minded him taking her on his knee and teach­ing her to sing Ye banks and braes o' bonnie Doon. She had a beautiful voice, had my mother, and she and Jean Armour would sing together.

'Then my mother minded him coming home from Brow in the last days when he was dying. She never forgot the sight of him sitting huddled up in the cart, his face buried in his hands. The next thing she minded was his funeral. She was at the graveside with the rest."

LUMPS IN THE PORRIDGE

"Always," the old man went on, "my mother taught me to love and be proud of my grandfather. Jean Armour had taught her the same. Ye ken, he was a very lovable man; and if he did wrong, the lassies were partly to blame. Never an unkind word did Jean Armour speak to my mother.

"She taught her to read Scripture and every New Year's Day Jean Armour would open the big ha' Bible and choose a text haphazard for the year.

.,

'

John Thomson, the Poet's son-in-law, Mrs. Thomson (Betty Burns) daughter of Robert Burns, Parents of fames Glencairn Thomson.

"My mother, like Jean Armour, became a very religious woman and to us eight children she was the model of what a mother should be. She had my grandfather's poetic spirit in her, but she could not express it, save in singing his songs. She had a terrible struggle to make both ends meet both in Langside, where I was born, and at Pollokshaws, where we lived afterwards.

"My father was a weaver and for some years a soldier, and courted my mother when he was stationed at Dumfries. Afterwards, he went back to weaving. I used to greet sometimes when there were lumps in my porridge but mother used to say 'You'd bettereatit,Jamie, there's naethingelsethe d '" ay.

Such were some of Mr Thomson's memories of the two noble women whose heroism illumines the sorry tale of Bettie Bums's birth even more, perhaps, than Bums's own lyric ecstasies. It may be noted that they who suffered more for Robbie's faults than any other forgave and loved him.

After that, does there not seem an imperti­nence about the scriptures oflittle prating moralists!

When he had finished, Mr Thomson showed some previous portraits and other treasures lov­ingly preserved in the pretty parlour or ben.

One was a portrait of his mother - Betty Bums herseU. It was an oil painting by John Kelso Hunter, and showed, in an old-fashioned mob-cap, an exceedingly pretty woman with Robbie's own dark, lustrous eyes, full of intelligence and character and humour, but with a firmness of purpose about the slightly pursed mouth that Robbie lacked.

Can this have been an inheritance fromgowden­lockedAnna? One fears not! Betty lived, anyhow to be 84, and a fine old lady she must have been.

There were other keepsakes, too - a scrap of Robbie's manuscript, in the familiar bold, clear, characteristic handwriting, pictures of scenes from his poems, given to Mr Thomson by friends, old editions, engravings and what not.

It is not only, however, as a repository of memories that Mr Thomson has proved himseU a worthy grandson of Robbie Burns. In his own personality he is a grandson of whom any poet might be proud - full of racy humour and enthusi­asm and one who keeny feels the friendly glow. So far as the softer flame is concerned, he has never married, having spent his whole life in touching devotion to his mother whom he kept and with whom he lived in this very house until her death.

CONTENTED WITH LillLEAND

CAN1Y WITH MAIR Since then he has stayed on alone, contented

with little and canty with mair, a well known Glasgow figure, respected by all who meet him.

Though failing eyesight forbids him to follow his profession as an engraver, he can still walk his 10 miles a day and jump on a tram while it is going, and is a great player of bowls.

He confessed, indeed, that throughout the winter he has been "just wearying for a game." Till lately, too, Mr Thomson could sing a good song and Duncan Gray from him on a Burns nicht was always a great event.

Though the only surviving grandson, Mr Thomson is not, of course, the only grandchild. Three grand-daughters still survive - Mrs Brown of Dumfries (a natural daughter of Robert Burns junior) and Mrs Hutchinson and Miss Annie Beckett Bums, of Cheltenham, daughters ofJ ames Glencaim Bums.

Mr Thomson believes there may be other children of Robert Bums, junior, in Bellast.

As to the younger generation, there are plenty of great grandchildren, great-great grandchildren, and - in Chicago - some grandchildren of Mrs Hutchinson.

A particularly remarkable instance, however, of the survival of ancestral traits occurs in the family of Mr William Thomson, manager of Glas­gow baths and a son of Bettie Bums' eldest child, Robert. By some mysterious disposition of des­tiny, though no others of Mr Thomson's family show much likeness to the poet, his youngest daughter is the living image. Indeed, it is almost startling to recognise in this young lady, who is a beautiful young brunette, and of an exceedingly bright disposition, the very eyes ofRobbie himseU looking out from a face that might well have in­spired the ever-susceptible poet to yet more immortal rhyme!

(From "The Bulletin" Circa Early 1900's). fames Glencairn Thomson died in 1911.

17

THE GLOBE INN DUMFRIES

Isn't it odd how literary genius and licensed premises oft, like freedom and whisky, gang thegither? The old Boars Head (Ben Johnson) and the Mermaid (Shakespeare) spring to mind. In Dumfries, the Globe Inn, in the High Street, will always be associated with Robert Bums. In a letter to George Thomson just three months before his death in July 1796 he wrote 'this will be delivered to you by Mrs. Hyslop, landlady of the Globe Tavern here which for these many years has been my howff (haunt). One of the country's

oldesthostelries (established 1610) Bums visited ::-~~r;;:;:;::;=~~~-~~ the Globe firstly from Ellisland, whilst he was -building the farmhouse, and subsequently when he moved into the town of Dumfries.

"SCOTTISH LIVERPOOL'' Dumfries in Bums' time was economically,

and socially, more significant than it is to-day; in 1752 it was described as the 'Scottish Llverpool' with more American tobacco trade than Glasgow. Its importance asa west coast portwasemphasised by the fact that an estimated 21,000 people from all over Scotland, more than the town's own population, emigrated through Dumfries in 1851 to the US, Australia and New Zealand. Llke any important centre the town attracted its share of craftsmen, literary and social, and those who were politically aware, the French revolution was at hand and nationalism was in the air. The Globe at that time was a town centre Inn of some stature and it is no wonder the bard was drawn to it. Robert Chambers wrote the most vivid description of the poets life in Dumfries at this time. ~n the morning he would go about his duties as an exciseman, stamping leather or gauging malt­vats. At lunchtime he would perhaps call in at a house where he knew music would be played, where he might hear an old air, to which he might put his verse, or walk along the river Nith or at Lincluden to compose part of a new song. If not invited elsewhere] ean prepares his tea at six. The post arrives at eight in the evening and groups gather in the street eager to hear the news, to be discussed later in the alehouses. Bums retires to the Globe, to his favourite fireside chair, to greet his friends and the debate of the news leads on to other chat, 'Bums becomes brilliantand his friends give him the applause of their laughter', one jug succeeds another and Bums retires home late to his house just a stone's throw away, to rise early to hear little Robert's Latin lessons. His verse (the

18

Burns's Room Showing the Poet's Chair.

two which remain), inscribed by diamond pen on the bedroom window, seem to bring this image to life. What he himself regarded as his best love song was penned to Anna Park, her of the 'gowden locks', who was the niece of the landlord at that time.

ROOMS STIIL THERE Physically the Globe has changed little,

although as recently as 1829 it was described as a 'commodious dwelling house and garden with extensive stabling'. This would hardly be recognised to-day, the building now surrounded on all sides by shops and the stables now formed in to a lounge bar. The old rooms are still there, his chair is still intact, the fire place thereby but, above all, the Globe is still alive and far removed from some inert museum; people still congregate to chat and laugh as before. The world, however, and Dumfries, has changed. The world is smaller so that world events are received over satelite in our homes rather than outside the Globe at eight in the evening. The decline of its sea trade and its bypass by rail then by road meant that, geographically, Dumfries and Galloway became a haven for tourist rather than trades man. The fruit machine has not quite yet replaced the human desire for contact with your fellow man, yes, and lassies too.

GORDON R. McKERROW

..

' 11

THE

GLOBE INN HIGH STREET

DUMFRIES ESTABLISHED 1610

' ... the Globe Tavern here which for these many years has been my Ho'ftjf. . .'

EXTRACT FROM LETTER BY ROBERT BURNS

This is the old Globe Inn where Bums had many a merry "nicht" with boon companions. The chair he usually occupied is still shown to visitors, also a window pane with verses traced by his hand, and many other interesting relics.

BAR LUNCHES: Delicious Home Cooking MONDAY-SATURDAY 12-2 p.m.

BAR OPEN ALL DAY THROUGHOUT THE YEAR

56 HIGH STREET, DUMFRIES DGJ 2JA. Telephone: 0387 52335

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BICENTENARY OF OPENING

THE THEATRE ROYAL DUMFRIES

As Bumsians prepare for the Bicentenary Commemoration of the death of Robert Bums in Dumfries on 21st July 1796, it is perhaps timeous to remember another important event in the town's history which was very close to the Poet's heart. That event is the celebration of the opening of The Theatre Royal Dumfries which took place on Saturday 29th September 1792, two hundred years ago.

This small theatre still flourishes under the auspices of The Guild of Players and though not quite so resplendent as in the Poet's time, is still a live theatre and a credit to The Guild and the townspeople of Dumfries who patronise it faithfully. As with all theatres it has had a fairly turbulent history, and apart from suffering the usual closures and re-openings it has been used as a storeroom, a roller skating rink, and a cinema.

Before the Theatre Royal opened, players used the Old Assembly Room in the George Hotel to display their talents. In 1790 a George Stephen Sutherland, actor manager, who had previously played with the Jackson troupe at The Theatre Royal Edinburgh, approached various people of note in Dumfries and the surrounding area to raise capital for the purpose of building a new theatre in the town.

Writing from Ellisland to his friend William Nicol, on 2nd February 1790, the Poet said: Our theatrical company of which you must have heard, leave us this week. Their merit and character are indeed very great, both on stage and in private life, not a worthless creature among them; and their encouragement has been accordingly. Their usual run is from eighteen to twenty pounds a night; seldom less than the one, and the house will hold no more than the other. There have been instances of sending away six and eight and ten pounds a night for the want of room. A new theatre is to be built by subscription; the first stone is to be laid on Friday first to come. Three hundred guineas have been raised by thirty subscribers, and thirty more might have been got if wanted. The manager, Mr. Sutherland, was introduced to me by a friend from Ayr; and a worthier or cleverer fellow I have rarely met with.

A meeting of the subscribers was held on 18th February 1790 when Mr Sutherland announced that he had feued a part of the gardens at East Bamraws, later Queen Street, as a site for the Theatre. He also submitted plans by Thomas Boyd, architect, and James Hutchison, joiner, based on the design of the Theatre Royal, Bristol. The plans were approved and the foundations laid that same year.

The Founding Deed of 1792 for the Theatre is drawn up in favour of Robert Riddell of Glenriddell. By this deed Thomas and William Bushby granted to Riddell the ground situated in the Burgh of Dumfries on the South East side of the street called Bamraws or Shakespeare Street; as the deed puts it 'ground on which he (Robert Riddell) had at Candlemass, Moy! and Ninety (February 1790) built a house intended for a theatre or playhouse.'

Robert Riddell bound himself to pay Bushby £5 per year, one half at Candlemass the other at Lammas. Bushby also received two 'Brass Tickets' which entitled him 'to have right to call upon the Manager of the Theatre or any other person who issues tickets and receive and use two gratis admission tickets every night to any place in the boxes or pit that he or they shall incline, agreeable to the practice of other theatres in such cases, excepting the Benefit Nights of the performers; the tickets to be called for each day about the usual time, unless a particular box be pitched upon for the season'.

In the event of any refusal Riddell or his representatives were to pay Bushby or his representatives double the highest price for each refusal.

Each original subscriber of ten guineas or over was given the right to free admission to the Theatre, receiving a silver medallion, on one side was an engraving of the Theatre and on the other his name.

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The two sides of one of the brass tokens mentioned in the Founding Deed.

Two of the silver tokens of admission held by the original subscribers.

Shortly after the building of the Theatre had begun, the money raised for the project had run out. The subscribers had to go ahead and build at a much greater cost than had been originally intended. An extra five hundred pounds had to be raised to finish the building.

At this period there existed only eight or nine theatres in Scotland and by all accounts the new playhouse in Dumfries was mong the most handsome. In his diary of 1794, William Grierson writes on a visit to the Dunlop Street Theatre in Glasgow - 'saw performed The Miser' and 'Peeping Tom'. The house is by no means so handsome as Dumfries Theatre.' Proofindeed that The Dumfries Theatre Royal was of very high standards.

The Theatre opened under the management of Mr John Brown Williamson, originally from the Theatre Royal, Haymarket, London. In the Dumfries Weekly journal, Tuesday September 25th 1792 he writes - 'Mr Williamson who has the honour of conducting the theatrical amusements of this city for the ensuing season respectfully begs to announce to the public that the extensive preparations for opening an elegant and new Theatre are nearly completed and that the season will commence in the course of the present week. Due notice of the first evening of performance will be given with the various entertainments and an 'Occassional Preparatory Address' will be given by Mr Williamson.

Amongst the audience forthe opening night of the Theatre on Saturday 29th September 1792 would be Robert Riddell of Glenriddell, Maria Riddell of Woodley Park, Patrick Miller of Dalswinton (Burns landlord at Ellisland), George Stephen Sutherland, Actor/Manager and, of course, Robert Burns who was on the free list of patrons.

Burns had been an enthusiastic theatregoer, even during his stay at Ellisland, where he would have to brave the elements and a long horse ride in the depths of winter. By the time the new Theatre was inaugurated he was living in the Wee Venne!. He demonstrated his interest in the drama by writing several prologues for the players, the 'Occassional Address -The Rights of Woman', written for Miss Fontenelle in November 1792 being the most famous. He also used the Theatre to test out new songs, in the Dumfries Weekly journals of that period several mentions are made in Theatre Programmes of a new song by Robert Burns, music by Robert Riddell and sung by a favourite actor or actress. The front of the Theatre was in classic style, with a pillared portico, as engraved on the medallions presented to the subscribers.

21

The interior held around five hundred and fifty persons and consisted of the pit, above that in the form of a horseshoe were the boxes forming the dress circle; above that again the gallery or uppers.

Admission prices were, Pit- two shillings, in which the seating was wooden benches without backs; the Dress Circle or Boxes - three shillings; and the Gallery - one shilling.

To reach the pit it was necessary to enter by the front of the Theatre, descend a flight of stone steps, walk through a long passage, ascend another flight of steps which came out into the Theatre at the orchestra box before reaching ones seat.

Behind the Boxes of the Dress Circle ran a semi-circular passage, off which opened the doors into the boxes. Each box was divided into compartments containing a number of seats and was entered by a baize covered door with an oval panel in it, and was decorated with crimson curtains.

The Dumfries Weekly journal reports of the opening night - 'It is allowed by persons of taste and opportunities that this is the handsomest provincial Theatre in Scotland'.

It would appear that no expense had been spared in the Theatre despite the financial difficulties that had prevailed at the outset.

Alexander Nasmyth who had painted the now famous portrait of Robert Bums five years previously was commissioned to paint some scenery, for which he received a hundred guineas. At that time Nasmyth was already an established portrait painter. Because he was an open supporter of reform, he had lost many commissions from wealthy patrons and turned to painting scenery for the theatre. Only two records of his scenery have survived, one of which is a sketch in the National Gallery of Scotland.

The sketch is described as a 'Design for a scene for the Dumfries Theatre, done at the desire of Robert Bums, by Alexander Nasmyth'. It is the interior of a palatial building, the finished scene would probably have been highly detailed, Nasmyth's style of painting for the Theatre being described by Leitch, the artist and engraver, 'as if you could pull aside the branch of a tree and find another beneath it'.

A regular theatre in Dumfries was tremendously beneficial to the social life of the town. It gave people the chance to see and hear many of the leading actors of the day. In fact, apart from newspapers which few people could afford and still fewer were able to read, the theatre was the political, musical and social media of the day.

Shortly after the opening of the Theatre, Robert Bums was involved in an incident on October 30th 1792 after a performance of 'As You Like It'. The Poet refused to pay the customary respect during the orchestra's rendering of 'God Save The King'. There had been repeated calls from the audience for 'Ca Ira', the song of the French Revolutionaries. Scuffling and shouting broke out, which was quickly suppressed by the singing of the National Anthem, but it was noted that Robert Bums remained seated throughout the singing. This was indeed an indiscreet and defiant act for a Government Servant at a time when war with France was becoming inevitable. After the incident, Bums implored Graham of Fin try for his protection from informers who were threatening his employment in the Excise. He wrote: 'I was in the middle of the Pit, and from the Pit the clamour arose. One or two individuals with whom I occassionally associate were of the party, but I neither knew of the plot, nor joined the plot; nor ever opened my lips to hiss or huzza that or any other Political tune whatever ... I never uttered any invectives against the King.'

Fortunately, Bums loyalty was successfully vindicated. From the opening of the Theatre in 1792 many famous actors and actresses have 'tread the boards'.

During Bums lifetime perhaps the most famous was Mrs Stephen Kemble, who on 24th October 1794 played 'Yarico' in 'lnkle and Yarico', inspiring the poet to write:

'Kemble, thou cur'st my unbelief Of moses and his rod; At Yarico's sweet notes of grief, The rock with tears had flow'd.

The Theatre Royal Dumfries is now the oldest 'live theatre' in Scotland and deserves congratulations on having survived for two hundred years.

Mary J. Urquhart

22

'that greatest of benevolent institutions established in honour of Robert Burns'. - Glasgow Herald.

The National Burns Memorial Homes, Mauchline, Ayrshire_

Created for Deserving Old People - as the most fitting Memorial to Robert Burns

EIGHTEEN of these comfortable houses, built at Mauch line , in the heart of the Burns Country , are occupied by deserving old folks, carefully selected from all quarters. Many of the Cottagers left tied houses on retirement with nowhere else to stay.

There are no irksome restrictions . They have their own key , their own furniture if they so desire, come and go as they please, and have their own friends calling on them as they wish.

The whole aim and object of the scheme is to allow the Cottagers to continue the enjoyment of the quiet comfort of their 'ain fireside ' in ideal surroundings.

The amenities of the Homes are constantly being improved and added to , and for this purpose

MONEY IS ALWAYS REQUIRED WILL YOU PLEASE HELP

by sending a donation t0 : A. J. Campbell, Secretary,

Mitchells Roberton George House, 36 North Hanover Street,

Glasgow G1 2AD Tel. 041-552-3422

23

THE OPINION PAGE Have YOUR say 105 West George Street,

Glasgow. G2 lQP.

Dear Sir,

CASTLE STREEf PROPERfIES AND BURNS HOUSE MUSEUM, MAUCHUNE

It has transpired that a previous letter published in this Journal (February 1992) under the auspices of Glasgow & District Bums Association has caused some considerable distress arising from an unforeseen breakdown in communication. This is and was most unfortunate as no offence was intended in any way. There was also unfortunately an editing error which substantially altered the tone and meaning of the letter, making it read as if there was dissatisfaction with the most useful work carried out by the Local Committee which has managed the day to day running of the Bums House Museum for many years. This was not the intention. As a result of discussions this matter has been resolved satisfactorily and is now considered by those involved to be closed. Your faithfully,

Bryan McKirgan, President, Signed on behalf of Glasgow and District Bums Association.

Sir Claud Hagart-Alexander, Signed on behalf of Mauchline Bums Club.

24

GLASGOW & DISTRICT BURNS ASSOCIATION proudly present

"AN IMMORTAL MEMORY" (A Tribute to Robert Burns)

Produced by Alan T. Thompson, AT Video Productions with the script and commentary by Archie McArthur, Honorary President of the Burns Federation and Past President of the Glasgow & District Burns Association and music by Alastair Marjoribanks.

This new and original video tape is now available through the Association at a special introductory/promotional price of£ 12. 00 pi us £ 1 . 00 for post and packaging. All profits from the sale of this video made through the Glasgow & District Burns Association will be donated to the Burns House Museum and Associated Properties in Castle Street, Mauchline.

Cheques and Postal Orders should be made payable to:­"Glasgow & District Burns Association" and sent to:

Mr. Bryan McKirgan, 4 Balmoral Drive, Cambuslang. G72 BBG.

OBITUARY Mrs. Elizabeth Kirkland

Bessie Kirkland who died on 11th June was a member of Dumfries Ladies Burns Club No: 1, since the 1950's. President during 1965-67 she served continuously on Comiittee since 1960. Club Secretary for 11 years (1972-1983) wshe was elected Honorary Member in 1984. Bessie as she was universally known, was a dedicated Burnsian with a vast knowledge of Burns' life and works. Her popular Photographic Slide show was much in demand at monthly Club Meetings and at many other local organisations. Mrs. Kirkland was for 30 years a regular attendee at the Annual Conference of the Burns Federation including Anapolis, U.S.A. and both Canadian venues. She also attended the first Burns Supper in Moscow in 1974.

Bessie felt both honoured and privileged to be elected First Lady President of the Southern Scottish Counties Burns Association. She held this office for three years having just retired in May of this year. Mrs. Kirkland was delighted to attend the Executive Meetings of the Burns Federation in her capacity as District RepresentativeoftheS.S.C.B.A. The Dumfries Ladies Burns Club have lost a much respected member and true Burnsian. Greatly missed by all. Elsewhere, Bessie was an enthusiastic member of St. Michael's Church in Dumfries and served for many years on the Women's Guild. She is survived by her husband Jack and family to whom we offer our deepest sympathy.

Mrs. E. Raining

BIANK MENU and PROGRAMME CARDS in full colour (1) The Federation Coat of Arms and

(2) Robert Burns and scenes from his life and works

Now available from:

THE BURNS FEDERATION

Dick Institute, Elmbank Avenue, Kilmarnock. KAl 3BU. Scotland.

Price per copy (A5 size folded) 13p each (Plus postage)

25

JOHN RICHMOND By JAMES L HEMPSTEAD

Some months before the death of William Burnes at Lochlie Farm on 13th February, 1784, Robert and brother Gilbert had secretly negotiated a sub let of Mossgiel Farm from Gavin Hamilton, the Mauchline lawyer and fellow Mason. It proved a wise move and provided a safe haven for the family, following the sequestration at Lochlie. Mossgiel lay within the parish of Mauchline and about one mile from the village itself.

Following their first meeting it appears that Gavin Hamilton took a friendly interest in the poet. In addition to granting a sub let of Mossgiel, he gave Robert and Gilbert the opportunity to purchase cattle and dairy utensils at a private sale', and probably it was because of his advice that the members of the Bums family were able to salvage something from their father's estate, as preferred creditors for unpaid wages.

It is almost certain that it was through Burns's business dealings with Hamilton that he first became acquainted with John Richmond, who was employed as a clerk in Hamilton's office. Six years younger than Bums, he was in some respects a kindred spirit; a rebel against the narrow conventions of Mauchline society; a willing participant in any ploy that would shock the unco guid and raise the hackles of the orthodox. He and Bums soon became boon companions.

Richmond was born in 1765, the younger son of Henry Richmond, laird of Little Montgarswood in the parish of Som. He was probably descended from another John Richmond, who, in the middle of the 17th century, occupied Mossgavil (the old spelling for Mossgiel) and was a servant of Lord Loudon and a bailie of the burgh of the barony of Mauchline 2• Nothing is known of Richmond's early childhood, except that he attended school in Newmilns, some ten miles distant from Little Montgarswood, where he boarded with some friends. We next hear of him at the age of seventeen when he entered the legal firm of John and Gavin Hamilton, in Mauchline, which seems to suggest that he had received a liberal education.

A contemporary of Richmond described him as "a great crony of Bums, but a rough chap, and reported wild on account of his fun, energy, and free ways; though all they could say against him was that he was fond o' company"3

• He was Burns's frequent companion and together with James Smith, who kept a haberdasher's shop in Mauchline, and William Hunter, an intelligent shoemaker, they formed the notorious Court of Equity. It was a mock tribunal that met frequently in John Dow's Whitefoord Arms and "tried" those members of the community, especially the rigidly righteous, who denied their sexual sins. Burns, of course, was "judge"; Smith was "procurator fiscal" and -

Richmond, the third, our trusty clerk, Our minutes regular to mark; And sit dispenser of the law In absence of the former twa.

Hunter, "wee! skill'd in dead and living leather", was "messenger-at-arms"4

While it had been necessary for each member of the Tarbolton Bachelors' Club "to be a professed lover of one or more of the female sex", for membership of the Court a man must have given proof of his virility. This the four "officials" had certainly done - all were "fornicators by profession".

On three consecutive Sundays in January, 1785, Richmond mounted the cutty stool in Mauchline Parish Kirk to receive lengthy harangues on the sins of the flesh from the Rev "Daddy" Auld, for his fornication with local lass, Jenny Surgeoner, who as a result, bore him a daughter'. Perhaps it was as a consequence of this indiscretion, that he wentto Edinburgh in November of the same year, where he joined William Wilson, W S, as a clerk. A more likely explanation may have been his desire to pursue his legal studies in the wider ambience of the Capital. Whatever the reason it is evident he had no thought of marrying Jenny Surgeoner at that stage.

At the foot of the Cowgate in Mauchline, on the opposite corner from John Dow's Whitefoord Arms, stood the house owned by the ill-famed Poosie Nancie. Her real name was Agnes Gibson and along with her half-witted daughter, Racer Jess, she kept an ale shop cum lodging house, where beggars and gangrel bodies foregathered. At that time the countryside swarmed with beggars. William Aiton in his

26

I .

. .

~

John Richmond's house as it is today. Pencil drawing of Baxter's Close, Lawnmarket, Edinburgh.

Agriculture Report for Ayrshire, published in 1811, wrote, "In the daytime they prowl through the towns, or roam in the country, begging, stealing, or swindling, as opportunity may offer. At night, they return to their miserable haunts to consume their spoils, in feasting, drinking, swearing, and carousing."

It was such a gang of beggars who were singing and carousing in Poosie Nancie's howff, one night in the autumn of 1785, that attracted the attention of Burns, Richmond and Smith, who happened to be in the vicinity. The trio ventured in and joined the company but they did not wait long. Long enough, however, to provide Burns with the material for his immortal "Jolly Beggars", which Henley and Henderson described as "this irresistible presentation of humanity caught in the act and summarised forever in the terms of art." A few days after the visit Burns recited part of the cantata to Richmond, who later claimed that originally it included songs for a sailor, a sweep, and Racer Jess.

The cantata was never published during Burns's lifetime as it was considered too licentious. It

appeared, first, in an imperfect form, in a chapbook by Stewart and Meikle in 1799, as "The Jolly Beggars", which was the title on the manuscript used by the publishers, although the title, "Love and Liberty" is generally agreed as being more descriptive of the sentiments and theme of the piece. Stewart was a nephew of John Richmond, and in 1802 he published the complete work. In a marginal note he stated that "the original manuscript was long in the hands of John Richmond - - - - and he (Richmond) remembers taking the song (of Merry-Andrew) with him to Edinburgh in 1786"6. James C Dick suggested that when George Thomson wrote to Burns in September, 1793, enquiring about the cantata, "he had heard of it casually, perhaps, through Richmond, who was then resident in Edinburgh"7• This was extremely unlikely as Richmond left Edinburgh and returned to Mauchline, long before 1793, and before Burns agreed to collaborate with Thomson in the work of the Select Scottish Airs.

27

Following Richmond's arrival in Edinburgh, nothing was heard of him for three months. This was revealed by a letter which Bums sent to him on 17th February, 1786, replying to one he had received from Richmond the previous day. The poet commenced by reproaching his friend for his silence and neglect. Bums was obviously most displeased with him, as he concluded the letter, "I can scarcely forgive your long neglect of me, and I beg you will let me hear from you regularly by Connel. If you would act your part as a friend, I am sure neither good nor bad fortune should estrange or alter me". It is interesting to note that this was almost the last time the poet signed his letters as Robt Burness.

Before Bums's next letter to Richmond, his affair with Jean Armour had reached a climax. Jean had returned to Mauchline from Paisley, where she had been sent to live with an aunt and so escape, temporarily, the inevitable scandal and gossip. She had written to the Kirk Session admitting she was pregnant and named Bums as the father. Robert's offer of marriage had been rejected and Jean's father, acting on advice, had mutilated the "marriage lines" which Bums had given to her. His spirits were at a very low ebb. He tried to put her out of his mind by indulging in "all kinds of dissipation and riot, mason meetings, drinking matches and other mischief, but all in vain"8. The ship, however, was on its way home that was to take him to Jamaica and out of her life forever.

On 9th July, Bums sent another letter to Richmond. Apparently he had become more reconciled to his situation, although it is evident from the letter that he still retained a love for Jean, however he tried to disguise it. He wrote:

I have waited on Armour since her return home, not by- from any the least view of reconciliation, but merely to ask for her health; and to you I will confess it, from a foolish hankering fondness -very ill-plac' d indeed. -The Mother forbade me the house; nor did Jean shew that penitence that might have been expected. -However, the Priest, I am inform'd will give me a Certificate as a single man, if I comply with the rules of the Church, which for that very reason I intend to do. -Sunday morn: I am just going to put on Sackcloth and ashes this day. -I am indulged so far as to appear in my own seat- - - my book will be ready in a fortnight. - If you have any Subscribers, return me them by Connel.

The "Kilmarnock Edition" of Bums's poems was published on 3lst July, 1786. Six hundred and twelve copies were printed and the edition was sold out in just over one month. Anticipating that Bums would derive some profit from the publication, James Armour had obtained a warrant to secure a sum of money from him, for the support of the child that] ean was expecting. Bums went into hiding to escape service of the warrant and it was from one of those hiding places, Old Rome Foord, that he sent his next letter to Richmond. His refuge was the home of his mother's half-sister, Jean Broun and her husband James Allan 9• The letter gives an up-to-date account of his plans for emigration, and also shows how distraught his state of mind was at that particular time:

My Dear Richmond My hour is now come -you and I will never meet in Britain more. -I have orders

within three weeks at farthest to repair aboard the Nancy, Capn Smith, from Clyde to Jamaica, and to call at Antigua. -This, except to our friend Smith, whom God long preserve, is a secret about Mauchline. -Would you believe it? Armour has got a warrant to throw me in jail till I find security for an enormous sum. -This they keep an entire secret, but I got it by a channel they little dream of; I am wandering from one friend's house to another, and like a true son of the Gospel, "have nowhere to lay my head". - I know you will pour an execration on her head, but spare the poor ill-advised girl for my sake; tho' may all the Furies that rend the injured enraged Lover's bosom, await the old harridan, her Mother, until her latest hour! May Hell string the arm of Death to throw the fatal dart, and all the winds of warring elements rouse the infernal flames to welcome her approach ! For heaven's sake bum this letter, and never show it to a living creature. - I write it in a moment of rage, reflecting on my miserable situation - exiled, abandoned, forlorn. I can write no more - let me hear from you by the return of Connel - I will write you ere I go.

The publication of his poems brough fame to Bums and spread his name beyond the boundaries of his native Ayrshire. It stayed Armour's hand, who no doubt had second thoughts about pursuing someone who had become something of a celebrity overnight. It was with a great sense of relief that Burns wrote again to Richmond on lstSeptember, 1786. The opening passage gives details of the poet's change of plans for his impending passage to Jamaica. The letter continues :

28

The warrant is still in existence, but some of the first Gentlemen in the county · have offered to befriend me; and besides, Jean will not take any step against me, without letting me know, as nothing but the most violent menaces could have forced her to sign the petition. - I have called on her once and again, oflate; as she, at this moment, is threatened with the pangs of approaching travail; and I assure you, my dear Friend, I cannot help being anxious, very anxious, for her situation. - She would gladly now embrace that offer she once rejected, but it shall never be more in her power. -

I saw Jenny Surgeoner oflate, and she complains bitterly against you -you are acting very wrong, my friend; her happiness or misery is bound up in your affection or unkindness. - Poor girl! she told me with tears in her eyes that she had been at great pains since she went to Paisley, learning to write better; just on purpose to be able to correspond with you; and had promised herself great pleasure in your letters. - Richmond, I know you to be a man of honour, but this conduct of yours to a poor girl who distractedly loves you and whom you have ruined - forgive me, my friend, when I say it is highly inconsistent with that manly Integrity that I know your bosom glows with. - Your little, sweet Innocent too - but I beg your pardon; 'tis taking an improper liberty. -

"He would not have done a shameful thing, but once, Tho' hid from all the world and none had known it - He could not have forgiven it to himself' - Otway

I do not know if Smith wrote you along with my book; but I tell you now, I present you with that Copy, as a momento of an old friend, on these - conditions -you must bind it in the neatest manner and never lend it, but keep it for my sake.

Burns certainly took a liberty in reproaching Richmond for his unmanly conduct toward Jenny Surgeon er. It savours very much of hypocrisy on his part, when it is recalled that he had behaved little better towards Betty Paton the previous year. Indeed it was only six weeks before writing this letter that he had assigned to Gilbert the profits of the "Kilmarnock Edition", and his share in Mossgiel, in consideration of Gilbert undertaking to provide for Betty Paton's child. "Dear -bought Bess" had been born some fifteen months before, and in view of the lapse of time, it is questionable if Burns's action was taken in the interest of the child, or to prevent any monies falling into the hands of James Armour.

Two more letters were written by Burns to Richmond during September, 1786. Both were brief- one on the 3rd gave the news that]ean Armour had given birth to twins, and on the 27th he informed his friend that he was going to try for a second edition of his poems. In his autobiographical letter to Dr Moore, Burns wrote, "I had taken the last farewell of my few friends; my chest was on the road to

High Street, Mauchline, withjohn Richmond's house second from left, circa 1900. (Illustration by courtesy of Andrew M. Boyle)

29

Greenock; I had composed a song 'The gloomy night is gathering fast", which was to be the last effort of my muse in Caledonia, when a letter from Dr Blacklock to a friend of mine overthrew all my schemes by rousing my poetic ambition". Dr Thomas Blacklock, a blind Edinburgh poet and man ofletters, had received a copy of the Kilmarnock edition from the Rev Dr George Lawrie of Loudon. He was so impressed with the poems, that in his letter of thanks to Lawrie, he suggested that the poet should consider publishing a second and more numerous edition. He prophesied "a more universal circulation than anything of the kind that had been published within my memory"10

• Lawrie passed the letter to Gavin Hamilton, who in tum showed it to Bums. The result was that Bums abandoned all thoughts of emigrating to Jamaica. He borrowed a pony and set off for Edinburgh on 27th November, 1786, arriving the following evening, somewhat under the weather, due to the lavish hospitality he had enjoyed en route.

The only intimate friend Bums had in the Capital was Richmond, who occupied a humble room in Baxter's Close on the north side of the Lawnmarket. It appears that he offered to share his room and bed with Burns. Whether some prior arrangement had been made between the two is not known, but Burns readily accepted his friend's offer. The room was rented from a Mrs Carfrae, who charged Richmond 2/ 6 per week, which was increased to 3/- when Bums joined him. The Rev Archibald Lawrie, son of the Rev Dr George Lawrie, already mentioned, who was then a student at Edinburgh University, visited Bums and described the place as being "down a long dark nesty doss, his room (up a flight of dark stairs) lighted by one window, which, whatever light it might throw on the sheet of white paper then before him, could contribute but little to enliven his mind. At this time he was much engaged in company; on the mantelpiece above his chimney he had a small bit of white paper pasted up. On my observing written on it the names of Earl Glen cairn, Sir John Whitefoord, etc, etc, I asked him what it meant. He told me it was invitations to dinner and supper for weeks to come, that his old rhyming jade of a muse had introduced him to such a train and tribe of strangers that he had nothing to do but visit the great; and as he had a strong aversion at making promises without fulfilling them, he had pasted up the names of his friends with the dates of their invitations, lest he should make any mistake - In this dark retreat our Poet lived for the first six months he remained in Edinburgh, and as his finances were at that time low, he could not even afford an apartment for himself; he was therefore obliged to put up with half a small room and half a small bed."11

In one of his letters Bums gives a lively description of Mrs Carfrae and the characters who occupied the rooms directly above:

I have just now had a visit from my Landlady who is a staid, sober, piously­disposed, sculdudery- abhorring, widow, coming on her grand climacterick. -She is at present in sore tribulation respecting some "Daughters of Belia!" who are on the floor immediately above - and as our floors are low and ill-plaistered we can easily distinguish our laughter-loving, night-rejoicing neighbours -when they are eating, when they are drinking, when they are singing, when they are etc, my worthy Landlady tosses sleepless and unquiet, "looking for rest but finding none", the whole night.12

Burns spent almost six months in Edinburgh. On 22nd April, 1787, he had the immense satisfaction of seeing the purpose of his visit fulfilled, when the second edition of his poems were published. During his stay he had been accepted by the highest level ofEdinburgh society- the aristocracy, landed gentry, judges, professors, historians, and other men of letters. On a lower level he became a member of the Crochallan Fencibles, a convivial club of wits and bonvivants that met in Dawney Douglas's tavern in Anchor Close. Richmond, it seems remained very much in the background. Knowing how much he enjoyed the convivial evening in Mauchline, one wonders if he was ever invited by Bums to join in the frolics of the Crochallan Fencibles, or did Bums treat him strictly as a fellow lodger?

At the beginning of]uly, 1787, following a tour of the West Highlands, Bums returned to Mossgiel and it was from there that he wrote to Richmond on 7th July, making reference to the death of his friend's employer, William Wilson, who died on 18th June. In the opening paragraph the poet wishes to know about Richmond's future and also reveals in somewhat humorous fashion, his opinion of Wilson:

30

My Dear Richmond, I am all impatience to hear your fate since the old confounder of right and

wrong has turned you out of place, by his journey to answer his indictment at the bar of the other world. He will find the practice of the court so different from the practice in which he has for so many years been thoroughly hackneyed, that his

friends, ifhe had any connections truly of that kind which I rather doubt, may well tremble for his sake. His chicane, his left-handed wisdom, which stood so firmly by him, to such good purpose, here, like other accomplices in robbery and plunder, will, now the piratical business is blown, in all probability tum king's evidence, and then the devil's bagpiper will touch him off "Bundle and go!"

If he has left you any legacy, I beg your pardon for all this; if not, I know you will swear to every word I said about him.

Within three months of Wilson's death, Richmond returned to Mauchline, possibly toward the end of August, 1787, and established himself there as a writer, having spent under two years in Edinburgh. Dr Charles Rogers in his Book of Robert Burns states that Richmond spent four years in the capital. All the factual evidence tends to show that Rogers was incorrect in this instance. The existence of a letter dated "7th September, 1787", from Gavin Hamilton to "Mr John Ritchmont, (sic) writer in Mauchline"13

suggests that Richmond had set up practice in Mauchline sometime before the date of Hamilton's letter. In a letter of 20th October, which Bums sent to Richmond at Mauchline, he stated, "It will be a fortnight at least before I leave Edinburgh, and if you come in for the winter session when it sits down, perhaps we shall have the pleasure of meeting once more in auld Reekie. - I lodge at Mr Cruickshank's, No 2d StJames's Square, Newtown". It seems to indicate that when Richmond left Edinburgh in August he was undecided as to his future - whether to return to the Capital or remain in Mauchline. That he decided to remain in Mauchline is borne out by another Jetter of 7th February, 1788, from Bums addressed to "Mr John Richmond, Writer, Mauchline". In it he said "As I hope to see you soon, I shall not trouble you with a long letter of Edinburgh news".

It is generally believed that when Bums returned to Edinburgh on 8th August, he found that Richmond had taken in another fellow lodger, and he was obliged to look elsewhere. Reference to three letters which Bums wrote at that period help to clarify the position. On 31stJuly, in a letter to William Nicol, sent from Mossgiel, he said, "I had promised to lodge with our common friend, Mr Cruickshank, but I know it will be quite inconvenient as he will be leaving town ... " This would indicate that Richmond had informed Bums, sometime previously, that the room would not be available to him on his return. Two reasons could have been given - firstly, Richmond's intention to return to Mauchline sometime in August, when he would give up the Jet of the room, and secondly, notice to Bums that he had taken in another fellow lodger.

The second letter written by Bums to William Tytler and dated "Lawnmarket, Monday noon, August, 1787", would seem to contradict the statement that Bums had to find a room elsewhere. On this point two theories are possible, either Richmond managed somehow to accommodate Bums temporarily, for one or two nights, or the poet used Baxter's Close as an accommodation address. The third Jetter was written by Bums on 14th August, 1787, and addressed to Archibald Lawrie, who had been his visitor at Baxter's Close. Bums wrote it in an "attic storey, alias the garret", believed to have been the flat of Latin Master, William Nicol, who had offered Bums temporary accommodation until their departure on 25th August for a tour of the Highlands. The flat was over the Buccleuch Pend (since demolished) in Buccleuch Street. Some writers have hinted that the friendship was strained following six months together as fellow lodgers. Others have claimed that the two friends quarrelled at that time, but no documentary proof can be produced to substantiate this. Indeed the last two letters which Bums sent to Richmond are sufficiently cordial in tone to dispel any suggestion of strained relations or disagreement. In the letter of 25th October, Bums gives a brief account of his tour of the Highlands, and informs Richmond that he is busy "assisting with a collection of Scotch Songs set to music by an Engraver in the town". The concluding paragraph displays no lack of warmth on Bums's part. It reads:

I Jong much to hear from you, how you are, what are your views, and how your little girl comes on. By the way, I hear I am a girl out of pocket and by careless, murdering mischance too, which has provoked me and vexed me a good deal. - I beg you will write me by post immediately on receipt of this, and let me know the news of Armour's family, if the world begin to talk of Jean's appearance any way.

Bum's very casual reference to being "a girl out of pocket" was occasioned by the death of his daughter Jean, one of the first set of twins, who had been cared for since her birth by the Armours. The Jetter shows that Jean Armour was still very much in his thoughts, perhaps more so as she was again pregnant by him.

The last communication Richmond received from Bums was a very brief note, written from Edinburgh on 7th February, 1788. Its brevity was due to the fact that Bums was returning to Mauchline

31

a fortnight later and would bring Richmond up to date with all the Edinburgh news when they met. At this point the correspondence ceased.

Round about 1817 - the date is uncertain - Richmond gave information about Bums to James Grierson of Dalgoner, who was an antiquarian and avid collector of every scrap of information concerning the poet. Grierson passed his notes to Joseph Train, who subsequently supplied John Lockhart with the following stories when he was engaged in writing his biography of Bums":

Highland Mary - Truth deprives her history of much of its charm. - Her character was loose in the extreme. -She was kept for some time by a brother of Lord Eglinton's, and even while a servant with Gavin Hamilton, and during the period ofBums' attachment it was well known thather meetings with Montgomerie were open and frequent. -The friends of Bums represented to him the impropriety of his devotedness to her, but without producing any change in his sentiments. -Richmond told Mr Grierson that Montgomerie and Highland Mary frequently met in a small alehouse called the Elbow - and upon one occasion he and some of Bums's friends knowing they were actually together in the Elbow - and having often in vain tried to convince Robert of her infidelity, upon this occasion they promised to give ocular proof of their assertions. -The party retired to the Elbow - Richmond (Mr Grierson's informant) was one and they took their seats in the kitchin (sic) from which two rooms branched off to the right and left- being all the accommodation the house contained. - They had taken their positions in the kitchin (sic) to be sure that no one could leave the other room without being observed. - After waiting long, and when Bums was beginning to ridicule their suspicions, at last Mary Campbell appeared from one of the rooms -was jeered by the party, in a general way - blushed and retired. - Another long interval elapsed and Bums began to rally his spirits, which were very much sunk-and Montgomerie (Colonel or Capt) walked out of the same room. - Bums coloured deeply -compressed his lip - and muttered, "damn it". After enduring considerable bantering from his friends he soon gave way to the general hilarity of the evening, and his friends thought he had seen enough of Highland Mary but in a few days after, he returned "like the dog to its vomit".

Clarinda -Richmond informed Mr Grierson that one day this personage called at their lodgings for Bums who had gone out. - Richmond knew her well, and also the nature of the intimacy which existed between her and the Poet-and he instantly volunteered his services to find Bums - but so affraid (sic) were both he and Clarinda (Mrs Maclehose) that she should be discovered he locked her into their appartment (sic) and took the key with him. - Being unsuccessful in his search to find Bums, he at last returned and liberated the Prisoner.

If Richmond's story about Highland Mary is true, it means that Bums was so besotted that he was prepared to marry someone who was known to be a mistress of another, and that Gavin Hamilton employed a woman of easy virtue as a servant in his household. The story is extremely difficult to believe when it is remembered thatthree years after her death, Bums was inspired to write ''To Mary in Heaven", and refer to her in one of his letters as "my ever dear Mary, whose bosom was fraught with Truth, Honor, Constancy and Love"15• In the absence of additional evidence it is impossible to state with absolute conviction that Richmond's story is true or false. Not so with his fanciful tale of Clarinda. By reference to dates and Bums's movements in Edinburgh it is possible to prove conclusively that the story is undoubtedly false. Richmond stated that Clarinda called at "their Lodgings" and that he locked her into "their apartment". The only lodgings which he and Bums shared was at Baxter's Close, which Richmond vacated toward the end of August, 1787, when he returned permanently to Mauchline. Bums did not meet Clarinda (Mrs Maclehose) until 4th December, 1787, and he was then living with William Cruickshank at 2 St James's Square. How Richmond concocted this fabrication is difficult to imagine, but having proved the falseness of the Clarinda story, how is it possible to trust in the veracity of the other? It is rather significant that Lockhart very wisely did not include either story in his biography of Bums published in 1828. It may be relevant at this point to quote Richmond's nephew, Henry Richmond, who became laird of Little Montgarswood. Apparently he had a poor opinion of his uncle, as he is reported to have "frequently and without scruple characterised him as one of the greatest liars" 16•

On 5th August, 1791, Richmond made amends for his previous indiscretion when he married Jenny

32

Surgeoner, who was six years his senior. There were no children of the marriage, other than Jan et, who had been born out of wedlock six years previously. He is reported to have been "expert in business, and attentive to its concerns". He became a respectable member of Mauchline society, and in later years when he was questioned by visitors about Burns, he evaded their questions, apparentlv not wishing to recall some of the escapades of his youth. It is claimed, however, that he would not allow a word to be uttered in his presence to Burns's disadvantage, and he was adamant that when they lodged together the poet kept regular hours and was always sober. Richmond's wife died in 1836, aged 76, and he died ten years later, in his eighty first year. He is buried in Mauchline Kirkyard. Janet, their daughter, married William Alexander, a Mauch line merchant, and there were four sons and three daughters of the marriage. Two sons and two daughters emigrated to Australia and it is possible that some of their descendants are still living there17•

l7

Poosie Nansie's and Main Street, Mauchlinefrom an old postcard, circa 1900.

To all intents and purposes the friendship between Burns and Richmond ended sometime after Burns's return to Mauchline in February, 1788, and possibly before he took up residence in Dumfries. For the last eight years of the poet's life no letters were exchanged, or if there were, none has survived. It could be argued that some of the information which Richmond supplied to Grierson did nothing to enhance Burns's memory, and there is a hint here - nothing more - that there could have been an estrangement. The little that is known of Richmond's life, following his return to Mauch line, gives rise to the suspicion that, having opted for Mauch line respectability, he wished to distance himself from Burns. His reluctance to answer questions about the Bard seems to confirm this. Prof De Lancey Ferguson has stated that the friendship "was spent and empty before the correspondence closed"18• The last three letters which Burns sent to Richmond do not support this statement, as they show no absence of warmth or cordiality. It is possible, however, that the friendship may have become "spent" shortly thereafter. The reason for the final break in the correspondence is never likely to be known. NOTES I James A Mackay. ed, The Cumplele Letters of Robert Burns, 1987 ·Letter to Gavin Hamilton, 18.10.1783, p65 2 John Strawhorn, ed, On an Ayrshire Farm 1823-1824, p47 - Ayrshire Archeological and Nat ional History Society, 1974 3 William Jolly - Robert Burns in Mossgiel, 1881, pp 74-75 4 James A Mackay, ed, The Complete Works of Robert Burns, 1986, "Libel Summons", p227 5 Mauchline Kirk Session Register 6 Allan Cunningham, ed. The Works of Robert Burns, 8 vols, 1834, vol 11, pp 65-66 7 James C Dick, The songs of Robert Burns, 1903, Notes p 445 8 Letter to David Brice, 12.6 1786 (CL p 111) 9 Andrew M Boyle, The Ayrshire Book of Burns-Lore, 1985, pl07 10 The Life and Works of Robert Burns. ed Robert Chambers, revised by Wiliam Wallace, 1896, vol I, p41 7 11 Letter (unpublished) by Rev Archibald Lawrie to Dr James Currie, cited by James C Ewing in article "John Richmond: Mauchlinc

Friend of Burns", in Burns Chronicle, 1925, pp 56 12 Letter to John Ballantine, 14.1.1787 (CL pp 1()().101) 13 Letter 7.9. 1787, Gavin Hamilton to John Ritchmont (sic), cited by James C Ewing in Burns Chronicle, 1925, pp 5&-57 14 Robert T Fitzhugh - Robert Burns, His Associates and Contemporaries, 1943 "The Train Manuscript", pp 54-55 15 Letter to Mrs Dunlop 13.12.1789 (CL p 182) 16 A B Todd , Poetical Works.with Autobiography. 1906, p 30 17 Dr Charles Rogers, The Book of Robert Burns, 1889/91 (foe Grampian Club), vol 11pp165. 168 18 J De Lancey Ferguson, Pride & Passion. 1964, p 90

33

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